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The article analyzes the organizational and legal prerequisites and the process of reorganization of the administrative and territorial system and the formation of local self-government on the territory of Subcarpathian Rus (Transcarpathia) during the first half of the 20s of the 20th century. It was established that the system of administrative and territorial organization of the region was formed gradually, undergoing minor changes at the initial stage. At this stage, the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the former Hungarian lands (Piedkarpattia) not only adopted the existing Hungarian administrative system to a certain extent, but also partially adapted it to its needs. It has been analyzed that instead of Czechoslovak committees under Law No. 126/1920, the old Hungarian committee administration, modified by Law No. 210/1920 and Government Decree No. 476/1920, remained in force in Subcarpathian Rus. It was established that after the recognition of the invalidity of the Committee Law No. 126/1920 and the unsuccessful attempt to introduce Government Decree No. 352/1920 in Subcarpathian Rus, the government of the Czech Republic began to be interested in the centralization of power in the region. It is noted that the resolution of the Presidium of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Czechoslovakia No. 22093 dated August 26, 1921 approved a new administrative-territorial system with a division into three counties and 19 districts. The cities of Uzhhorod and Mukachevo were declared settlements with a regulated magistrate. It is proven that the limitation of local self-government was based on government decree No. 171/1923, the principle norm of which was the appointment of new district notaries, who became civil servants supervising self-government. Corresponding conclusions were made regarding the support by the state authorities of the Czechoslovak Republic of the principle of vertical subordination of self-government bodies, especially city ones, which even illusory did not correspond to the principles of the autonomous organization of the region stipulated by the Saint-Germain Peace Treaty [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the provisions of the Law of Ukraine “On the Prevention of Corruption”, the Model Regulation “On the Authorized Unit (Person) on Prevention and Detection of Corruption” and other specialized legislation from the point of view of regulating the activities of the anticorruption officer of state authorities and local self-government bodies. The complex of measures to prevent and detect corruption, which are entrusted to the authorized persons in the implementation of their activities in state bodies, local self-government bodies, state enterprises, institutions, and organizations, has been studied. It was established that the anti-corruption commissioner exercises control over compliance with anti-corruption legislation in the relevant body, its territorial (interregional) bodies and legal entities belonging to the sphere of management of the relevant body through cooperation with the management, employees and other authorized bodies (persons) in accordance with the current legislation. It was found that in the current legislation of Ukraine there are two institutions of anti-corruption commissioners, different in terms of legal regulation, but unified in terms of the purpose of their activity. Namely, the first institute provides for the formation (definition) of authorized divisions (authorized persons) on issues of prevention and detection of corruption, in particular, at enterprises, institutions and organizations belonging to the sphere of management of a state body and regulates its activities, and the second institute of anti-corruption officers, specifically for legal entities whose anti-corruption programs are approved in accordance with the Law. It is emphasized that the fulfillment of a number of tasks by the authorized person is related to direct interaction with the management of the state authority or local self-government body, including on the issues of conflict of interest settlement, whistleblower protection, bringing guilty persons to disciplinary responsibility for violating the requirements of anti-corruption legislation, informing about the facts of committing such violations, managing corruption risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Neapolitan artillery during the period of Carlo Filangieri reflects an era of military modernization. After the establishment of the Naval Academy in 1735, Carlo di Borbone founded the Corps Academy and the Engineers Academy, merging these institutions in 1769 into the Royal Military Academy. Military facilities were strategically located in the triangle formed by the Royal Palace, Castelnuovo, and the Naval Arsenal, with modern facilities also in Castellammare, Poggioreale, Gaeta, Capua, Torre Annunziata, and Mongiana. The Artillery Arsenal and the Royal Foundry were central to the production of military equipment, utilizing advanced technologies. The Royal Weapon Assembly handled weapon assembly, while the Royal Factory of Torre Annunziata produced cutting and firearms. Carlo Filangieri played a crucial role in reorganizing the military industry and promoting protectionist policies. In 1834, under the leadership of Ferdinand II, Filangieri was appointed to head the reorganization of the Artillery Corps, improving existing facilities and promoting self-sufficiency in military supplies. This period marked a transition toward industrialization of military production in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, highlighting the importance of having a well-equipped central arsenal to ensure the political and military autonomy of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the importance of incorporating a feminist international relations (IR) approach to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. It highlights the gendered nature of conflict, security, and peacebuilding, and the need to understand the impact of gender on these issues. The article explores the connection between gender, security, and policy imperatives set forth in the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda. It also examines the role of militarism, women's participation in movements and institutions, and the interaction between global frameworks and local dynamics. The article includes case studies on Jordan, Iraq, and Syria to provide empirical and theoretical insights into these issues. The authors emphasize the importance of further research and analysis in understanding the gendered dynamics and implications in the MENA region. