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This article shows how the Arctic landscapes in the Danish political drama series Borgen—Power & Glory (2022) demonstrate Greenland as a contested land in distinct ways: culturally due to the postcolonial tension between Denmark and Greenland; politically due to the conflicted interests from Denmark and other nations for the country's natural resources; environmentally due to the looming transformation of the Arctic landscapes due to global warming, and commercially due to increasing interest in screen production from Greenlandic tourism actors. Furthermore, we contribute to the location study method approach by focusing on location management and the contestedness of the industry itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Amid the mass slaughter and starvation of Palestinians in Gaza, it is easy to forget the political drama that gripped Israel only one year ago. After assuming power in December 2022, a new far-right government led by Benjamin Netanyahu had proposed a slate of judicial and administrative reforms that prompted a wave of anti-government protests. Concerned journalists, former U.S. and Israeli government officials, and major American Jewish organizations issued ominous warnings about democratic backsliding. Israel, it seemed, was heading in the direction of illiberal Hungary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Selçuk University Journal of Faculty of Letters is the property of Selcuk Universitesi Edebiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Belfast Presbyterian radical Dr William Drennan (1754–1820) is widely regarded as the premier poet of the United Irishmen movement. However, while his significance as a key player in the political drama of the 1790s has been well documented, and his political poetry anthologized, few of Drennan's other poems have received critical attention. Permeating such neglected work from this poet of presbytery is an Irish dissenting, non-subscribing Unitarian Presbyterianism, which also crucially colors his famous political poems. It is proposed here that Drennan's muse is predominantly moral, specifically New Light, being the signature watermark of his chief poetical statements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the hardest things to convey to present-day readers of modernist drama is the power it had to shock turn-of-the-century audiences. Defining shock as a "structure of feeling" (Raymond Williams) that was pursued in especially teachable ways by the modernist "play of ideas," this essay shares a set of pedagogical strategies for helping students to feel this shock while also reflecting on the political implications of an art committed to shock. Among these teaching strategies are two attempts to set this "terrible art" (G. B. Shaw) in new, revealing contexts: (1) comparing the modernist theater to non-theatrical practices that attach ideas to structures of feeling besides shock, and (2) pairing modernist plays that "shock" their audience in pursuit of a feminist politics with contemporary plays that "destroy the audience" (Young Jean Lee) in pursuit of an anti-racist politics. The result is not to lionize shock as a universal ideal, but to explore it as a tactic—useful in some settings, harmful in others; always distributing its benefits and its costs unevenly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the politicization of natural disasters in the media and the narratives of crisis that contribute to these dynamics. In particular, it studies media coverage of the 2017 mega-fires in Chile and the way in which this coverage was framed by pre-existing political disputes over the performance of Michelle Bachelet's government (2014–2018). It examines the print press coverage of the mega-fires, and the framing contests used to interpret the fire crisis. It pays special attention to the controversies that erupted over the foreign planes that were sent to help fight the fires: the American Supertanker and the Russian Ilyushin. We argue that press coverage of the mega-fires transformed a natural-social phenomenon into an emotionally charged political drama in which the Supertanker airplane was signified as the hero, and the Chilean government the villain. The Supertanker played a condensation symbol role. It was cast in the media as an external hero promising to control the fires that had overwhelmed local capabilities, and to overcome a government that was portrayed as inefficient and late to respond. The media functioned as an echo chamber for the cultural battle between the government and opposition. This article contributes to a cultural sociology of disasters, paying special attention to the role played by the symbolic representation of nature and socio-technical artefacts in political disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of RumeliDE Journal of Language & Literature Research / RumeliDE Dil ve Edebiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of RumeliDE Uluslararasi Hakemli Dil & Edebiyat Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakültesi Dergisi DTCF Dergisi is the property of Ankara Universitesi Dil ve Tarih-Cografya Fakultesi (DTCF Dergisi) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the modes of cultural organisation that facilitate the Right-wing's appropriation of historically Left-wing theatre practices such as the Street-theatre in New Delhi in the service of percolating Hindu-nationalism. The paper suggests that a thorough understanding of the organisation behind the creative methods for mobilisation employed by the Right-wing is indispensable if strategies of resisting co-option and building an effective opposition have to be conceived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the performances of the theatrical productions "Please Love Austria -- First European Coalition Week!," by Christoph Schlingensief and "Unified Estonia", which sought to engage with the rise of far-right populism through arts practice developed across multiple media. Topics discussed include the controversy surrounding Schlingensief's play, the definition of populism, and the use of populist techniques in both plays.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses articles within the issue on topics including the performative style by former U.S. President Donald Trump as a type of spectacle contrary to established theatrical conventions associated with the U.S. presidency, and the spectacles of populism in Europe as shown in two theatrical plays.

