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Being ubiquitous, language is essential to our everyday existence. Human language is seen to be a traditional field that depends on using words in accordance with intricate standards. In this study, the idea of aggressiveness is investigated from a pragmatic viewpoint. The goals of this research are to identify the aggressive techniques that Clinton uses in her speeches, to show the impoliteness tactics that she mostly uses to accomplish her goals, and to expose the pragma-rhetorical tropes that are mostly mentioned in her speeches. The research proposes that in her presentations, Clinton utilizes indirect verbal passive aggression, mostly negative impoliteness techniques, and often metaphor as the main rhetorical device. The study's results validate that Clinton utilizes indirect verbal passive aggression, mostly employs negative impoliteness techniques, and emphasizes overstatement as the main rhetorical device in her hostile speeches. Clinton's speeches are analyzed pragmatically to find rhetorical devices, aggressive messages, and rudeness tactics. The research admits several limitations, namely the subjectivity that might lead to interpretive biases in pragma-stylistic analysis. Notwithstanding these drawbacks, this research provides important new information on the aggressive language used by public authorities to shape public opinion.

New communication technologies express the transformation of traditional communication technologies in parallel with technological development. New media tools, such as propaganda tools in political elections, have become widespread in recent years. The use of social media in political elections has gained significant importance in recent years. Social media platforms provide an environment where political campaigns, candidates and voters can interact, and information sharing occurs quickly and widely. Candidates and political parties use social media platforms to deliver campaign messages, announce their policies, and communicate with voters. Through visual and written content, videos, live broadcasts and posts, candidates directly interact with voters and mobilize their supporters. Social media is an effective tool for spreading political propaganda and reaching large audiences with political information. Candidates and their supporters share various social media content to influence voters, defend their policies and persuade voters. Social media platforms gauge voters' opinions and preferences through surveys and feedback. Candidates and political parties seek feedback on social media to identify voters' expectations and concerns, shape their campaigns accordingly, and improve their policies. TRNC 2020 Presidential Elections is an essential topic for political science and international relations thesis studies. These elections provide a rich source for examining the political atmosphere of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, the election process, competition between candidates, election results, and political transformations. By discussing the use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections, this research examined how the candidates used social media channels and what the reflections were by revealing the political communication languages of the propaganda and the differences it created in social perception. Qualitative research methods and scanning models will be used in the research. The candidates' use of social media in the 2020 TRNC Presidential elections was examined with their propaganda languages and statistics obtained in new media.

One of the critical issues facing Historians today has been the emergence of Strong State regimes and the politicized pseudo history they produce in countries claiming to adhere to democratic norms. The attack on the Capital of the United States was based on a series of lies about voter fraud supported by President Donald Trump and members of Congress. Countering ideology based on a complete disregard for truth is now of paramount importance in the United States. This paper studies Trump's promise to Make America Great Again (MAGA) as a further evolution of Lost Cause mythos that began after the Civil War. The original story casts the enfranchisement of African Americans as a failure touting white supremacy and the righteousness of Jim Crow laws. How can History teachers counter these highly politicized myths? I suggest that the methodology of our profession may provide us with some important tools. John Dewey underscored the importance of critical inquiry to the preservation and advancement of democracy. Teaching students how to think historically goes a long way in the process of producing citizenry who are ready to participate in civil society. To that end I conclude this essay with a course that I teach entitled "Witches, Aliens, and Other Enemies." The course is designed to set moments of mass hysteria and paranoia in the American narrative against the background of reason and rational legal law utilizing the Salem witch hunt at the end of the seventeenth century and the "red scare" following World War II as case studies to stimulate student exploration.

Many college students are motivated to vote in presidential elections. Like most Americans, however, they are far less likely to vote in elections for local officeholders. Often this is because they have little to no information about the candidates. Starting in 2020, with university support, the author and a colleague began providing nonpartisan information about candidates for local offices in their county. Their website is available to students and voters throughout their county. More colleges and universities should undertake similar ventures, which would fill a vital and underserved public need, strengthen the civic behaviors of college students, and enhance democracy.

