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This article explores the politics of 'freelance feminism' by drawing on 30 qualitative in-depth interviews with digital feminist activists. By documenting and analysing the different ways in which digital feminist activism can be monetised, the article shows that the potential to generate income is frequently discussed by, and contemplated among, activists. As this article argues, the monetisation of digital feminist activism goes beyond the application of market principles to political protest movements. When activism is monetised, activists' emotional investments and passion become mobilised and tied to income generation. At the same time, and through emphases on self-branding and 'authenticity', activists' selves are formed and rearranged in line with neoliberal values of entrepreneurialism and market competition. This article therefore shows that the workings of neoliberalism in digital feminist activism play out on an economic level, and also on the levels of affect and subjectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the intersection between diasporic melancholia, dance, and world music. These phenomena coalesce at postcolonial discos, or public gatherings where political movement takes the form of dance, sound, and eros. I explore the network that connects various times and places to this fantastical dreamland of a sonic postcolonial future and the DJs and producers who keep those records spinning. Focusing especially on the queer and feminist nature of these spaces and sounds, I explore how these artists/activist/curators work outside of institutional contexts as public media archaeologists who excavate and re‐present sounds thought long lost to diasporic communities who occupy a precarious relationship to histories of belonging. These artists contribute to radical acts of space‐making that are not merely fleeting and ephemeral events but instead participate in a legacy of the postcolonial disco, or acts of place‐making with the potential for radical forms of diasporic and postcolonial belonging across space and time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Combatting corruption has been a long-standing commitment for Jordan, which had particularly heightened in light of the Arab Spring in 2011, with increasing demand for stricter measures and more transparency being voiced by Jordanian political movements. However, despite strong will for change, Jordan had done less to curb informal practices in public administration such as "Wasta," which relies on its deeply-embedded notion of cultural legitimacy in circumventing laws and regulations. This article investigates perceptions of "Wasta" through a sociocultural lens that places emphasis on how culture and informal interactions can challenge mainstream understandings of corruption. Drawing on elite interviews with senior public officials and politicians in Jordan, it argues that conventional understandings of corruption that are typically grounded in western literature may be less useful for Jordan in tackling deeply-embedded societal practices such as Wasta. The study finds that corruption and Wasta cannot be conceptualized as one and the same due to intrinsic differences between their subjective goals. The study concludes by suggesting that new approaches in defining unethical use of social capital in public administration need to be developed in order for Jordan to improve its capacity for tackling the negative impacts of Wasta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nativist political movements are globally ascendant. In advanced democracies, rising anti‐immigrant politics is in part a backlash against economic globalization. In emerging economies, where nativists primarily target internal migrants, there is little investigation of whether trade liberalization fuels antimigrant sentiment, perhaps because trade benefits workers in these contexts. I argue that global economic integration causes nativist backlash in emerging economies even though it does not dislocate workers. I highlight an alternative mechanism: geographic labor mobility. Workers strategically migrate to access geographically uneven global economic opportunity. This liberalization‐induced mobility interacts with native–migrant cleavages to generate nativist backlash. I explore these dynamics in the Indian textile sector, which experienced a positive shock following global trade liberalization in 2005. Using a difference‐in‐differences analysis, I find that exposed localities experienced increased internal migration and nativism, manifesting in antimigrant rioting and nativist party support. Liberalization can fuel nativism even when its economic impacts are positive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The activities, outputs, and histories of youth organisations across a range of contexts can give us a privileged understanding of later political movements that find their roots with those youth movements. Scholars have already paid a great deal of attention to youth movements as part of totalitarian regimes, revolutionary and rebellious factions, as well as weird and wonderful cults. However, our understanding of the realities and impact of youth groups tied to minoritised language movements in Iberia remains underdeveloped and fails to reflect on the agency of youth. In the case of Catalonia – the focus of this article – a number of youth groups emerged in the delicate, and politically fraught period between Spain's disastrous defeat at hands of the United States in 1898 and the sudden rise of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923–1930). Nearing the end of this timeline, the Pomells de Joventut de Catalunya (1920–1923) were one such organisation that sprung up to serve both God and Catalonia, a combination which would garner interest from the Catalan elite but also single them out for annihilation at hands of Spanish nationalism. This article seeks to disclose the history of the Pomells, their wider networks and relations to the power structures of the day, how young people made the organisation their own through small actions, and, finally, the demise and afterlives of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In agreement with Bryan Garsten's notion of liberalism as "refuge," liberal societies are distinct in their toleration of badness. They give people the permission and even the right to do wrong. Tolerance, however, does not apply to that to which we are indifferent or to that which we approve of. True tolerance involves the refusal to police bad or defective behaviors, and it therefore makes liberal political movements inherently fragile. Even so, tolerance and "refuge" are essential because people, especially the powerful, cannot be trusted to police the right people, on the right occasions, with the right force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ze'ev Jabotinsky is one of the most fascinating figures among the leaders of the Zionist movement and founder of the right-wing political movement in Zionism. Many of his disciples and followers have attributed to him, and still do, a realistic assessment and even prophetic prediction of the Holocaust of European Jews during World War II. At the core of the pervasive cultivation of the myth lies a speech whereby the Zionist leader - it is claimed - in the summer of 1938, in Warsaw, on the traditional Jewish mourning day of Tisha B'Av, forewarned the Jews of Poland against the imminent catastrophe, which he termed the 'Fires of Destruction.' This speech is prevalent in public discourse, widespread in social networks and is frequently quoted by Israeli leaders. In this article, we submit that this apocryphal speech was never delivered by Jabotinsky. Moreover, we point out that Jabotinsky gave a completely different speech on this occasion and assess the time when these citations first appeared - twenty years after the event. We shall trace the process of the later invention of the text, the agents who strove to disseminate it and the mode of its reception evidence of Jabotinsky's status as prophet of the Holocaust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-2010s, the Far Right in Europe has seen growing support in parliamentary elections and political movements. This article explores the convergence among right-wing actors in Europe, focusing on their use of familial narratives as a mobilization tool. This study theorizes the entanglement of far-right parties and movements through the concept of frame-bridging. The central theme in these narratives is the image of the traditional family, now increasingly defined by patriarchy, Christianity, and European identity. This reimagined concept of the traditional family intensifies ethnic and racial discrimination in Europe, further narrowing European identity and posing challenges for immigrants and those who fail to conform to this narrow definition of belonging. This article specifically examines the role of the traditional family concept in uniting right-wing actors across regions, using examples from Generation Identity (GI), the European Center for Law and Justice (ECLJ), and the European Christian Political Movement (ECPM). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Meaningful participation of Indigenous youth is embedded in the broader historical context of consultations with Indigenous peoples in Canada that have often reproduced colonial power dynamics. This article describes an Indigenous-driven consultation in Quebec that provided culturally responsive spaces where youth defined priorities. The consultative formats undertaken by four Indigenous organizations involved (a) engaging and representing youth's diverse realities, (b) reappropriation of process, (c) supporting youth voices and identities, and (d) multilevel impacts. Appropriate and inclusive approaches to consultation support meaningful youth participation, sense of identity and belonging, and autonomy. These innovative practices demonstrate how Indigenous youth reclaim marginalized political spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Bunyan's The Pilgrim's Progress (1678) was enormously popular in the nineteenth-century United States. This article shows that abolitionists appropriated that text, as well as the reputation and biography of its author, as a guide to their own political action. References to Bunyan and The Pilgrim's Progress in abolitionist print culture, including newspapers and book-length responses to The Pilgrim's Progress, reveal that abolitionists saw Bunyan as a virtuous progenitor who helped to legitimate and unify their political movement while representing both political commitment and religious toleration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the closing decades of the 19th century, a wide range of Tamil authors and public speakers in colonial India became acutely interested in the notion of a Dravidian "race". This conception of a Dravidian race, rooted in European racial and philological scholarship on the peoples of South India, became an important symbol of Tamil cultural, religious, and social autonomy in colonial and post-colonial Tamil thought, art, politics, and literature. European racial thought depicted Dravidians as a savage race that had been subjugated or displaced by the superior Aryan race in ancient Indic history. Using several key works of colonial scholarship, non-Brahmin Tamil authors reversed and reconfigured this idea to ground their own broad-reaching critiques of Brahmin political and social dominance, Brahmanical Hinduism, and Indian nationalism. Whereas European scholarship largely presented Dravidians as the inferiors of Aryans, non-Brahmin Tamil thinkers argued that the ancient, Dravidian identity of the Tamil people could stand alone without Aryan interference. This symbolic contrast between Dravidian (Tamil, non-Brahmin, South Indian) and Aryan (Sanskritic, Brahmin, North Indian) is a central component of 20th- and 21st-century Tamil public discourse on caste, gender, and cultural autonomy. Tamil authors, speakers, activists, and politicians used and continue to use the symbolic frame of Dravidian racial history to advocate for many different political, cultural, and social causes. While not all of these "Dravidian" discourses are meaningfully politically or socially progressive, the long history of Dravidian-centered, anti-Brahmanical discourse in Tamil South India has helped Tamil Nadu largely rebuff the advances of Hindu nationalist politics, which have become dominant in other cultural regions of present-day India. This piece presents a background on the emergence of the term "Dravidian" in socially critical Tamil thought, as well as its reversal and reconfiguration by Tamil social thinkers, orators, and activists in the 19th, 20th, and 21st centuries. The piece begins with a brief history of the terms "Dravidian" and "Aryan" in Western racial thought. The piece then charts the evolution of this discourse in Tamil public thought by discussing several important examples of Tamil social and political movements that incorporate the conceptual poles of "Dravidian" and "Aryan" into their own platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infidel to academic disciplinarity, and employing a poetic, feminist reading of two vignettes and a case study, this paper presents "embodied infrastructures" as a fundamental grammar of prefigurative politics through which a redirected society rehearses an "otherwise" political future. Embodied infrastructures are identified in the people's mic of the Occupy movement (2011), and the human chain and "home thrown in the mud" in the women's antinuclear protest practices at the Greenham Common Peace Camp (1982-early 2000s). Acknowledging the interdependence of bodies, materiality, and democracy, and rejecting delegating their beliefs, morality, and intentionality to technologies, participants in prefigurative political movements are determined to become infrastructure themselves. Infrastructures of embodied resource circulation are seen in continuity with "corporeal infrastructures" found in communities of scarcity during which bodies are activated as social actants—evident in Chandigarh's appropriation of autochthonous capacities of auto-construction, and a cautionary tale of the inherent vulnerability of bodily employment when co-opted by conditions of alienated social relations. Embodied infrastructures are radical in their transgression of the boundaries between collectivity and individuality, users and designers, labor and work, privacy and publicity, futures and presents. They bring "life making" and "thing making" together as entangled, mutually constitutive paths to collective emancipation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theatregoing in nineteenth-century London was a mass activity. It was also one that extended beyond the playhouses of the West End. Between 1837 and 1870, the City of London Theatre was one of a number of venues catering mainly to the inhabitants of the East End. Locating the City within a distinctive East End theatre complex, this article traces the life cycle of a significant social and cultural institution that combined entertainment with elevation in an accessible and attractive way. Demonstrating the growing interconnectedness of metropolitan life, the article shows how theatres like the City of London worked hard to give audiences the best in dramatic presentation that the capital had to offer. It also highlights the importance of different managerial strategies, the interplay between theatres and the authorities, and the crossovers between theatres and political movements such as Chartism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the ratification of the Constitution in North Carolina. The author discusses the opposing views of small-state Federalism versus southern Antifederalism, examines how Federalists saw North Carolina as an important shipping location, and explores how the Antifederalists saw North Carolina as a southern state with western holdings.