Where are we in the story of British democracy? Was the 2016 EU Referendum a rehearsal for a new political system of direct democracy that ultimately benefits the far right? Or will the Internet replace the conventional machinery of government with a radical new form of network power where people discursively experiment with new political realities through aesthetic modes of social relations? This article proffers the term 'networked participation' to describe a conceptual model of citizenry centred on structuring meaning through the dialogic exchange of information in aesthetic environments. The political ideals of network politics inform my analysis of the complex web of connections that participants scaffold in the performances Operation Black Antler(Blast Theory and Hydrocracker 2017) and One Day, Maybe (dreamthinkspeak 2017) between identitarian ideology in Britain and competing narratives of democracy's meaning in South Korea, respectively. This model of audience participation is proffered to develop a theory of social relations produced through a theatrical experience of digital interconnectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reactionary retrenchment in UK society, including the resurgence of national chauvinism and anti-immigration sentiment, has recently stimulated explorations of right-wing politics in theatre. This article offers a reading of three recent productions that illuminate the way that reactionary politics is currently framed, explored and interrogated in UK theatre: What Shadows (2016) by Chris Hannan, Chris Bush's The Assassination of Katie Hopkins (2018), and Rob Drummond's The Majority (2017). The article argues that these pieces' approach towards right-wing politics emerges from anxiety over ideological polarisation and a perceived breakdown in communication in political discourse. It suggests that this attempt to generate nuance, neutrality and complexity while dispensing criticism equally across both poles of left and right on the political spectrum implicitly works to authorise a 'moderate' centrist position. While the thesis of each play functions to validate a centrist position that is presumed to be automatically reasonable, the article considers the potential liabilities inherent in such dramaturgical framing in broaching topics relating to the far right and reactionary right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The red-capped, hook-nosed, serial killer Mr. Punch, a descendent of the Italian Pulcinella of the commedia dell'arte, belongs to the tradition of "bad" clowns—those tricksters who have populated the myths and folktales of cultures the world over for millennia. This article compares Punch's disturbing antics to those of Pinter's clowns who populate his short, political plays, One for the Road, The New World Order, Mountain Language and his lately discovered sketch The Pres and an Officer. Although much has been written about Pinter's "comedy of menace," this article offers a new perspective, exploring the comic contrivances that are endemic to both a Punch and Judy Show and Pinter's depiction of state-sanctioned brutality, and how Pinter exploits the comic to underscore his political message. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tania El Khoury's audience-of-one performance piece As Far as My Fingertips Take Me and Joe Murphy and Joe Robertson's play The Jungle, produced and developed by Good Chance, are twenty-first-century productions that foreground the medial affordances of performance art and drama to foreground Western audiences' relationships and responses to refugees. I propose a taxonomy of the strategies used in these two works as a model for analyzing theatre and performance about refugees. These strategies are classified in terms of the responses they seek to elicit from the audience, and my analysis explores some of the tactics used to achieve these goals. Remedial strategies counter harmful stereotypes about refugees; transformative strategies challenge and reshape basic conceptions of self, other, nation, and citizenship; and ethotic strategies reorient the audience to consider their relationship with refugees, particularly with respect to their disparate identity positions, mutual responsibility, and interdependence. Fingertips and The Jungle are substantially different artworks but are able to achieve similar results by utilizing the different affordances of their respective mediums. Thus, the taxonomy of strategies provides a more systematic and precise way of analyzing how refugee drama and performance achieve their goals. It avoids being overly prescriptive in how these goals should be achieved and instead recognizes how exploiting different tactics and medial affordances can advocate for refugees and other migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exceptional in demonstrating the political engagement emerging in twenty-first-century performance is the corpus of the writer and director Milo Rau, whose practice is distinguished by its (re)meditation of the real. With detailed reference to Mitleid (2016) and La Reprise (2018), this article examines Rau's self-reflexive strategies in (re)presenting testimony or an event as a means not of depicting the real, but of making the theatrical representation itself real in order to change the world rather than merely to portray it. The article focuses in particular on strategies relating to the actor-character and spectatorship. Rau's interest in the positions of the actor and spectator illuminates issues that have arisen in the discourse of theatre witnessing and in recent scholarship on dramaturgical approaches and spectatorship in contemporary political performance. Essentially, Rau makes the performer's habitus transparent, and challenges the spectator's reflexivity, effectively rebutting the largely unchallenged assumption that characters who perform witnesses necessarily leave little room for the spectator to be a performing witness. Stuart Young is Professor of Theatre Studies at the University of Otago. His recent publications include the co-edited Ethical Exchanges: Translation, Adaptation, Dramaturgy (Brill Rodopi, 2017), while his practice-led research into Theatre of the Real includes The Keys are in the Margarine: A Verbatim Play about Dementia (2014). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers new perspective on Henry V by surfacing a string of overlooked monster references in the play. In Henry V, the intertwining corporeal and temporal uncertainties that monsters embody trouble ideas of Englishness by undermining the glorified constructions of subject, king, and country that the play at first appears invested in advancing. This article uncovers how the mutation of times and bodies together work to destabilize identities and disrupt expectations not only in Shakespeare's play, but in the popular monster ephemera whose figurative and rhetorical forms Shakespeare repeatedly borrows. In particular, it is the monster's category-breaking, untimeliness, and didacticism that help to transform perceptions of the body politic in this play. Henry V may not be a text known for its monsters. However, by reorienting focus onto Shakespeare's perverse and mutable temporo-corporeal imaginary and exposing its political repercussions, this article demonstrates how central contemporary conversations on monstrosity are to Shakespeare's efforts to complicate dominant, positivist views on history, subject, and nation-building in Henry V. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until 2018 right-wing populism was regarded as an irrelevant phenomenon in Spain. The recent success of Vox provides clear evidence that the transformation of Spanish politics is still under way. Today, both right-wing and left-wing populism – the latter represented by Podemos – coexist in an increasingly fragmented party system. This article shows that territorial mobilization has been an important factor in the emergence of these two competing forms of populism. In fact, their positioning on the so-called 'centre-periphery cleavage' at the moment of their initial success is their most notable element of differentiation. Right-wing populism in Spain is strongly anti-localist and anti-regionalist and this is clearly reflected in the territorial distribution of its support. On the other hand, left-wing populism had its electoral breakthrough particularly in those areas where demands for autonomy and even independence were stronger. This makes the Spanish case extremely interesting since most studies have not sufficiently considered the territorial dimension as a defining, and distinguishing, feature of right-wing and left-wing forms of populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pinter's use of language and visual imagery has been widely noted, but critics are reticent over his use of sound. Through a combination of theoretical and archival analysis, this essay examines Pinter's use of sound in selected plays in order to show that over the course of his career, Pinter's presentation of sound became more orchestrated and complex. In the early plays, characters' voices and silences were used to establish and highlight power relationships. In the later political plays, sound was also used to establish totalitarian regimes, but as a result of Pinter's work in other media such as film and television, as well as technological developments, sound also became a means of resistance, a resistance that we cannot choose but hear. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Juan Ruiz de Alarcón looks back to the Middle Ages to write La crueldad por el honor (1621-1622), an honour play, and Lorpechos privilegiados (ca. 1625), a political and privanga play, to reflect themes related with love, power and ethic. Two historical powerful women take part in both plays: Petronila de Aragon and Elvira Menéndez, the future queen of León. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of sovereign power over individuals presented in three contemporary British and American theatre plays, specifically in Guantanamo: Honor Bound to Defend Freedom by Vera Brittain and Gillian Slovo, Frances Ya-Chu Cowhig's Lidless and Yussef El Guindi's Back of the Throat. The focus of the paper is on the representation of suspected terrorists, their imprisonment, abuse and torture. The plays are examined from the perspective of Girard's concept of scapegoat, Foucault's biopolitics and torture, and Agamben's sovereign power over bare life and state of exception, in order to show mechanisms applied by the US government to deny the suspects of their freedom and human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative democratic theorists often trace their idea that vigorous democracies rely on open deliberation to ancient Athenian democracy. Furthermore, deliberative theorists claim that equal, inclusive, rational, and government responsiveness can reverse trends of political apathy. Although the equal right to speak in the Assembly (isēgoria) was a defining trait of Athenian democracy, we have little evidence for actual ancient deliberative practices. By using the agōnes or formal debates in two of Euripides' political plays—Suppliant Women and Children of Heracles—as a proxy for such interactive citizen debate, this article explores two main questions: first, to what degree does ancient tragedy reflect expectations of deliberative democracy?; and second, what lessons can be drawn from these dramatized speeches for contemporary debates? Importantly, confirming many key expectations of deliberative democratic theory, Euripides' agōnes provide additional support for the critique that successful deliberation is not solely rational but requires emotional saliency relevant to the context of the debate. Thus, Euripides' dramatizations imply that positive deliberation is not simply a matter of increasing communicative opportunities but requires a more robust civic education that includes psychological and philosophical training. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Adab / Al-ādāb is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The major motif in Pinter's drama is the desire for power, coupled with the achievement of dominance. Pinter attacks the policies of oppressive regimes practicing violence and torture, and his political dramas concentrate on the struggle between the individual and the authoritative power. Pinter's The Birthday Party (1957) examines the significance of power and identity in spaces of self and power relations. In One for the Road (1980) and Mountain Language (1988), Pinter deals with incarceration and torture, using the theatrical space of prison to highlight and examine the narratives of authoritative control and violation of human rights. Space as a motif in Pinter's plays, serves as a site for discourse and aims to mark the interaction between power and identity. In this paper, I will attempt to examine how Pinter uses the idea of space and to what extent space can be read and decoded as a site for struggle for power and identity. My aim is to show that how an ordinary physical space of a room become a site for recreation of new spaces for exercise of power and maintaining identity. However, I aim to delve into these spaces of conflict, exploitation and subjugation showing the significance of power and identity. This paper, therefore, concludes that Pinter's theatre of power constitutes a polyphony of political rhetoric within the spaces, all competing for approval or control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Julius Caesar (1599) is a political play that analyzes republican form of governance and reveals how a strong head of the state who seems to promise some dignity to the lower classes so that he can retain power over republic indulges in a power tussle with a strong group of upper class senators who hold power and have a dislike for lower classes. Shakespeare deals with the political apparatus of the time and highlights the pitfalls of both the monarchy and republic. Therefore, neither Caesar, nor Brutus is a hero or villain rather it is the common masses, who are everything: antagonists, protagonists and victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]