While biographical sketches of many publicly elected leaders in the US exist, little is known about the connection between serving in college student government and running for or serving in elected public office after college. This phenomenological study explored the experiences of 19 former college student government officers in elected, post-college public office. Notably, former college student government officers felt like they were in public office all along and that student government was a microcosm of post-college public life. College campaigns and elections were preparatory experiences, and college student government was a "training ground" for later elected office and representational leadership.

Few studies have examined the growing trend of teacher-legislators, specifically teachers' trajectory to elected office. Drawing on qualitative data and raced-gendered frameworks, this article examines how three female teachers of color in one Southwest state leveraged their teaching experiences to shape their policy priorities and how they navigated policy and political environments. The teacher-legislators in this article created counter-narratives on teachers and their abilities. Their experiences illustrate how teacher-legislators resisted and transformed state policies that affected urban students.

Deliberative pedagogy holds promise for improving democratic society by cultivating practical wisdom in students as a means to tackle the problems of democracy, such as polarization. This study embraced an opportunity to consider civic education in the 21st century through deliberative pedagogy by considering practical wisdom in a synchronous, virtual deliberation among university stakeholders and local political candidates concerning our role in 21st-century politics. This civic site enabled an analysis of practical wisdom across three student roles: facilitators enrolled in a deliberation course; students from the wider university; and student alumni of the university's deliberation center, who had been exposed to deliberation in curricular and cocurricular practice. Using a constructive rhetorical analysis to understand practical wisdom within deliberative pedagogy discourse, we contend that students in these three different roles demonstrated three key aspects of practical wisdom through their discursive responses to rhetorical exigences that arose during deliberative engagement. This analysis offers insights beyond outcomes and informs deeper thinking about curricula and better pedagogical practices. Additionally, such studies, focused on the discourse itself, contribute to understandings concerning the connection between rhetoric and deliberative pedagogy.

Social work pedagogy recognizes the educational value of experiential learning for the professional development of social workers, with a particularly rich experiential learning literature related to clinical work and field education. This study evaluates an experiential learning activity for large undergraduate courses in another area: social policy and social justice. We ask: "How effective are electoral candidate debates in building BSW students' understanding of social justice and its relationship with social policy?" Using a constructionist approach, we qualitatively analyzed reflection data from 73 students on their experiences of two in-class electoral candidate debates (one municipal, one federal) held in consecutive offerings of a first-year survey course. Findings indicate that in-class electoral debates have the potential to effectively support learning and engagement related to social policy and social justice, especially foundational concepts such as Canadian federalism, ideologies that inform policy responses, and equity analysis of different policy responses. Learning was primarily limited to formalized conceptualizations of social justice. Recommendations to maximize learning include assessment and accommodation of the diversity of prior student knowledge and inclusion of briefing and debriefing activities. The study suggests that in-class electoral debates, if done properly, can be an effective experiential teaching tool for policy courses.

This study sought to examine how Latina/o college graduates engage civically. Through a four-step quantitative design, we found that Latina/o college graduates vote, volunteer, advocate, donate money, serve as cultural and political resources, and run for elected office. We also identified five typologies, or classes, of civically engaged Latina/o college graduates: "Activistas," "Mentores," "Politicos," "Votantes," and "Indiferentes." Implications for practice and future research are discussed.

In the framework of policies against the effects of climate change on public health, mobility policies based on zero carbon dioxide emissions have focused their interest on the implementation of bicycle lanes, the bicycle motor subsidy and restriction of automobiles. In this sense, the objective of this paper has been to establish the reliability and validity of an instrument that measures the perceptions of risk and utility, as well as the intentions of voting in favor of electoral proposals and candidates that support the urban sustainability policy in Subject d mobility. A non-experimental, cross-sectional and exploratory study was carried out with a non-probabilistic sample selection of 250 residents of the metropolitan area of Mexico City. From a structural model. The factors cited were found to correlate positively and significantly, but it is recommended to extend the study to the contrast of the model in other scenarios with local elections and mobility policy based on the use of the bicycle.