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the constitutional promises and practices of self-rule in Ethiopia federal system focusing on the Konso ethnic group's quest for self-rule. Given that the federal project in Ethiopia is a new model (synthesis) that has replaced the failed 'Nation-State' building effort since 1991, self-rule has become the ideological heart of the incumbent party and a pillar of the constitution. To this end, the article used a qualitative research approach that relied on both primary and secondary sources of data. Interviews, field observation, focus group discussions, and document analysis were utilised to obtain data. The findings show that, despite the fact that both the FDRE and SNNPRS constitutions promised "unconditional right to every national, nationality, and people to have the right to self-determination up to secession," the Konso quest for self-rule was rejected, their previous semi-autonomous status was dissolved, and they were relegated to ordinary Woreda. The merger transformed Special Woredas into ordinary Woredas while also shifting nationality self-rule to multi-ethnic self-rule, resulting in a paradigm shift in terms of self-rule practice. The Woredas lack essential identity-related self-government autonomy, such as the capacity to choose the working language and the right to appoint and remove officials as needed. A major source of concern is the decline in capital budgets and the delayed development of infrastructure. As a result, the SNNP regional government has breached both its original ideological vows and the framework of the constitution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonprofits are increasingly involved in cross‐sectoral collaborations with the public sector. However, we know little about the dynamics behind these collaborations and what happens to them in politically contested fields where actors may have divergent positions. In this article, a multi‐country comparison of data gathered from semi‐structured interviews (n = 68) with representatives of nonprofits involved in the labor market inclusion of newcomers is presented. Our findings indicate that, in politically contested fields, the possibility of participating in cross‐sectoral collaborations (political autonomy) is influenced by nonprofits' financial and ideological autonomy. Welfare models and migration regimes play a fundamental role in shaping the inclusion of these organizations in collaborations, and in most cases, the collaborations are based on latent conflicts. Our article discusses that if the costs of autonomy associated with cross‐sectoral collaborations are not offset, the collaboration in a politically contested field becomes a liability for nonprofits (and their beneficiaries). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional nationalism in Spain – particularly those movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country – have been characterized at the parliamentary level by political parties from both the traditional left and right of the political spectrum. While calls for greater autonomy and even secession are made from both ends of that spectrum, the framings of their calls for self-government vary in content and scope. Since the turn into the 21st century, sub-state nationalist parties of the left - those more typically associated with a prioritization of environmental concerns - in both regions have taken an increased share of the seats in their respective parliaments. Over the same period, climate change has increasingly moved to the front of the list of the concerns of European citizens. This paper investigates the degree to which key regional nationalists of the left have moved to incorporate environmental and climate change concerns into their claim making, narrative, and framings, highlighting both regional, and governance level comparative dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whilst the challenges brought about by the Arab Spring have been severe to many Middle Eastern and North African countries, the political stability of Morocco has offered a sharp contrast in the eyes of academics. Prompting one to ask what has caused such an exception? In examining the historical development of Morocco after its independence, we find that the answer to this question lies in the regime's ability in providing different social groups with economic and political deliverables through the use of social contracts, thus maintaining the country's stability. This article argues that it was this proficient management of social contracts that allowed Morocco to strive, as opposed to the tumultuous fate of its neighbours. Despite several social protests, the regime was able to successfully maintain the validity of its social contract through timely political and economic adjustments. The structure and effectiveness of such social contracts are intrinsically tied to Morocco's historical factors and power structure. Alongside with the successful management of its social contracts, the regime also, fairly proficiently, utilized patriotism, political manipulation and military control. The result being a relative stable society during the transitional periods in its social contracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do populations facing external aggression view the costs and benefits of self‐defense? In Western countries, war support has been shown to follow cost–benefit calculations, resembling the moral principle of proportionality. A categorical position, in contrast, means supporting self‐defense regardless of the costs. To evaluate which moral principle populations facing external aggression follow, we conducted a conjoint experiment with 1,160 Ukrainians in July 2022. We examine support for different strategies Ukraine could pursue against Russia, which vary regarding the political autonomy and territorial integrity they afford and three costs: civilian and military fatalities, and nuclear risk. We find that Ukrainians do not trade off autonomy or territory against these costs. A new method to rank conjoint‐attributes, computing "nested" marginal means, shows that respondents categorically reject political or territorial concessions, regardless of costs. This provides first experimental evidence that populations resisting external aggression do not subject war outcomes to cost–benefit calculations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We show that current levels of democracy in Africa are linked to the nature of its independence movements. Using different measures of political regimes and historical data on anticolonial movements, we find that countries that experienced rural insurgencies tend to have autocratic regimes, while those that faced urban protests tend to have more democratic institutions. The association between the type of independence movement and democracy is statistically significant for the post‐Cold War period and robust to a number of potential confounding factors and sensitivity checks. We provide evidence for causality in this relationship by using an instrumental variables approach and a difference‐in‐differences design