The current paper replicates findings related to the analytical heuristic of 'metalinguistic density'. It provides updated theoretical motivations for an analytical focus on explicit metalanguage in online text-based settings, based on notions of symbolic interactionism. An analysis of online user comment data of the 2019 Hong Kong protests reconfirms that the relative occurrence of metalanguage focusing on certain terms indicates the extent to which these terms' denotational norms are shared amongst a community of language users. While most terms in the corpus do not regularly attract explicit metalanguage, several terms thematically related to the protests did. This disproportionate metalinguistic attention may be explained by political disputes on the movement's legitimacy, which led to normative debates on the discursive representation of the protest movement. Finally, certain phrases had become indexical of a certain political position to the extent that they were the frequent target of irony. In general, the results suggests that 'metalinguistic density' is a useful heuristic to employ in text-analytical investigations that seek to explain participants' interpretations of discursive interactions. • 'Metalinguistic density' measures the sharedness of terms' denotations. • Results of earlier research are replicated in a thematically distinct dataset. • Metalanguage reflects ideological clashes over discursive representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local cuisine is one of the foundations for how Serbian rural communities are presented to tourists. The desire for regional cuisine has recently increased, which has created opportunities for the promotion of regional and, most importantly, traditional production. The changing behaviours of travellers, who are becoming more conscious of the value of authenticity and quality when travelling, offer opportunities for rural areas to thrive while also creating a new horizon for tourism centered on the discovery of traditional cuisine and rural communities. This kind of travel can be compared to slow travel, which was developed in conjunction with the Slow Food movement. The Slow Food movement is a political and cultural movement with the goal of opposing the industrialisation of food production, promoting locally made, high-quality, sustainable food, and making a significant contribution to rural areas. Three guiding principles – good, clean, and fair – define what food should be and form the foundation of this movement. The major objective of this paper is to present the driving elements that have the biggest impact on tourists’ enthusiasm to visit rural tourist houses in Serbia. The research also seeks to determine how much the respondents’ desire to return to Serbia’s rural tourist households is influenced by motivating factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Caitlin Andrews-Lee's response to Santiago Anria's review, discussing the interaction between charismatic, programmatic, and organizational ties within political movements, particularly emphasizing the predominance of charismatic ties in movements like Peronism and Chavism.

In the study, the urban policies of the centre-right in the struggle to establish neoliberal hegemony in Turkey, which became clear in the 1980s, were examined by focusing on the True Path Party (TPP). Thus, it is aimed to reveal the change in the urban policies of the Party in the neoliberal process. In order to achieve the stated purpose, a historical comparative research method was used in the study. It is thought that a comparative examination of the period from the establishment of the Party to Demirel's Presidency and the period when Çiller was Chairman of the Party can reveal the discontinuities, dilemmas and continuities experienced between the two periods in the Party's land policies, depending on the neoliberal perspective. It has been concluded that in the Party's discourses about the city in the period until Demirel's Presidency, it highlighted the patronage-based populist policies that were widely implemented during the Justice Party period, rather than the commodification process implemented by Motherland Party. During the Çiller period, TPP's urban policies went hand in hand with capital accumulation based on marketization and were based on the exploitation of non-commodified urban spaces, similar to the Özal period. However, while Özal was able to gain the consent of both the urban poor and the capital for a long time in sharing urban rent with the policies he implemented, Çiller could not achieve the balance between these two interest groups competing on urban land with the new property and zoning regulations she implemented. Thus, Çiller broke the Party away from Demirel's discourse, which made abundant references to welfare policies, and this caused the support of the urban poor, whose importance was increasingly increasing in the transforming social structure of the country, to shift towards new political movements. As a matter of fact, the Party lost the support of the most urban voters among its voter base and could not win any metropolitan municipality in the 1999 local elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the application of the concept of negative work within Movement Chaplaincy, contending that this framework facilitates engagement with negative spirituality in this sphere of ministry. Using the lens of the 'work of the negative', it examines the interplay between spirituality and political activism in Movement Chaplaincy, addressing potential resistance and inquiries surrounding the fusion of 'negative spirituality'—focused on the apophatic and mystical-paradoxical aspects—and practical collective activism. This approach emphasizes the practical and theoretical aspects of challenging prevailing narratives, investigating self-subverting methods, and unearthing layers of non-identical elements within this process. It suggests that the evolving interest in the role of spirituality within social movements, coupled with initiatives like the Daring Compassion project, signifies a synergy between academic exploration and practical spiritual care provision. Ultimately, this article seeks to interpret activist work through the lens of spiritual accompaniment, creating space for an expanded understanding of activism across diverse identities and power dynamics. It proposes that the concept of 'negative work' serves as a tool for interpreting and deepening comprehension of the intrinsic dynamics within Movement Chaplaincy, fostering an inclusive and transformative approach to social and political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the processes of racialization in Portuguese right-wing political movements through two prominent nationalist fanpages. It employs a mixed-methods approach that includes both quantitative and qualitative official data. The sample covers 