Radical-right campaigns commonly employ three discursive elements: anti-elite populism, exclusionary and declinist nationalism, and authoritarianism. Recent scholarship has explored whether these frames have diffused from radical-right to centrist parties in the latter's effort to compete for the former's voters. This study instead investigates whether similar frames had been used by mainstream political actors prior to their exploitation by the radical right (in the U.S., Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 campaigns). To do so, we identify instances of populism, nationalism (i.e., exclusionary and inclusive definitions of national symbolic boundaries and displays of low and high national pride), and authoritarianism in the speeches of Democratic and Republican presidential nominees between 1952 and 2020. These frames are subtle, infrequent, and polysemic, which makes their measurement difficult. We overcome this by leveraging the affordances of neural language models--in particular, a robustly optimized variant of bidirectional encoder representations from Transformers (RoBERTa) and active learning. As we demonstrate, this approach is more effective for measuring discursive frames than other methods commonly used by social scientists. Our results suggest that what set Donald Trump's campaign apart from those of mainstream presidential candidates was not the invention of a new form of politics, but the combination of negative evaluations of elites, low national pride, and authoritarianism--all of which had long been present among both parties--with an explicit evocation of exclusionary nationalism, which had been articulated only implicitly by prior presidential nominees. Radical-right discourse--at least at the presidential level in the United States--should therefore be characterized not as a break with the past but as an amplification and creative rearrangement of existing political-cultural tropes.

Over the past decade, sociologists have become increasingly interested in the formal study of semantic relations within text. Most contemporary studies focus either on mapping concept co-occurrences or on measuring semantic associations via word embeddings. Although conducive to many research goals, these approaches share an important limitation: they abstract away what one can call the event structure of texts, that is, the narrative action that takes place in them. I aim to overcome this limitation by introducing a new framework for extracting semantically rich relations from text that involves three components. First, a semantic grammar structured around textual entities that distinguishes six motif classes: actions of an entity, treatments of an entity, agents acting upon an entity, patients acted upon by an entity, characterizations of an entity, and possessions of an entity; second, a comprehensive set of mapping rules, which make it possible to recover motifs from predictions of dependency parsers; third, an R package that allows researchers to extract motifs from their own texts. The framework is demonstrated in empirical analyses on gendered interaction in novels and constructions of collective identity by U.S. presidential candidates.

This paper explores the creation and content of apps about Donald Trump (n=412) published in Google Play between June 2015 and January 2018. The relevance of the study stems from both its objectives and its methodology. On the one hand, the aim was to characterise the profile, motivations and purposes of the developers of Donald Trump apps; and on the other, to identify the main features of the discourses in the most downloaded apps. The study relied on two resources: a qualitative questionnaire of open questions for developers (n=376), and a quantitative analysis of the content of apps that exceeded 5,000 downloads (n=117). The questionnaire identified the influence of political current affairs in the developers' ideological and economic motivations, while the content analysis revealed the trends found over time, as well as the themes, discourses and ideological positioning of the most popular apps about Donald Trump. The findings provide an empirical basis for how the content of these apps was articulated with the news; the influence of content that went viral; hegemonic discourses; and the role played by developers of new expressive, commercial, informative and persuasive proposals in the intersection between mobile apps and political campaigns.

Politics, as in many spheres of life in the Philippines, is still very much a male enclave. From the smallest government unit up to the national level, men dominate (Gemba, 2001). The study aimed to find out the factors that facilitates or restrains women candidates from participating in the political arena. This study was conducted among Lady Vice Mayors and Councillors from the Municipal Council and City Council in the province of Bulacan as well as the Lady Board Members of the Provincial Council of Bulacan. The study covers the personal characteristics of the candidates, their motivation to entering the political arena, the challenges and issues they faced as candidate and legislator, and the strategies they applied to overcome these hurdles. The study utilized a validated survey instrument from the survey conducted by the Royal University of Bhutan in 2014. Data for this study was gathered through the Office the Head of the Council or directly from the respondents by administering the survey instrument. The results indicate that the average age of the respondents is forty (Mean=40) years old. Majority of the respondents are married and majority of them had one to three children. The respondents have commendable educational background at college or university level. The main motivation factors of the respondents to running for office are the desire to bring community development; and, to promote gender equality within their respective communities. The family continues to be the biggest source of motivation and moral support for the women candidates. During the performance of their elective positions, the respondents continue to experience challenges like understanding the legal process, time management issues, and consultation skills--all are crucial to their legislative work.