with fixed effects. Furthermore, we adjudicate between two potential mechanisms and find support for a behavioral path dependence hypothesis. Urban protests enabled participants to develop norms of peaceful political behavior, which provided cultural bases for liberal democracy. In contrast, armed rebellions generated behavioral patterns that perpetuated political exclusion and the use of violence as a form of political dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sovereignism is said to be on the rise: defending a nation's political autonomy, international borders, and cultural identity and protecting the domestic economy from the perils of globalisation are core demands. What about Latin America? To what extent are sovereignist claims a key component of Latin American parties' platforms and rhetoric? How do these vary according to national contexts and ideological foundations? Is sovereignism truly novel in the region? This article, relying on qualitative analyses of party manifestos from six different countries, as well as on data from the Manifesto Project, aims to map Latin American sovereignism in its different dimensions (political, economic, cultural, international) according to country and party families. As our data show, claims for defending or achieving ‘sovereignty’ are a key component of the (mostly left‐wing) populist idiolect in the region. The Latin American extreme right tends to adopt a sovereignist rhetoric to justify a traditional pro‐market agenda. The article overall calls for a problematisation of the concept of ‘sovereignism’ by proposing a stronger cross‐regional perspective. There are different ‘varieties of sovereignism’ depending on whether state sovereignty is primarily viewed as something to be restored or, alternatively, to be achieved (as is the case in South America). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The claim of liberal constitutionalism is that a text-like object or a 'diplomatically abstract' set of principles can work a deflection of disagreements within a pluralist polity. But this project assumes both that pluralism remains amenable to reason and that reason is a capacity independent of the profound differences of meaning, value, and forms of life that shape those disagreements. Neither assumption is correct. Differences in norms, values, and forms of life inevitably undergird and structure differences in meaning, perception, and interpretation. Consequently, a constitution (even when written and accompanied by judicial review) will necessarily unfold in an ongoing process of political cooperation and contestation. Legitimacy can arise only from the practice of democracy itself – that is, self-governance under conditions that realistically accord equal recognition and respect to all participants. Law is not some abstract entity or prior fixation, special and above. It is not, as Michelman once said, 'an autonomous force' that provides 'an external untouchable rule of the game'. It is just another social institution or performative practice that does (or does not) reflect our democratic nomos. To be committed, as a strong democrat, to the rule of law is to be committed to the idea that we make the rules by which we govern ourselves. Equal voice, equal power, and equal law are just self-government. They are internal to – that is, constitutive of – the game. They are not untouchable; indeed, they are being manhandled every day. But they nevertheless describe a democratic constitution that fully legitimates itself in its performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that nationalities policy under Lenin and Stalin, its commitment to territorial autonomy notwithstanding, effectively put into practice the Austro-Marxist vision of a socialist multinational state and party that patronised national culture to assuage separatist tendencies. Highlighting the ideological common ground between Habsburg remedies for imperial disintegration along national lines and Soviet policies for imperial integration along the same lines, it argues that the Bolsheviks' Marxist premise of promoting national diversity and culture to defuse nationalism was prefigured and informed by the Austro-Marxist premise of making national cultural autonomy the hallmark rather than the antithesis of socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the role of Indigenous communities in Guatemala in countering a right-wing backlash and defending democracy. It discusses the inauguration of President Bernardo Arévalo, who acknowledged the support of Indigenous peoples but raised concerns about their limited representation in his cabinet. The concept of a plurinational state and demands for Indigenous rights and autonomy are also discussed. The article highlights the historical context of colonial violence and the erasure of Indigenous identities, which has fueled the call for plurinationalism. It emphasizes the ongoing struggle for a plurinational state and the importance of practicing plurinationalism and buen vivir in everyday life. [Extracted from the article]

"The Great Power of Small Nations" by Elizabeth N. Ellis explores the complex Indigenous history of the Lower Mississippi River Valley and its impact on wider continental and imperial politics. The book sheds light on the diplomatic and political influence of smaller Native nations such as the Tensas, Tunicas, Yazoos, and many others, who formed alliances with other Native nations and Europeans to protect their lands and cultures. The author also highlights the violence and devastation caused by colonial encounters, as well as the ongoing struggles faced by Indigenous communities today, such as the Pointe-au-Chien Indian Tribe, who continue to fight for federal recognition and support in the face of environmental challenges. This meticulously researched book provides valuable insights into the Gulf South and the Indian politics and diplomacy that shaped the modern world. [Extracted from the article]