72 months, from January 2017 to December 2020, encompassing a total of 3670 posts on Facebook. The main findings reveal that the fanpages utilize different discursive strategies, sometimes focusing on publishing static images and other times on sharing news links. From these publications, the fanpages garnered more than 1.4 million interactions, demonstrating consistent growth in their follower bases over the years. Emotional responses played a significant role in the interactions, particularly with Love, Sad, and Angry reactions standing out. The results also reveal that Portuguese nationalism maintains a dual ideology concerning race: ethno-exclusivism and ethno-pluralism. This observation affirms the dual nature of nationalist fanpages, where narrative elements converge and diverge based on the intended goal. Thus, individuals from Africa and Afro-descendants can be portrayed as both national heroes and social scum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decades, Argentine rurality has changed and, along with it, so have peasants' conditions of subordination in the capitalist system. This article dismisses the false paths to which abstract models of the peasantry as a "concept" lead; our argument is based on detailing the characteristics of the direct producers in the current context in which they live. Through documentary research on agrarian social studies, we compiled a corpus with the main academic and stateproduced contributions referring to similar socioeconomic, political, and cultural issues about the peasantry and we present this as a "first peasant question", focused on the period between 1970 and 2000. Then, we present six theses that cut across the current social experiences of family farmers: social decomposition and exclusion; the eco-territorial turn; the emergence of social movements; re-ethnicization; agroecology and food sovereignty, and statehood. We conclude that these topics have opened a "new question" that points to lines of research with new theoretical and epistemological consensuses for understanding the actually existing Argentine peasantry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many conservative Catholics in the US have managed to project an aura of orthodoxy and submission to the Magisterium even as they move the Catholic Church to identify more firmly with neoconservative and free-market political movements. By outlining this "masked dissent" (portraying itself as radical fidelity to the Magisterium) and bringing the ecclesiological insights of Joseph Komonchak to bear on the assessment of this new form of dissent, this article outlines the limits of reception and dissent in the life of the church and suggest that a shift to a more collaborative and consultative polity, such as the exploration of a "synodal way" currently explored at the Synod of Bishops, supplies a way forward in keeping with the very nature of the church which nevertheless requires a dramatic shift in the popular understanding of authority and teaching. This shift in polity holds the promise of promoting an authentically catholic unity, providing space for the "forbearance" of certain kinds of dissent as the Pilgrim Church waits on God's voice, even if the latter provides no clear resolution, as in the case of the biblical story of Job. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the growing interest in affect and emotions in sociological research, with a specific focus on 'mood', developing the concept 'mood of commitment'. It approaches political commitment as a mood, an affective lens, a dedication to a greater cause, asking how political commitments might be a low intensity affective relationship, and also a heightening, high intensity rhythm at the same time. I conceptualise 'mood of commitment' as an object of analysis that can be engaged to critically understand a wide range of political commitments. This article focuses on the case of Ottoman Muslim women's movements in the early 20th century, amid the turmoil of nationalist movements and 'modernisation' processes. It firstly analyses objects of desires that are circulated to be persuasive in the political movements, and attunement of women's movements with already existing nationalist movements. It secondly unpacks the kind of work involved in claiming to be in the 'right' mood of commitment, emphasising the production of hegemonic positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term 'identity politics' is used to refer to a wide range of political movements. In this paper, we look at the theoretical ideas underpinning two strongly, mutually opposed forms of identity politics, and identify some crucial differences between them. We critically compare the identitarian ideology of the New Right with feminist standpoint theory, focusing on two issues: relativism and essentialism. In carrying out this critical comparison we illuminate under-theorized aspects of both new right identitarianism and standpoint theory; demonstrate how the two are distinct; reveal the depth and pervasiveness of the new right ideology's flaws; and show what a coherent left-wing identity politics could look like. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of secessionist movements and their strategies. It examines why some movements choose political parties and elections, while others resort to extra-institutional methods like sit-ins or armed insurgency. The article also explores the role of violence, nonviolent civil resistance, normative persuasion, and effective governance in these movements. It highlights the challenges and processes involved in obtaining sovereign statehood. The article categorizes secessionist movements into different types, such as democratized movements, combative movements, de facto state movements, and decolonization movements, each with their own tactics and strategies. The author's analysis is supported by extensive research, including fieldwork and interviews. [Extracted from the article]

The study of the new right in Latin America must start from three premises: first, it is difficult to define a single expression that brings together the entire phenomenon and the different historical periods in which extreme right movements, parties and associations appear must always be calibrated. ; second, it would be wrong to establish a perfect line of continuity between the extreme right movements of each of the historical periods that have been analyzed; Finally, the features that define the extreme right in each historical period must also value the local and unique contents of the Latin American space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se presenta una introducción a la revista que discute las nuevas tendencias en la protección de los derechos humanos con un enfoque en agendas autoritarias, políticas de extrema derecha, prácticas discriminatorias contra inmigrantes y movimientos políticos en Europa.