In this article, we examine the extent to which women teachers ran for state legislative office in 2018, where they won, and the degree to which they contributed to the surge of women representatives elected in state legislatures around the country. We engaged in a comprehensive effort to collect information on all of the teacher candidates who ran for seats in state legislatures during the 2018 midterm elections. We found that 430 teacher candidates ran for a state legislative office. These candidates were fairly evenly split between men (51%) and women (49%), and tended to reflect the racial demographics of the teaching profession. Most teacher candidates ran as Democrats (69%) and 33% came from the six states that experienced teacher walkouts during spring 2018. We found that men and women teacher candidates were similarly likely to win the general election, but due to the higher proportion of women teacher candidates running relative to the men-dominated composition of state legislatures, the teacher candidates contributed to the increase in the descriptive representation of women in state legislatures after the 2018 midterm elections. Women teacher candidates won 61 seats in the 2018 midterm elections, which represents about 3% of the 1839 seats won by women in state legislatures in 2018. Although our work focuses on only a single election cycle, if teacher candidacy is a growing trend, then political engagement from the women-dominated profession of teaching may create new growth in the number of women lawmakers in the United States.

Scholars and legal practitioners of voting rights are concerned with estimating individual-level voting behavior from aggregate-level data. The most commonly used technique, King's ecological inference (EI), has been questioned for inflexibility in multiethnic settings or with multiple candidates. One method for estimating vote support for multiple candidates in the same election is called ecological inference: row by columns (R×C). While some simulations suggest that R×C may produce more precise estimates than the iterative EI technique, there has not been a comprehensive side-by-side comparison of the two methods using real election data that analysts and legal practitioners often rely upon in courts. We fill this void by comparing iterative EI and R×C models with a new statistical package--eiCompare--in a variety of R×C combinations including 2 candidates and 2 groups, 3 candidates and 3 groups, and up to 12 candidates and three groups and multiple candidates and four groups. Additionally, we examine the two methods with 500 simulated data sets that differ in combinations of heterogeneity, polarization, and correlation. Finally, we introduce a new model congruence score to aid scholars and voting rights analysts in the substantive interpretation of the estimates. Across all of our analyses, we find that both methods produce substantively similar results. This suggests that iterative EI and R×C can be used interchangeably when assessing precinct-level voting patterns in Voting Rights Act cases and that neither method produces bias in favor or against finding racially polarized voting patterns.

This article aims to identify how digital public opinion was articulated on Twitter during the visit of the Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump to Mexico City in 2016 by invitation from the Mexican government, which was preceded by the threat to construct a border wall that Mexico would pay for. Using a mixed methodology made up of computational methods such as data mining and social network analysis combined with content analysis, the authors identify conversational patterns and the structures of the networks formed, beginning with this event involving the foreign policy of both countries that share a long border. The authors study the digital media practices and emotional frameworks these social network users employed to involve themselves in the controversial visit, marked by complex political, cultural and historical relations. The analysis of 352,203 tweets in two languages (English and Spanish), those most used in the conversations, opened the door to an understanding as to how transnational public opinion is articulated in connective actions detonated by newsworthy events in distinct cultural contexts, as well as the emotional frameworks that permeated the conversation, whose palpable differences show that Twitter is not a homogeneous universe, but rather a set of universes codetermined by sociocultural context.

This study aims to investigate the use of personal pronouns in political speeches made by Donald Trump and Hilary Clinton in the 2016 US Presidential Election Debates. The focus is on uses of the first personal pronouns 'we' and 'I' as strategies to express persuasive messages and political ideologies especially the inclusion and exclusion of the participants' 'self' and 'group' reference. The data were selected from the TV broadcasted American Presidential Debate between Mr. Donald Trump and Mrs. Hillary Clinton on October 19, 2016. Textual and discourse analysis were adopted in order to examine in what context each first personal pronoun was used in the speeches. The findings reveal that the occurrences of the pronouns 'we' and 'I' in the speeches of both participants differ and the uses of each pronoun in certain contexts also differ significantly. The different pronominal choices in different contexts in the debates express differences in the persuasive strategies and political ideologies of the two candidates.