The article is devoted to the study of the concept of state financial control and the legal status of the subjects of its provision. It is noted that, in practice, the system of state financial control bodies is extremely extensive and includes a large number of bodies that do not interact properly. It is proposed to understand state financial control as the activity of state authorities and local self-government regulated by financial and legal norms, based on the principles of legality, independence, objectivity, efficiency and aimed at protecting the financial interests of the state, business entities and citizens. It is emphasized that the Law of Ukraine «On the basic principles of state financial control in Ukraine» does not operate with the concept of «subject of state financial control», but only generally indicates the rights of the state financial control body, and the duties and responsibilities of its officials. It is indicated that the President of Ukraine, being the head of state and possessing a special legal status, supervises financial activities. Control powers in the field of financial resources management can be exercised by the President of Ukraine by adopting decrees, the effect of which is aimed at regulating financial relations. It is noted that the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine is assigned to the state body of general financial competence, but it determines the main guidelines for the development of the entire financial system of the country by adopting and approving laws. The specific results of the activities of bodies of special competence depend on its actions. It has been established that the Accounting Chamber occupies a separate place in the system of state financial control bodies, it is the highest body of state financial control of Ukraine, it is formed by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, subordinate to and accountable to it. The Accounting Chamber, in accordance with Article 98 of the Constitution of Ukraine, on behalf of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, controls the receipt of funds from the State Budget of Ukraine and their use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the Laws of Ukraine in the field of social dialogue relations and explores ways to harmonize and/or improve their provisions, which would enhance the guarantees of interaction and mutual understanding between the parties involved in such dialogue. The main provisions regarding social dialogue, particularly those concerning the resolution of collective labour disputes and labour mediation, should be enshrined in the fundamental regulatory act in the field of labour relations - the Labour Code of Ukraine (or a codified act that may replace it). The article provides a characterization of the Laws of Ukraine that are interconnected with the Law of Ukraine «On Social Dialogue in Ukraine» on issues concerning the subjects of such legal relations, including those that define the participation of executive authorities and local self-government bodies in social dialogue relations, as well as relevant draft laws. It also presents the provisions of the Law of Ukraine «On Trade Unions, Their Rights and Guarantees of Activity» that require harmonization with the fundamental regulatory act on social dialogue, as they limit its scope concerning the participation of trade unions/their associations in social dialogue relations. It is proposed to address the identified inconsistencies by aligning them with the fundamental legislation on social dialogue. Attention is drawn to the contentious status of local self-government bodies as subjects of social dialogue due to the combination of partnership and accountability. It is noted that the Law of Ukraine «On the Procedure for Resolving Collective Labour Disputes» regulates the stages of resolving collective labour disputes, one of which is conciliation procedures. This procedure corresponds to the forms of social dialogue defined in the Law of Ukraine «On Social Dialogue in Ukraine». Therefore, there is a need to substantively synchronize the legislative rules of conciliation procedures during the resolution of collective labour disputes with the norms of legislation on social dialogue. Arguments are presented that labour mediation is one form of social dialogue: 1) it involves the interaction of parties in an out-of-court, structured procedure aimed at preventing conflicts, conducted through negotiations; 2) the scope of the Law of Ukraine «On Mediation» includes relations related to conducting mediation to prevent potential conflicts (disputes) or to resolve any existing conflicts (disputes), including labour disputes. It is concluded that the Law of Ukraine «On Social Dialogue in Ukraine» should be harmonized with the Law of Ukraine «On Mediation» regarding the definition of forms of social dialogue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This article aims to identify the perception of district medical chambers' activities in their members' environment. Methodology: As part of the adopted research convention, questionnaire surveys were conducted. Their participants were doctors and dentists representing selected district medical chambers. The group covered by the analysis consisted of 146 persons. The secondary data comes from the studies of the Supreme Medical Chamber. Findings: An integral part of the research was identifying respondents' opinions on selected directions for the activity of district chambers. Based on the analysis of the primary material obtained, it was found that the respondents are not satisfied with the undertakings initiated by the medical chambers. Research limitations: The article contains a preliminary study. In the future it is planned to conduct additional quantitative and qualitative research. Practical implications: The issue of professional self-government is examined through the prism of the activities of district medical chambers. These chambers exemplify the activities of the medical professional self-government, which is perceived as one of Poland's oldest and best-functioning self-government. It is worth emphasising that under the current legal order, every doctor and dentist granted the right to practice a profession is a member of a selected chamber. Social implications: The activity of professional self-government is an essential area of academic inquiry, as well as one that addresses issues linking theoretical issues to business practice. The highlighted topic is also part of the scope of research in the social sciences, including those dealing with organisational management. In the literature on the subject, professional self-government is considered an independent and autonomous institution established to perform tasks of an administrative nature by a specific group of persons. Originality: The article concerns current scientific problems and economic practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The tension between the equality of citizens and the autonomy of regions continues to be a topic of debate in decentralised states. In this context, the clauses that allow the central government to interfere in jurisdictions that are not its own in order to achieve certain objectives (equal rights and duties, the essential level of benefits, or uniformity in living conditions) are still unclear elements that can disrupt the system of distribution of powers as a whole. This article analyses this problem in Spain, Italy and Germany, with a special focus on the confusion caused by Article 149.1.1 of the Spanish Constitution (CE in Spanish) in our system: both in relation to its overlap with other jurisdictions and its abuse. Therefore, this paper reviews the use of Article 149.1.1.1 CE, accompanied by the Constitutional Court’s interpretation of it and concludes with some guidelines for its current application.