Anchored in Mannheim's theory, the concept of political generations captures how new movement recruits respond to shifting political contexts and become agents of change within a social movement. A key challenge when using this concept in generational analyses is to link context with agency. In this article, I make this link by focusing on the interactions between political contexts and movement agency. My study among two generations of feminist activism in Ecuador and Peru found that both cohorts interacted with two sociopolitical conditions—prevailing gender relations and notions of political action—when they were initially mobilized. These interactions took different forms for each cohort, thereby shaping their distinct understandings and practices of feminist activism, and continuing to have consequences for movement goals, strategies, and relationships overtime. For the earlier generation, which became active between the late 1970s and early 1990s, consequences meant practicing militancy to achieve goals, deploying vanguardism to execute a comprehensive strategy, and exerting autonomy to manage the actions of the powerful. I theorize the interactions between movement agency and political contexts as a mesostructure, where process and structure meet, thereby providing a more comprehensive account of the mechanism of change bringing about political generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A 'bad feminist' is someone who endorses feminist ideals and values but finds themselves falling short of them. Since bad feminists exhibit an inconsistency between what they say and what they do, this can generate worries about hypocrisy. This article investigates whether and when members of political movements with certain ideals ought to worry they are being hypocritical. It first provides a diagnosis of why worries about hypocrisy seem common in the political arena. I argue that accusations of hypocrisy are apt when one is in insufficiently committed to the values entailed by one's pronouncements. It is particularly hard to assess what constitutes sufficient commitment in politics because many issues are multi-factorial, overdetermined, and involve numerous competing considerations, making it difficult to assess how genuine commitments to values should manifest in behaviour. Since there are many ways that one can act inconsistently with their pronouncements, mere inconsistency is not a signal of hypocrisy, particularly if one is disposed to take on costs to further that movement's ends. I also consider and respond to a number of considerations against calling out hypocrisy, including worries about our accuracy, worries about the effects such accusations have on discourse, and worries about how accusations incentivise particular kinds of behaviour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Understanding social movement structures is important for political decision-makers to enable them to recognise the various motivating factors behind these movements. The Fridays for Future movement characterises a political group that has a majority of young people, frequently using social media to organise actions. By conducting a social network analysis on hashtags, this study contributes to the understanding of the global Fridays for Future movement. Particularly, we focus on the use and connection of hashtags on Instagram. We collected 59,112 posts tagged with #fridaysforfuture and analysed 91,172 hashtags used therein. Subsequently, the 140 most used hashtags were divided into 11 clusters, which provide not only information about the organisation of the social movement via social media, but also insights into lifestyle-related aspects. The clusters include the topics: climate; nutrition, lifestyle and health; memes; cycling; art; sustainable consumption and the Earth Day. The article shows that the motives of the Fridays for Future movement are broad. We can demonstrate that Fridays for Future is connected to other social movements and gain insights into the everyday life of the Fridays for Future stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author studies the 19th-century Slovak National Movement as a manifestation of the ethos of plebeian resistance against the "laws of progress" of the century in question, according to which small ethnic groups and nations were to be assimilated for the sake of the further development of more advanced nations and their cultures. A significant role in the formation of the ethos of plebeian resistance was played by Slovak folk culture, the historical context of Great Moravia, the solidarity and support of other Slavic nations living in the Habsburg monarchy, and, above all, the moral qualities of Slovak patriots. Among the most significant manifestations of this ethos was the codification of Slovak, which contributed to the formation of Slovak national identity and national ideology, the 1848–1849 Slovak Uprising, and the development of the Slovak national movement in the 1860s continuing into the mid-1870s. The aim of the 19th-century Slovak national movement was to achieve an equal position of the Slovak ethnic group among the other nations and ethnic groups living in the Habsburg monarchy, which would give rise to the free development of its creative powers and abilities as well as to the pursuit of ethical, humanistic ideals in the lives of its members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Few political notions are at once so normative and so equivocal as internationalism', wrote Perry Anderson 20 years ago. Little has changed: today too, internationalism tends to take the form of a regular exhortation to think or act beyond the border or boundary, yet its political content remains underdetermined. What do we mean when we talk about internationalism? The following discussion sought to approach this question not by returning to first principles – to a definition of internationalism that could stand outside of a given historical context – but by reconstructing different concepts of internationalism developed by a series of lesser studied political movements spanning the 20th century. Musab Younis discusses anticolonial and pan-African internationalisms of the 1920s–40s; Maria Chehonadskih interrogates the interwar Soviet internationalism of Alexander Boganov; Layli Uddin excavates the Islamic socialist activities of Maulana Bhashani; and Dilar Dirik focuses on the meanings of internationalism in the history of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. These movements bore witness to a fundamental set of shifts in the nature of the international system as empires collapsed and new nation-states were born, while global structures of exploitation and extraction recomposed themselves in the Cold War and post-Cold War landscape. In this context, all conceived of internationalism as a fundamentally revolutionary project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polygenic screening is a new form of embryo testing that assesses the probability that an embryo will later develop a wide range of health conditions. This technology purports to help prospective parents choose which embryos to implant during in-vitro fertilization to ensure the "healthiest" baby. In this essay, we interrogate polygenic screening as part of the broader economy of finance capital–backed fertility technologies that are redefining notions of care to stress individual risk mitigation and neo-eugenic genetic selection as a way to promote the ableist mirage of "healthy" futures for generations to come. Contesting these false promises, our essay reveals the political-economic interests that lurk behind this problematic notion of care, juxtaposing it with an alternative vision