It's too soon to know what will define Donald Trump's presidency, but one of the defining characteristics of his campaign was a near-total disregard for facts. According to PolitiFact ("Donald Trump's file," n.d.), about 70% of Trump's statements have been either mostly false, completely false, or outright lies. Candidate Trump wasn't the only one dealing in dishonesty, but the ubiquity of falsehood surrounding his election contributed to the Oxford Dictionaries naming "post-truth" its 2016 Word of the Year. Fake news (Drobnic Holan, 2016) might be the most pernicious form of post-truth. PolitiFact called fake news its Lie of the Year, pointing out that fake news is "the boldest sign of a post-truth society" (para. 12) and that it "found a willing enabler in Trump" (para. 8). Americans should perceive this phenomenon as an existential threat to democracy. What truths remain self-evident if truth itself becomes counterfeit? A post-truth society has no moral center, no basis for conversation, no shared future. If the Trump era is to be the era of post-truth, then schools will have a particularly critical role to play in teaching students to favor reason and evidence over sentiment and preconception. More simply, we need to get better at teaching what Carl Sagan (1995) called "the fine art of baloney detection" (p. 201). Educators must also help students explore and deliberate on political issues. This article examines several particular challenges of fake news on the internet, and offers strategies and resources to support critical thinking and positive political engagement in the classroom.

What the election result highlighted for the author is that we definitely need to create broader senses of coalition among many different peoples, whether they be Native American people at Standing Rock, or the Black Lives Matter Movement or our Dreamers--anyone who has been disenfranchised. These are the folks who we need to start building coalitions with, because we need to create a government that suggests that everyone is included, not just for a small percentage, but for every single body in America. The author believes that something that needs to happen as a result of the election is to give students the ability to activate their own voice, to speak up, and create spaces for them to solve problems. He also believes that we need to concentrate not just on policy for our public schools, but also on pedagogy. He then discusses the complexity of local issues, how down-ticket elections matter, and that there great opportunities to activate--because the mayors, the state representatives are the ones who get access immediately and they get to be proponents if you know how to organize well. He talks about how his students, and moving people toward building broader coalitions of those who are concerned about what's happening in this country, give him hope on a daily basis.

The amount of available digital data is increasing at a tremendous rate. These data, however, are of limited use unless converted into a user-friendly form. We took on this task and built a natural language generation (NLG) driven system that generates journalistic news stories about elections without human intervention. In this paper, after presenting an overview of state-of-the-art technologies in NLG, we explain systematically how we identified and then recontextualized the determinant aspects of the genre of an online news story in the algorithm of our NLG software. In the discussion, we introduce the key results of a user test we carried out and some improvements that these results suggest. Then, after relating the news items that our NLG system generates to general aspects of genres and their evolution, we conclude by questioning the idea that journalistic NLG systems should mimic journalism written by humans. Instead, we suggest that developmental work in the field of news automation should aim to create a new genre based on the inherent strengths of NLG. Finally, we present a few suggestions as to what this genre could include.

As social and economic problems change, so do the goals of education reformers. This content analysis of presidential debates transcripts, state of the union addresses, and education budgets from 2000 to 2015 reveals the ways in which presidents and presidential candidates have framed education goals thus far in the twenty-first century. Using Labaree's (1997) framework of competing goals in American education, we found that democratic equality, social efficiency, and social mobility made their way into education discourse. Democratic equality occurred most frequently, followed by social efficiency, then social mobility. Presidents also used these goals in concert, applying symbolic language of equity to promote education policy initiatives framed as bolstering economic growth, America's global competitiveness, and the opportunity for individuals to achieve the American Dream. Implications for federal education policy trends and frameworks for understanding the education goals of U.S. presidents in the 21st century are discussed.