The article discusses four books that focus on the political legacies and effects of civil wars in Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Colombia. The authors explore how civil wars impact state institutions and politics at the national and subnational levels in Latin America. They also examine the transnational factor of the international prohibitions on the drug trade and its influence on armed groups operating within and across states in the region. The books shed light on the challenges faced by Latin American states in dealing with armed groups involved in the drug trade and the implications for democracy, security, and justice in the region. [Extracted from the article]

The study aims at identifying reasons behind the retreat of Egyptian universities from the democratic track in selecting university leaders through direct and free elections. The study successfully implemented two research designs, the historical design by using original and secondary sources; and critical analytical auto-ethnography to collect and analyze data. The results have shown that the main reasons for this decline are rampant administrative corruption in Egyptian public universities and political and security control over them. The proliferation of electoral coalitions and old power structures in Egyptian universities adversely impacted the experience of electing leaders. Internal conflicts in universities and the tendency of elected leaders toward independence are reasons to refrain from following the democratic path. Lastly, the study suggests a genuine proposal for enhancing real democratic reforms within Egyptian universities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Treaties are concluded by States but often impose rights and obligations directly upon private parties. Can private parties contract out of a treaty including States' oppositions without explicit permissions granted by the treaty? The complexity between party autonomy and State sovereignty is reflected in recent cases and unsettled debates regarding the Hague Convention on the Service Abroad of Judicial and Extra Judicial Documents in Civil or Commercial Matters of November 15, 1965 ("HSC"). The HSC contains a large number of oppositions made by 65 Contracting States including China, Germany, India, and Singapore. Combining public and private international law, this paper aims to explore the correlative relationship between party autonomy and State sovereignty in applying the HSC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study challenges traditional rentier state theory and contributes to a new generation of scholarship focused on state-business relations by evaluating the relationship between different degrees of state policymaking autonomy and business elite influences in political and economic institutions. The findings of this study address central policy questions about economic reform in the Gulf Cooperation Council countries. Using primary data from my case studies of Qatar and Kuwait, I posit two arguments. First, states with lesser business elite influence over political institutions have more autonomy to realise their economic reform goals; a less dominant and influential business elite circle will more likely submit to state-led economic reform initiatives. Greater business elite dominance, meanwhile, tends to create a powerful bloc undercutting economic change, such as labour reform or new regulatory frameworks, that would benefit the long-term stability of the state. Second, rentier states with higher degrees of state-led capitalism have more autonomy to conduct economic reforms; state-led capitalism produces more coherent and cohesive state apparatuses that can incentivize business elite cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to demonstrate that bottom-up popular vote processes (the optional referendum and citizens' initiative) focused on ordinary legislation can help to improve democratic self-government by uniquely facilitating the development and expression of various forms of political agency. Most significantly, it is argued that such popular vote processes can be designed in ways that endow them with significant deliberative credentials. Methodologically, the paper employs Mark E. Warren's problem-based approach to democratic theory, which provides the conceptual tools necessary to advance a) a novel case for recovering popular vote processes as a valid institutional toolkit for exploration by democratic theory and b) an empirically informed set of best practices that can provide critical resources for normatively scrutinizing existing institutionalizations of bottom-up popular vote processes across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public reason liberalism demands that political decisions be publicly justified to the citizens who are subjected to them. Much recent literature emphasises the differences between the two main interpretations of this requirement, justificatory and political liberalism. In this paper, I show that both views share structural democratic deficits. They fail to guarantee political autonomy, the expressive quality of law, and the justification to citizens, because they allow collective decisions made by incompletely theorised agreements. I argue that the result can only be avoided by changing public reason's role in collective decision-making. Instead of incompletely theorised agreements, we should demand agreement both on the public reasons themselves and on the other premises that justify political decisions. In this way, it is always possible to point to a procedure-independent reason that justifies democratic decisions, and the reasoning of the state is public and contestable. Finally, I explain how this, in turn, implies that only political liberalism can be rescued—by accepting what I will call strong political liberalism. Modifying justificatory liberalism in the necessary way will inevitably open the door to an objectionable form of perfectionism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukrainian society demonstrated amazing resilience during the russian federation's invasion of Ukraine. To a large extent, local self-government bodies contribute to this sustainability. However, in the course of the war there are constant challenges, providing sufficient shelter, preparing for the winter sea-son with limited access to energy in the conditions of continuous destruction of civilian infrastructure, economic recession, unemployment etc. In this regard, the article summarizes theoretical provisions and develops scientific and practical recommendations for improving the structure and elements of the local self-government system in the conditions of the post-war reconstruction of the country, the essence of which is that directions for improving the functioning of the structure and elements of the self-government system in the conditions of post-war recovery of the country - the conditions and grounds for the recovery of local self-government in the de-occupied territories in the post-war period and the formation of models of the transition period of the recovery of local self-government for a mutually beneficial international partnership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the historiography of the Russian Civil War, discussing the ongoing debates and different perspectives surrounding the conflict. It highlights recent publications by Russian authors that offer new insights based on archival sources. The article also mentions three specific studies that focus on different aspects of the war, including the role of antisemitic violence, the peasant resistance movement, and the struggle for independence in a specific region. These studies contribute to a better understanding of the complexities of the Russian Civil War. [Extracted from the article]