of collective care by engaging radical Black, Indigenous, and socialist feminist calls for reproductive justice, mutual aid, and the revaluation and reorganization of reproductive labor. We argue that the embrace of polygenic screening obfuscates the political roots of our crisis of reproductive labor and care—an obfuscation that also silences the ecological precarity upon which the settler state is predicated. We thus bring neoliberal, eugenic, and ultimately settler colonial ideologies of privatized care into stark relief with an alternative that will more likely open up futures for all of our children and kin. Foregrounding radical collective approaches to care repoliticizes discussions of maternal/parental care; it also points to the necessary political movement building required if we are to cherish and protect the lives of current and future generations, the planet, and all its inhabitants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the case of O Movimento Brasil Livre (The Free Brazil Movement), or MBL, this article interrogates key assumptions about the nature of networked digital activism. The MBL, formed in the early 2010s by a Koch‐funded network of libertarian student groups, utilized a combination of activist training and strategic media engagement to organize a series of mass mobilizations in 2015 against supposed corruption within the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) administration under President Dilma Rousseff. Organized through MBL Facebook pages and promoted via YouTube and television appearances by movement leaders, these protests brought millions of Brazilian citizens to the streets in a wave of protests that eventually sparked Dilma's impeachment in May 2016. Deploying the conceptual framework of right‐wing Leninism, this article argues that conservative groups like the MBL are able to construct digital protest movements with revolutionary political ramifications due to their embrace of strategies originally formulated by Lenin, including the training of groups of ideologically coherent and committed cadres and the pursuit of dual power formation where the current political order is ruptured from the inside. Understanding how right‐wing activists mobilize digital media is of paramount importance for both countering their influence and developing strategies for the Left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to illuminate connections across studies of publics, media, formal political processes, and protests. An examination of representation as sociopolitical practice allows us to consider the practices that occur around the edges of what has been considered the public sphere and to interrogate the work of its boundaries, which reify national publics, separate civil society from formal political work, and separate representational work from collective action. Thinking about environments for expression and practices of representation invites a consideration of the multiple interrelated geographies of expressive spaces—ranging from publics that legitimize a state to those corresponding to or creating communities, political movements, immigrant groups, or diasporic networks. A focus on representational practices trains attention on the body, place, and social relations and encourages attention to the multiplicity of ways in which violence shapes environments for expression, as well as how social and political actors respond to violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore critical university studies (CUS), an interdisciplinary body of scholarship that interrogates structures of higher education and their entanglements with national and global institutions and political movements. Favoring an expansive definition of CUS, we draw from scholars who trace the origins of the American university to the slave trade, racial science, and Native American ethnic cleansing projects, as well as scholars who bring abolitionist and decolonial stances to highlight how the university continues to perpetuate state interests, carceral and settler logics, empire, and antiblackness. We then bring the lens of CUS to bear on critical work by anthropologists on higher education and on the discipline more broadly. We explore the challenges of advocating for antiracist and anti-imperial anthropology without attending to the structures of Western/white superiority that have enabled its institutionalization. We conclude by considering interventions by the emerging field of abolitionist anthropology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive research has focused on political movements against regional integration and globalisation to understand the causes and consequences of their political success in developed democracies. However, studies on the effectiveness of large-scale institutional efforts to hinder this political development have been limited. My paper investigates the electoral effects of one of the largest investment subsidy programs in the world, the European regional investment policy. Even though it distributes billions of Euros each year to foster economic and social cohesion, it is unclear whether these fiscal transfers produce any tangible electoral effects. I argue that, in this case, supranational institutions have been successful in taking credit, making heavily targeted regions infertile grounds for the electoral success of eurosceptic parties. Leveraging the NUTS-level election dataset (EU-NED) and regression discontinuity models, this paper is the first to investigate the causal link between investment subsidies for less developed regions and electoral support for eurosceptic parties in national and European elections. The analysis shows that high fiscal transfers to less developed regions cause lower levels of Eurosceptic voting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept 'cultural flashpoint' (CF) has not been fully defined or described. The authors test this concept through the prism of a controversial gender-focused Irish school programme, Exploring Masculinities (EM). Adopting an instrumental case study methodology, they use media content analysis to develop a temporal trajectory of the CF, describe its shape, explicit and implied contentious themes, and its process. They identify characteristic features of a cultural flashpoint: (i) a focal issue, event and/or object; (ii) conflict; (iii) bounded time period; (iv) the involvement of exo- and multi-sectoral individuals and groups; (v) randomness, opaqueness and conflation among its expressions; and (vi) broadly cultural and not confined to its sector of origin. They offer a definition of a CF and suggest it as a conceptual device for identifying, analysing and understanding contestation about educational (and other) change occurring in the context of wider and more long-standing cultural, social and political movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Punjab has always been an important center of political movements among the lower castes. Mobilization of the scheduled castes by different reform movements in the state made them very early aware of their political rights and they were quick to organise themselves into various political groups. The first separate political formation of the scheduled castes movement had emerged in the form of Ad-Dharm movement that later merged with the Ambedkar's Scheduled caste federation and subsequently got transformed into the Republican Party of India. With the formation of the BSP in 1980's the scheduled caste of Punjab entered the vibrant decade of the identity politics. Currently with the emergence of AAP, dalit politics in the state has entered a new stage with every political party announcing a dalit to be a Chief Minister, if