The article provides analysis of the interrupted communication as part of the communication in the election discourse. The authors explored the most typical reasons for the interrupted communication in the electoral discourse analyzed communication failures as a kind of ineffective communication. Communication failures are presented as a result of interrupted communication, which may be determined by several reasons. The paper disclosed the key reason of these failures--the intention of the speaker--the reluctance to continue the conversation for one reason or another. The communication failures in terms of the election discourse were typical largely for the election debate, characterized by the impossibility of predicting future responses, uncomfortable questions that often required non-standard speech decisions on the part of the speaker. The study established the relationship between the ability of a politician to maintain effective communication and the creation of his positive or negative political image. Psychological causes of interrupted speech present a separate group: the emotional state of the speaker, his perception or non-perception of the opponent, the ability to transfer the required opinion in an expressive way.

Language is not always seen as a neutral vehicle which represents reality. It is sometimes described as a tool which is drawn on to discriminate, insult, abuse, and belittle others. This is evident in the case of sexism which is seen as language that discriminates against women by representing them negatively or which seems to implicitly assume that activities primarily associated with women are necessarily trivial. Thus, language is described as a potential that is drawn on strategically by sexists to devalue or marginalize women. The current paper is a critical discourse analysis of Donald Trump's negative evaluation of women. It sheds light on his sexist ideology to negatively represent and underestimate women. It aims to investigate the structural, lexical, and rhetorical strategies that are utilized for this purpose. For this end, the researcher will analyze some of Trump's opinions concerning women in different occasions drawing upon an eclectic model adopted from Mill's (2008) and VanDijk (2006).

Political elections have been shown to influence youth civic development. The election of Donald Trump is historic and has elevated precarity for people of color and immigrants, yet we know little about how young people with these identities experienced this potentially catalytic event. Using ethnographic methods, we examined youth and adult discussions that occurred during youth participatory action research in four sites of one after-school program between October 2016 and May 2017, to investigate how the development of critical consciousness occurs among early adolescent youth of color in the context of catalyzing political events. We identified emergent patterns in how young people (a) engaged in critical reflection, (b) weighed political efficacy, and (c) considered engagement in critical action in the wake of Trump's election. The data revealed that young people's critical consciousness development ranged from basic to advanced levels. This research highlights the ways that politically catalytic events shape critical consciousness development among early adolescents of color.

This study employs a multiple case study approach to examine the use of history of Mexican American and Muslim middle school students vis-à-vis Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign. The findings suggest the participants used historical examples of discrimination to contextualize candidate Trump's rhetoric and to bolster their identities as both immigrants and Americans. Their cases provide important evidence of the ways in which marginalized youth can use history as a source of resilience and resistance. The findings add to the literature on use of history as an analytic and pedagogical tool and suggest that social studies educators are uniquely positioned to support students through confronting political trauma.

Public discussion of "the authoritarian personality" returned with the election of President Trump. This article traces the rise of that concept and broader study of mass society in American social science, with adaptations into composition studies from the 1960s to the 1990s-followed by their lamentable eclipse under a lethal combination of forces since then.

New York City's new mayor, Bill de Blasio, represents a dramatic shift from his predecessor Michael Bloomberg in the area of education. Bloomberg was a national trendsetter on market reforms focused on privatization, testing, and competition. De Blasio was elected on an agenda of classroom investments, student supports, parent and community engagement, and a focus on teaching and learning and is already getting national press for changing course on education. This contrast captures the heart and soul of education debates raging across the country. De Blasio represents an opening to begin a 180-degree shift in education reform in the United States. This did not happen by chance. It was the combination of a candidate who captured the moment and a conscious community-based advocacy campaign designed to capitalize on the mayoral election to redirect the education debate. This article describes how community organizers and advocates in New York City developed a two-pronged strategy for change in the 2013 mayoral campaign and election after twelve years of market-driven reforms.

Women involvements in political activities in recent times have been on the decline. Often times, women's right is denied against the provisions of the constitution and other international instruments of human rights and this does not allow them to participate in government adequately. It takes conscious political actions to address the issue of women's political marginalization and disallowing women from political participation enhances women invisibility in government and strengthens men's arrogance in power. This paper focuses on the issues attributed to women's attitude to politics and the challenges of women in leadership positions. Going by the recent number of appointments of female ministers and senators in Nigeria, the paper reveals the potentials of women leaders in government and the emancipation of favourable laws in the interest of women. The paper then concludes by analysing the problems and prospects of women involvement in political activities towards promoting good governance in Nigeria.