Recently opened memorial museums and exhibitions in Croatia museumize the "Homeland War" of 1991 to 1995. This article examines the four major institutions, the Museum of the Homeland War in Karlovac as well as three sites in Vukovar: The Memorial Center for the Homeland War, the Memorial Hospital and the Ovčara Memorial Home. This first systematic site analysis compares 1) the overall narratives; 2) how enemy images from World War II are reactivated to demonize "the other"; 3) how women are represented in these war exhibitions; and 4) the topics that are left out. I argue that while there is still no national museum that includes war developments in all of the country, the two big institutions, the Museum in Karlovac and the Center in Vukovar, focus on the "defenders," as the Croatian fighters are called – while in Karlovac strikingly marginalizing and at the Center completely omitting civilians. War here means (male) soldiers and weapons, while the other two institutions portray individual victims without discussing their biographies. In all sites, Serbs are depicted with reference to World War II: as Chetniks, running "concentration camps" who committed either "urbicide and culturocide" or a "holocaust" against Croats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Salah Ben Youssef et les youssefistes: Au tournant de l'indépendance tunisienne, 1955–1956" by M'hamed Oualdi explores the rise and fall of the Youssefist movement in the Tunisian national movement. The author focuses on Salah Ben Youssef's leadership position in the Neo-Destour party, his expulsion from the party, and the support he garnered across Tunisia. The book also delves into the violent suppression of the movement after its official ban in 1956. The author draws on French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and French military archives for information. The book offers insights into Ben Youssef's background and his vision for Tunisia as a constitutional monarchy. The author questions why Tunisia did not evolve into a multiparty state like Morocco. However, the book could have benefited from further analysis of the rivalry between Bourguiba and Ben Youssef and the perspectives of other key figures. The book provides a useful chronology of events but lacks an index. [Extracted from the article]

I provide an opinionated discussion of two recent volumes on the structure, ethics, and politics of bad conversations. In Just Words (2019), Mary Kate McGowan argues that despite our best intentions, we sometimes inadvertently bring oppressive norms to bear on our interactions. In Grandstanding (2020), Justin Tosi and Brandon Warmke argue that the human desire to cut a good moral figure before others systematically distorts moral discourse. Though their authors have different political outlooks, both books converge on a similar theme: conversational bad behavior isn't always just morally obnoxious. It can be silencing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: With the global economic slowdown in 2023, most universities in the central and western regions of China may face the problem of shortage of government financial funding, which is directly related to the development of science and technology of the universities. With the support of the local government, most of the ordinary universities have shifted attention to the transfer and transformation of intellectual property based on school-enterprise cooperation, hoping to seek more commercialization income as an extra source of income. Therefore, this paper aimed to study the current situation of university intellectual property, i.e. the reserve and distribution of transferable patents, discipline distribution of patents, and regional cooperation of university patents. Design/methodology/approach: A patent database of 10 key universities in Henan Province of China from 2012 to 2021 was established. The evaluation indicator model by the Entropy method was conducted to reveal the interaction mechanism between quantity indicators, quality indicators, and value indicators. Based on the data analysis, the development direction of the discipline construction and school-enterprise cooperation for local universities was clear. Findings: The findings indicated that the number of patent applications from ten key universities in Henan Province has been increasing rapidly over the years. The trend for authorized invention patents has remained relatively stable. Compared with the patent applications and authorizations, the growth of transferable patents was notably slow. The significance of strategic layout of dominant disciplines and related high-value patents was not appreciated enough by Chinese government and universities. There was a large difference of dominant disciplines between 10 key universities, and the patent level of each university was directly proportional to the number of dominant disciplines. The university patent level heavily relied on the researchers' contributions and the distribution mechanism of scientific research resources within the university. Guangdong Province and the Yangtze River Delta of China, being economically developed regions, exhibited the most active engagement in patent technology cooperation. Conversely, the central and western regions displayed relatively lower participation in high-value patent research and development. Research limitations/implications: This study can provide a unique perspective to understand and solve the financial bottleneck problem of ordinary universities in the central and western regions of China. The discipline construction and school-enterprise cooperation are just one of the existing schemes, but it still cannot solve the financial problems faced by local universities in China towards the government. Practical implications: The findings of this study can serve as a foundation for further investigation into policies aimed at improving the financial problems of ordinary universities in the central and western regions of China. Originality/value: As an important attempt, the study tried to focus the financial problem of universities in the central and western regions of China based on the evaluation of the current situation of university intellectual property. This research findings are of great value in finding optimal layout between university patents, disciplines and school-enterprise cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Responding to the failures of the good governance agenda in the post‐Cold War period, development scholars and policy researchers have placed increasing emphasis on approaches that can enable practitioners to support local change processes in politically savvy ways. Sometimes referred to as the 'second orthodoxy' in donor practice, these models aim to take the politics of aid‐receiving contexts seriously and work 'with the grain' of the institutional landscapes in which they are applied. This paper examines how these principles were put into practice within the ODI's Budget Strengthening Initiative (BSI) in Uganda. The paper shows how an 'embedded' form of technical assistance enabled the BSI to act micro‐politically, brokering the adoption of fiscal decentralisation reforms within the Uganda government. However, in the face of a broader political landscape of regime survival, the BSI's position within Uganda's financial technocracy also constrained its capacity to support these reforms. In this context of declining autonomy and shifting political constraints, the BSI worked 'with the grain' to reshape the reforms to align with pre‐existing political logics that hindered pro‐poor outcomes. Going forward, the paper suggests that further attention might be applied to understanding and addressing the fundamental tensions and trade‐offs involved in working 'with the grain' of challenging political contexts like Uganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides examples of public projects to ensure the availability of infrastructure for low-mobility population groups, the territorial community of the city of Cherkasy. The creation of children's rooms, the proposed playground for children with disabilities, as well as the creation of barrier-free infrastructure for everyone without exception. Project solutions and proposals, for example from other cities of Ukraine, regarding improving the accessibility of the city's infrastructure for the less mobile population groups have been analyzed and presented. The theoretical provisions, improved approaches and obtained results developed in the project proposal can become a project basis during the formation of policies at various levels and the implementation of appropriate measures to ensure the accessibility of the infrastructure of the territorial community for the less mobile population groups, to activate the public at the level of territorial communities. We