voted to power. Given this background, the article argues, a third force appealing to the scheduled castes have always existed in the state but support of the scheduled castes to the third front has been rather short-lived and they failed to be seen to be mobilizing for the broader identity movement until the emergence of AAP. The paper investigates different phases of political assertion among the scheduled castes and reasons as to why earlier third options in the state having appeal among the lower castes could not take off and how AAP channelized the scheduled castes aspirations to be a major contender in the state politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops a new approach to the sociology of time by examining how the contentious politics of newness shapes modern revolutionary politics. It goes beyond the prevalent dualistic conception of social time and develops a tripartite model by distinguishing two kinds of unordinary time—carnival time and new time—that are conflated in the dualistic conception. We analyze the Chinese Cultural Revolution (CCR) as a crucial case for understanding the importance of new time to modern revolutionary politics. The effort to forge an ongoing, widely experienced "new time" created a series of contradictions and difficulties in the CCR regarding the power dynamics and boundaries of the experiences of radical newness. The eventual failure of the Jacobin politics of the CCR conditioned the post-CCR suspicion of mass movements and political changes. More broadly, the politics of the interpretation of time provides a different angle on the sociology of political modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following its formation in 2013, Black Lives Matter (BLM) has evolved into an important social and political movement. However, the organization's efforts to oppose racial inequality and police brutality through protest routinely have been met with a violent response by law enforcement, including the employment of various "less-lethal" weapons. This article aims to explore and analyze the ways in which tear gas has been used to discipline BLM protesters between 2014 and 2020. Drawing upon themes of race, empire, identity, war, and biopower as they coalesce within metropolitan protest sites, this article argues that colonial logics, power structures, and hierarchies inform the deployment of tear gas on BLM protesters today. While the eras of slavery and Jim Crow may have formally ended, their legacies and exclusionary structures continue to influence the way movements for Black advancement are suppressed using tear gas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines two outcomes of demobilization in post-revolutionary contexts, democratic transition and counter-revolution. Complementing elite-driven approaches, we argue that the way demobilization ends is conditional upon the capacity of challengers to promote enduring alliances. Following a paired controlled comparison, we analyse two cases, Egypt and Tunisia and processes of alliance building and fragmentation preceding the 2013 coup d'Etat in Egypt, and the adoption of a new Constitution in 2014 in Tunisia. Data from semi-structured and in-depth interviews were collected through fieldwork in multiple localities of Egypt and Tunisia between 2011 and 2019. Results show that the fragmentation of the challengers' coalition in post-revolutionary Egypt contributed to a counter-revolution while, in Tunisia, challengers' alliances rooted in the pre-revolutionary period lasted throughout the phase of demobilization and supported a democratic transition. We conclude by discussing some alliance-based mechanisms accounting for a democratic transition: intergroup trust-building, brokerage and ideological boundary deactivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the phenomenon of speech repression and outrage within political and religious movements. It argues that these behaviors are used as tactics to protect mobilizing narratives and gain personal status among allies. The article emphasizes the importance of threat-based narratives in mobilizing followers and the challenges of disproving these narratives. It also highlights the need for a broader empirical basis when studying ideological phenomena beyond the United States. The text explores how speech repression is used to maintain and mobilize ideological movements, and how it can be used to limit the spread of demobilizing information among allies. It provides historical and contemporary examples of activists repressing views to signal devotion to their cause and gain status. The authors stress the significance of understanding the social goals pursued by orthodox mindsets in the study of ideology. [Extracted from the article]

"Generations of Dissent: Intellectuals, Cultural Production, and the State in the Middle East and North Africa" is a book edited by Alexa Firat and R. Shareah Taleghani that explores the history of cultural dissidence in the region and its impact on political movements. The book examines the relationship between aesthetics and politics, and how cultural forms can challenge state power. It covers a range of topics, from the political allegiances of Egyptian intellectuals to Jewish exilic literatures and Turkish media aesthetics. While the book primarily focuses on Arabic literary and cinematic texts, it also highlights the need for a broader conceptualization of dissent and emphasizes the connections between regional discourses and movements. [Extracted from the article]

This conference attempts to address the personal conditions that led the author to take an - early- interest in political psychology. From there, a certain contemporary development of the discipline is made, analyzing the agendas of the same and other characteristics that are imbricated. One of these characteristics refers to the great strength of the discipline and the fact that it is an interdisciplinary field. That is to say, political psychology is linked to transdisciplinary or interdisciplinary readings that contribute to its complexity. Not only because it is enriched by other disciplines, but also because it provides contributions to the field of other disciplines. It also analyzes the fact that political psychology, being a space of confluence of two complex fields of knowledge - psychology and politics - confers power. And to what power it refers: to being able to develop categories to think and to be able to analyze reality from different perspectives and try to catch it. And why catch it? To modify it and work towards a better society, from a discipline that marks territorialities and that these territorialities are spaces of confluence of opportunities and justice. Because knowledge is considered as a social good, as a human right and as a strategic tool in the virtuous transformation of this region. This discipline must be more critical and reflective and must be oriented towards social inclusion and produce knowledge with territorial and historical relevance. Political psychology allows us to analyze reality from certain perspectives: the subjects in politics; the subjects as political subjects; politics analyzed from the perspective of psychology, among the most recurrent ones. And all this, which seems very complex, which it is, but only from that complexity can we think reality, which is another complexity. And there is no way of approaching some truth about reality, even if it is transitory and unstable, that is not from a complexity. And that complexity is always in movement and always different, and in that it resembles itself: reality is constituted by multiple realities in movement, in construction and in deconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to relate the very important question of the autonomy of indigenous peoples to freely make decisions about their life with the notion of indigeneity, reconceptualised as a socially constructed and deeply contested resource. Resources are more than mere static assets or quantities of matter waiting to be measured, explored or protected. Something becomes a resource through joint processes of quantification, valuation, and normalisation. Along these lines, indigeneity is not just the ascertainment of something or someone in relation to 'somewhat else', but a nexus of indigenous peoples' self-realisation and political intervention. To be indigenous is to exist politically in space and in relation to antagonist forces and processes that constantly downgrade their ethnic and social condition. Indigeneity is, thus, a resource that presupposes the value and the fight for their rights and for other (so-called) indigenous resources found in their lands. The main contribution here is the claim that indigeneity is a ground-breaking resource and a reaction formulated in the interstices of the old and new machineries of market-oriented coloniality. Indigeneity is reinterpreted as a special, highly politicised resource that directly and indirectly opposes processes of world grabbing and the appropriation of other territorialised resources from indigenous areas. It is concluded that indigeneity, as a resourceful resource, has become a key factor in the process of external and internal recognition, which galvanises political mobilisation and instigates novel forms of interaction. What makes indigenous peoples more and more unique is also what makes them share a socio-political struggle with allied, subaltern social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universal basic income (UBI) has become the rallying cry for a growing international movement seeking redistribution and equality through direct cash payments by governments to all its citizens. Advocates have promoted UBI on multiple grounds: efficiency, equality, as an alternative to traditional anti-poverty aid programs in very poor countries, or even as the foundation for small "c" communist societies. Numerous small-scale experiments of cash transfers have been conducted across the globe purporting to test UBI's plausibility. In this essay, I explore the multiple agendas of UBI, and consider whether recent scholarship suggests that it might provide a superior path to achieving the historical goals of the political left than that of social democracy and contemporary welfare states. I also raise questions about the political foundations of a movement seeking to end mandatory work, while noting the future possibility of massive job losses that might alter the social, economic, and political possibilities for UBI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper retraces the history, activities, and contribution of an intellectual commune active in Quetta, Pakistan between 1950 and 1954: the 'Laṭxāna commune'. Laṭxāna (Psht. 'House of idleness') is the name of a place in which Baluch, Pashtun, Urdu-speaking and Sindhi intellectuals settled in 1950. Laṭxāna's intellectuals were in close contact with the Communist Party of Pakistan and its cultural branch, the Progressive Writers' Association, and attempted to spread socialist or communist thought in Baluchistan. Following an agenda outlined by communist and progressive writers, they set out to develop literature in the languages of Baluchistan, launching a Baluchi literary association and a Pashto-language journal and publishing the first collections of modern Baluchi poetry. Laṭxāna's members also promoted their outlook through journalism, and edited journals, such as Xāwar , Nawā-e waṭan and Ciltan. In 1954, the Laṭxāna intellectuals—who had so far been simple representatives of the Communists or Progressives in Baluchistan—started their own political movement. They created a political party and published a manifesto, which called for a socialist Baluchistan free from the influence of landowners and feudal leaders. Alongside ideological disagreements, the arrest of some of the commune's prominent members finally led to the closure of Laṭxāna, but the group nevertheless had a long-lasting influence on Baluchistan's political and intellectual landscape. In this paper, I shall discuss the commune's literary, journalistic, and political contributions, notably through the accounts of its founding fathers, Mir Abdullah Jamaldini and Sain Kamal Khan Sherani. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many liberal democracies have witnessed the rise of radical right parties and movements that threaten liberal values of tolerance and inclusion. Extremist movement factions may promote inflammatory ideas that engage broader publics, but party leaders face dilemmas of endorsing content from extremist origins. However, when that content is shared over larger intermediary networks of aligned supporters and media sites, it may become laundered or disconnected from its original sources so that parties can play it back as official communication. With a dynamic network analysis and various-time series analysis we tracked content flows from the German version of a global far-right anti-immigration campaign across different media platforms, including YouTube, Twitter, and collections of far-right and mainstream media sites. The analysis shows how content from the small extremist Identitarian Movement spread over expanding networks of low-level activists of the Alternative for Germany party and far-right alternative media sites. That network bridging enabled party leadership to launder the source of the content and roll out its own version of the campaign. As a result, national attention became directed to extremist ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do social movement actors use consciousness-raising communicative practices to reconfigure political understandings of race? And how can such practices shape the analysis of political communication? We explore these questions by drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, semi-structured interviews, and archival materials to examine two case studies: an historical example of Grace Lee Boggs' structural guidelines for creating a revolutionary study group in the Asian Political Alliance and a contemporary example of Equality Labs' anti-caste political organizing by engaging across racial and caste social hierarchies. These cases illustrate the analytic value of engaging alternative theoretical frameworks of race and politics from critical ethnic studies, feminist of color scholarship, and social movements as rich sites of political theory through cultivating political consciousness in service of radical political imaginations. This article offers two main contributions to the field of political communication. First, by looking at the creative work of racial theorizing within social movements, we destabilize the limits of race as a demographic category. Second, we demonstrate the analytic value of studying political education and consciousness-raising as communicative practices that emphasize relational reconfigurations of race. This article recasts racial political discourse from public opinion and campaign messaging measured quantitatively to political imaginations that must be interpreted within historical and material contexts. As our cases demonstrate, centering the shifting category of race within movement building opens up the field of political communication to the communicative processes of consciousness-building and also offers dynamic understandings of race and racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]