The aim of this study is to explore the contemporary role of the folk high school as an educational pathway for Swedish MPs. Statistics from the folk high school register at Statistics Sweden are analysed. In summary, there are still quite a large number of former folk high school participants in the Swedish parliament (27%, 2014). The MPs' folk high school participation mainly took the form of short courses. Over time, the folk high schools have increasingly come to be used by members of parties on the left of the political spectrum. The folk high schools are commonly used as meeting places during the MPs' political career, and thus not only as an educational pathway to power, as emphasised in earlier research.

Duverger's Law--the principle that first-past-the-post systems tend to promote two major political parties while proportional representation systems tend to promote multipartism--is a commonly taught topic in introductory and some upper-level political science courses across subfields. However, it also contains concepts that are difficult for undergraduate students to grasp, particularly those who are unfamiliar with other electoral systems. In partial response to these concerns, this article introduces a memorable in-class demonstration that utilizes food items to illustrate the logic behind Duverger's Law. The demonstration serves as a flexible blend between lecture-oriented and active learning techniques, and can be adapted to teach other topics--such as directional and proximity models of voting, the Median Voter Theorem, and other topics in rational choice theory. Preliminary evidence presented suggests that students enjoy the demonstration, remember the concepts, and perform better on assessments related to the topic. The article concludes by challenging political science educators to develop and share more demonstration-type activities, which are commonly used in STEM and other fields.

Studies show educated citizens are more likely to vote in elections but few papers look at the relationship in developing countries and even fewer analyze whether the relationship is causal. I examine whether education increases voter turnout and makes better-informed voters in Indonesia using an exogenous variation in education induced by an extension of Indonesia's school term length, which fits a fuzzy regression discontinuity design. The longer school year increases education, but I do not find education increases voter turnout; it does not seem to affect voters' views of political candidates' religion, ethnicity, or gender when they vote either.

How do we preserve our civil society and dynamic political system and prepare students to be active citizens in a democratic society? The need for civic education is more essential now than ever before, and students deserve access to powerful civic lessons that actively engage them in learning about our democracy. The ultimate goal would be for students to be able to study and solve problems arising in everyday life just as adults in a democracy should do. For example, students could participate in the developing story of a presidential election, as this article will describe.

This article presents a project that is meant to deepen student understanding of what it would mean for one preference voting method to be "better" than another. In the project we show the students how to rigorously compare the methods of plurality and plurality with elimination, and we then allow them to compare two other voting methods of their choice. The primary way that we evaluate voting methods is by analyzing how frequently different methods fail various fairness criteria. This project is particularly relevant since the state of Maine voted in 2016 to use plurality with elimination as the voting method for many of its elections.

This article presents a case study at Oakmont University where a presidential debate will be held on campus. Oakmont University is a large public research institution located in the Southeastern United States. This Carnegie Doctoral/Research I institution enrolls more than 35,000, 75% undergraduate and 25% graduate students. Located in somewhat of a rural setting, Oakmont is still considered predominantly urban due to its proximity to a large city of 300,000 people within minutes of campus. The demographic breakdown of Oakmont includes approximately 45% White, 20% African-American, 15% Asian, 10% Latino/a, 7% who self-identify as multiple cultures, and 3% international students. At present, Oakmont is preparing for a week of events kicking off the U.S. Presidential Debate season. The end of the week will highlight the Presidential Debate to be held on campus. While all presidential debates are of great historical significance, this is the first time a presidential debate is to be held on this campus. However, due to some of the initial reports that the campus may not be a safe place for the presidential candidates, the FBI is considering pulling the event from Oakmont University and changing to a new location. The authors discuss the course of action the vice-president for student affairs should take. In making a case study presentation, the authors present seven questions to be addressed when making decisions in this case.