hope that the project proposals will be accepted and considered by territorial communities, namely the city of Cherkasy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role and significance of local self-government in countering Russian aggression in modern conditions, as well as in the prospective harmonious reintegration of the de-occupied territories of Ukraine and ensuring sustainable national stability. The author's vision of the system of national strength of Ukraine as a complex of various interconnected elements, which in their totality are able to ensure the detection of threats to national statehood and civil society, is formulated, their differentiation according to the importance and priority of response, permanent monitoring of threats according to their evolution, elimination of the indicated threats to sustainable development. It has been established that the reintegration of the de-occupied territories of Ukraine will be a significant challenge to the national system of state strength. The thoughtfulness of this process, the identification of key problems and obstacles to the effective reintegration of the de-occupied territories, the elimination of security, economic, social, political, legal, spiritual-ideological, culturaleducational, environmental, infrastructural and other obstacles to the organic reintegration of the de-occupied territories of Ukraine will have a profound impact on the national system of strength both on a state scale and on a local scale. It was concluded that the functioning of local self-government based on the principle of subsidiarity in relation to the reintegration of deoccupied territories is the most effective direction for the successful harmonious reunification of previously occupied territories with Ukraine. It is argued that the main emphasis in the field of reintegration of de-occupied territories should be aimed at people living or returning or settling in such de-occupied territories. It is the context of the organic unification of people around the values of the cultural, economic, social, political, spiritual and ideological life of Ukraine after deoccupation that should fill municipal and state policy. This approach of active municipal policy combined with state support based on taking into account local needs, requests and features of the de-occupied territories will ensure their formalization, sustainable recovery and subsequent prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the issue of decentralization of power in postwar Japan. While decentralization has been emphasized in Japan compared to other countries, there has been a lack of administrative and financial autonomy for local governments. The Ministry of Home Affairs recognized the importance of decentralization and sought to enhance local governmental autonomy. In the 1990s, political reforms led to significant progress in decentralizing the administrative and fiscal realms. The focus of decentralization reforms has primarily been on relations between the central government and prefectural governments, although municipalities have also been affected. The book under review presents a systematic analysis of prefecture-to-municipality decentralization, which has not been adequately addressed in previous studies. The author uses a research strategy that focuses on prefecture-specific analysis and examines the transfer of authority from prefectures to municipalities. However, there are some unresolved problems in the book, such as the handling of variables and the use of a game-theory model. Overall, this book provides valuable insights into Japan's local politics and the challenges of decentralization. [Extracted from the article]

International human rights jurisprudence has increasingly mandated state action which integrates a gender perspective, taking into consideration the discriminatory norms, harmful social practices, stereotypes, and violence that women have and still suffer. A range of supranational bodies have issued case decisions promoting the adoption of gender-sensitive legislation, policies, programs, and the establishment of administration of justice systems well-trained and equipped to address women's rights violations. This article discusses how the conception of this gender perspective has evolved over time and is now centered on the pursuit of autonomy for women. Autonomy is presented as a key ingredient to ensure due respect for women's self-direction, agency, and dignity. This evolving approach is a move towards intersectional autonomy, which advances the notion that women should be the sole architects of their life plans, based on their identities and different experiences, and meaningfully participate in their societies. Creating the conditions for free and informed choices underpins current women's rights jurisprudence. This is a break from historical notions of human rights protection solely focused on women as victims, as members of a homogenous group, and a limited binary perspective to their rights. This article discusses illustrative decisions of this tendency from the European Court of Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission and Court of Human Rights, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, and the United Nations Human Rights Committee, among other bodies. This article further proposes that intersectional autonomy is treated and interpreted in the future in international jurisprudence as a right, with independent content, offering guidance to states on needed laws, policies, programs, and services at the local and national levels. This human rights development is presented as essential for international law standards concerning women to be impactful and truly transformative at the national level. This article analyzes the main elements of the right of women to intersectional autonomy, and states' negative and positive obligations in its fulfillment. The author is currently pursuing a line of research exploring contemporary understandings of the international human rights of women, and how existing legal standards should evolve based on modern scenarios and realities. This article represents a contribution to this line of scholarship. It aims to increase understanding of the connection of the concepts of intersectional discrimination and autonomy, how they can be analyzed by global and regional human rights jurisprudence, and their promise to enhance effectiveness in international law concerning women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of the conducted research was to determine the role of legal mechanisms for monitoring the observance of public order in the context of the interaction of police officers with local self-government bodies. To determine the legal framework for collaboration between the police and regional selfgovernment, formal legal and comparative methods, analysis of legal acts, and abstract and logical methods were used. The forms of interaction between the police and local self-government in controlling the observance of public order are identified in the article, and recommendations for improving such cooperation are formulated. It was determined that in order to improve the proper mechanisms of interaction between police officers and local self-government bodies, it is recommended to adopt a normative document on the legislative consolidation of the mechanism of interaction in the field of public safety and order in ordinary and emergency situations. It is recommended that the responsible entities and mechanisms for monitoring the state of this interaction be identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of modernising Ukrainian statehood, it is essential to develop elements of civil society. Accordingly, there is a need to develop new theoretical and practical approaches to control the activities of local selfgovernment. The study aims to identify the mechanism of the State's control over local self-government in the organisational and legal aspects through comparativelegal, formal-legal, legal modelling and statistical methods. The study concludes that an effective public administration system, including state control, should be completed to implement political, social, cultural, economic, and other priorities of society's development. The study concludes that the existing tasks of reforming the territorial basis of local self-government in Ukraine have been largely resolved. Nevertheless, there is a need to improve the legal regulation and organisational arrangement of the territorial basis of local self-government under the control of the state for its further development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research examines the results of exercising the existing state supervision powers over local self-government bodies in combating crimes for the protection of the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The aim is to assess the state-legal mechanisms for combating crimes to ensure the country's territorial integrity based on the control functions over local self-government in Ukraine. The research employed methods of graphic analysis, sociological survey on issues of supervisory powers and local self-government, and content analysis of legislation related to state control over the activities of local authorities. The practical application of enhanced state supervision over local self-government bodies is complicated by the economic shortcomings of supervisory institutions and political contradictions with local authorities. It was established that effective countermeasures against crime for the preservation of territorial integrity depend not only on the nominal organisational structure of supervision but also on the formation of mutual relations with local communities through the governance channels with the involvement of the public. Detailed state supervision should effectively strengthen the protection of sovereignty while preserving the elements of self-governance that are an example of the state's legitimacy for citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Helsinki Accords (1975) left a significant mark on international diplomacy, having a decisive influence on international relations during the Cold War. The Act aimed at strengthening peace in Europe by setting the principles and commitments along four main axes: security, economic cooperation, scientific and humanitarian cooperation and respect for human rights. Romania's foreign policy during this timeframe was distinguished by a relatively independent approach towards the Soviet Union and its foreign policy, a position that was nevertheless manifested during the negotiations for the Helsinki Accords. The Americans used the term "multilateral diplomacy" to define Ceausescu's foreign policy. At Helsinki, Romania used this opportunity to stress the importance of respect for human rights and national autonomy. During the negotiations under the Helsinki Accords, Romanian diplomacy strongly supported the inclusion of clear and specific commitments to human rights and self-determination of people, thus aligning itself differently from other signatory states. Valentin Lipatti, a prominent Romanian diplomat and jurist, recognised for his expertise in international law and involvement in international negotiations, one of the key members of the Romanian team, played an active role in drafting and promoting Romania's position in the negotiations. Lipatti was the promoter of articulating and advocating Romania's views on respect for human rights and national autonomy, strengthening the Romanian team's contribution in shaping the content of the Helsinki Accords. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Lusofona de Educacao is the property of Universidade Lusofona de Humanidades e Tecnologias, CEIEF and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Lusofona de Educacao is the property of Universidade Lusofona de Humanidades e Tecnologias, CEIEF and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A growing strand of research revolving around the concept of legibility emphasizes the central function that information plays for state capacity accumulation. The bulk of these contributions remain focused on the existence of infrastructure supporting such information gathering rather than its actual content and quality. Further, attribution of agency in these narratives tends to remain at the level of the central state. Instead, we focus on local actors, specifically municipalities in Sweden. We use a publicly provided database of Swedish municipalities, containing around 5,000 miscellaneous indicators on various topics, to operationalize the propensity for producing missing data in a given municipality-year as a measure of (low) local legibility. The resulting “missingness”-index is devised through item-response theory modeling and covers all 290 Swedish municipalities between 1995 and 2022. Insofar, we make a methodological contribution by showing how public data repositories—often riddled by data issues endogenous to state capacity—can be leveraged as a valid empirical indicator of the same concept. Further, missingness is positively related to municipal capacity, measured by the administration size. Conversely, it is negatively related to local political autonomy, measured using voting patterns. These findings illustrate the importance of considering local government for the maintenance of state capacity in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "commons" have become a rallying point of social mobilization against privatization and a linchpin of collective civic empowerment and democratic renewal in several countries. What singles out the Italian "laboratory" of urban commons in recent years is the coalescence of pro-commons lawyers with activists, movements, and grassroots collectives. The central role played by law in the Italian commons network must be read in the light of the distinctive forms that regulations and rules assume in specific contexts. Drawing on ethnographic re- search conducted between 2018 and 2019, this article focuses on the case of Naples and the reinvention of the legal tradition of "civic use." Our account of the daily practices pursued by a Neapolitan community of commoners-L'Asilo-delves into the role played by the law and its representatives in a political context that has always been the subject of stigmatization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tension between the equality of citizens and the autonomy of regions continues to be a topic of debate in decentralised states. In this context, the clauses that allow the central government to interfere in jurisdictions that are not its own in order to achieve certain objectives (equal rights and duties, the essential level of benefits, or uniformity in living conditions) are still unclear elements that can disrupt the system of distribution of powers as a whole. This article analyses this problem in Spain, Italy and Germany, with a special focus on the confusion caused by Article 149.1.1 of the Spanish Constitution (CE in Spanish) in our system: both in relation to its overlap with other jurisdictions and its abuse. Therefore, this paper reviews the use of Article 149.1.1.1 CE, accompanied by the Constitutional Court’s interpretation of it and concludes with some guidelines for its current application. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary democratic states make a clear distinction between the matters of national importance and those of regional or local importance. The population of sub-national territorial collectivities, by means of the elected deliberative or executive public authorities, handle an important part of the regional- and local-interest affairs. Thus, the level of local self-government development may be deemed an index of democratic development of the contemporary states. A century ago, the professor, publicist, writer and politician Constantin Stere (1865-1936) used to treat the issues of sub-national territorial collectivity self-government considering the historical, national, and mainly rural particularities in die Romanian area. C. Stere considered that the local self-government phenomenon might and could be treated just starting from the necessity of upholding human rights and liberties, especially the right to elect and be elected within the deliberative and executive public authorities. The results of C. Stere's research have not lost their relevance and may serve as theoretical grounds for the study and settlement of issues regarding public affairs governance at regional and local level in the contemporary Romanian space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]