In recent decades, changes to the education policy landscape have made local public engagement more difficult. Among these changes are increased centralization of policy making, the rise of school choice, and mayoral and state takeovers of urban school districts. Philadelphia is at the vanguard of these changes. We discuss how community-based organizations in Philadelphia responded to the challenges of this new landscape by adapting their tactics and strategies. Adaptations include reconceptualizing targets, identifying new targets, retooling premises and strategies for building coalitions, cultivating new constituencies, entwining community education with community-based action, and making equity and community engagement central to the platforms of candidates for elective office. The study broadens our understanding of how organizations seek a voice in education decision making.

Daring to challenge the status quo impacts innovation. Yet, successful outcomes depend on individual risk-taking and choice to influence others to support new ideas. This "Challenging the Status Quo" exercise illustrates how leaders use power and influencing tactics to challenge norms by analyzing Donald Trump's journey as the 45th U.S. President to defy experts and successfully influence followers to support his non-traditional candidacy: businessman lacking political experience becoming leader of the free world. Through integrating videoclips and polls, instructors make power visible, relevant, and thought-provoking as students apply power theory and influencing tactics perspectives to analyze (a) how leaders impact followers' perceptions, (b) students mutual-influencing strategies, (c) power's relationship with social identity and privilege, and (d) social impact on innovation via activism and free speech.

Why do so few women hold elected office on local government bodies? The answer to this question encompasses a combination of barriers to running for office. The research discussed in this article involved two surveys conducted in Wisconsin. The findings indicate that in addition to systemic barriers, such as time away from work, many women are hesitant to serve on local governing bodies for other reasons, including concerns related to confidence and potentially inaccurate perceptions. This cautiousness was not as evident in male potential candidates. Understanding the barriers women face may inform how Extension educators work to address skewed compositions of local governing bodies as part of capacity-building efforts.

While historical thinking has a rich literature, civic thinking has been an underdeveloped area of research in social studies education. I discuss in this article three activities designed to strengthen students' civic thinking skills by examining the "political death and resurrection" of Richard Nixon in the 1960s. These three activities help students critically analyze politicians' remarks to grasp direct and indirect messages contained within political statements and advertising. The steps and resources to implement these activities are provided. The development of students' civic thinking skills helps them analyze a politician's arguments and judge for themselves the merits of a candidate and his or her statements and policy recommendations.

While Value-Belief-Norm (VBN) theory has been widely applied to various populations, it has seldom been tested on college students. This study extends VBN theory to examine what socio-psychological factors influence sustainability behaviors among university students. Undergraduate students are an interesting and novel population, as they are still forming their values and beliefs, and therefore may be more open to engage in sustainability efforts. This study assessed five sustainability behaviors: (a) support for political candidates who say they will strengthen environmental policies, (b) recycling, (c) electricity use, (d) food selection, and (e) transportation choices. Findings support the notion that one's values matter in environmental decision-making, but that different values are associated with different behaviors. Those who adhere to biospheric and altruistic values were more likely to engage in a range of sustainability behaviors whereas those who adhere to egoistic values were less likely to engage in most behaviors. Those who adhere to traditional or openness to change values showed mixed results. We discuss the theoretical application, practical recommendations for behavior change campaigns, and offer suggestions for future research.

Due to its direct approach and its detailed analysis of race, the "A More Perfect Union" (AMPU) speech makes for a likely primary source to be included in a lesson addressing Obama's racial significance. As social studies teacher-educators who draw from critical perspectives on race and racism, the authors hope to see Obama's speech used as a catalyst for nuanced, historicized conversations about race in the United States. The authors argue throughout this paper that the race speech has the pedagogical potential to create such conversations. Instead, we hope to underscore the potential for using Obama's AMPU speech as a vehicle for promoting a rich, nuanced understanding of race in America. We contend that this speech has the potential to foster both productive and unproductive conversations about race, reflecting theories of both racial literacy and racial liberalism. Examining these curricula does, however, provide a snapshot into how the field of education has begun to conceptualize Obama's historical narrative. Racial literacy calls for an intersectional analysis of race alongside other social factors such as class, gender, or geography. These lesson ideas can hopefully serve as a starting point for moving away from racial liberalist interpretations of the "A More Perfect Union" speech and toward developing greater racial literacy through Obama's iconic address.