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The present study was based on empirical data collected during the first phase (2016) of Study 1000, part of the 13-November Program: a corpus of 934 individual interviews conducted 6-11 months after the events. To process this empirical material, the authors used integrated TXM software, which provides several classic textometry tools. They mainly used the lexical specificity analysis tool, which statistically measures the irregularity of the word distribution according to the parts of the corpus. They also analyzed the concordances of certain very specific lexical forms. Analysis revealed the important influence of social roles on the construction of memories and narratives of this event. Application of textometry tools highlighted lexical fields specific to the different social roles played by the interviewees in this social drama, and showed that it was through these specific vocabularies that they remembered and recounted this extraordinary story. Social roles therefore influence the formation of memories both individual and collective, by modulating the way in which individuals select what to remember and what to forget. The article opens up several interesting avenues for future analyses, mainly a longitudinal perspective (including phases 2 and 3 of Study 1000) for the study of flashbulb memories and the gender issue to fine-tune the analysis of social roles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the local newspaper's response to the "Syrian refugee rape case" disinformation campaign in Twin Falls, Idaho, 2016. Drawing upon the pervasive climate of fear surrounding Syrian refugees that followed the 2015 terrorist attacks in Paris, the disinformation campaign targeted refugee resettlement efforts in the city. The study employs a critical thematic analysis of prominent journalistic techniques deployed by the paper and the themes used to depict refugees in the news texts. The analysis identifies dominant patterns in the news articles and reveals how these strands drew upon deep-rooted cultural discourses and news coverage routines. The study suggests steps that can be incorporated by local journalists while responding to disinformation. Findings from the study can be applied to other media formats and will play an important role in countering disinformation about refugees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Les jeunes et la guerre d'Algérie: Une nouvelle génération face à son histoire" by Paul Max Morin is a book that examines the relationship between French youth and France's colonial past in Algeria, as well as the Algerian War of Independence. The author conducted a survey of 3,000 French individuals aged 18 to 25, as well as qualitative interviews with descendants of various groups involved in the war. The book explores how family memories, education, media, and other factors shape young people's perceptions of the colonial past and its impact on their identity and political opinions. The author concludes that young people, regardless of their background, seek a greater understanding of history and a reconciliation of memories. [Extracted from the article]

This article investigates member state influence on the making of EU counter-terrorism policy. Crucially, member states have not been viewed as major drivers of change in EU counter-terrorism, despite their experience of attacks, policy expertise, and the domestic salience of the issue. To address this gap, I show how member states acted as policy entrepreneurs during EU Passenger Name Records (EU-PNR), on which final agreement was reached in 2016. Specifically, I demonstrate that the UK Home Office was a prominent, long-term actor in the development of the EU's counter-terrorism policy and worked with the Commission to build an alliance in favour of EU-PNR. However, it was only with the 'window of opportunity' presented by jihadi terrorist attacks between 2015 and 2016 that members of the French government were finally able to pressure critical elements of the European Parliament into agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Experiences with jihadist terrorism sparked debates about the boundaries of religious expression within secular societies. Standpoints majority members hold in such discussions may be inclusive or exclusive towards religious minorities and inform wider intergroup perceptions. The present research explores these relationships in the context of the 2015 Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks in Paris, France. Using longitudinal data from a diverse French sample (N = 558) collected before and after the attacks, we test whether within‐person changes in exclusionary and inclusionary interpretations of the French Laïcité principle can account for changes in public perceptions of context‐relevant minorities. Meta‐analytical findings suggest a small significant conservative shift after experiences with terrorism. Previous research conducted in the context of the Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks departed from this pattern, however, without identifying underlying psychological mechanisms. Accordingly, the present data suggests a small but significant opinion shift in favor of context‐relevant minorities. This shifting was partially explained through an increased endorsement of an inclusionary interpretation of the Laïcité principle that stresses the freedom of religious expression. We offer a contextualized interpretation of our data, suggesting that the collective coping dynamics that followed the events (i.e., republican marches, #JeSuisCharlie) have been critical for the observed effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Terrorist attacks can induce post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and depression, which require multiple-session psychological care (MSPC). This study aims at investigating MSPC initiation and associated factors. Methods: Data were collected from a web-based survey of civilians 8–12 months after their exposure to the November 2015 Paris terrorist attacks. Depression and partial and full PTSD were assessed using the Hospital Anxiety and Depression Scale and the PCL-5 checklist, respectively. Questionnaires collected data on socio-demographic variables, exposure to the attacks, psychological treatment history, social isolation, somatic problems, having received an outreach psychological support (OPS), consultations with a general practitioner, contact with an association for victims, MSPC initiation and, if not, reasons for not having initiated it. Logistic regressions were used to examine factors associated with MSPC initiation. Results: Among the 450 respondents, 154 reported having initiated a MSPC after the attacks. Of the 134 who provided the MSPC initiation date, 50% did so during the first month. Among the respondents with at least one of the considered psychological disorders, 53% declared not having initiated yet a MSPC. The primary three reasons for not having initiated a MSPC among people with PTSD were "did not feel the need", "it was not the right time to talk about it", and "not offered". For people with at least one psychological disorder, MSPC initiation was associated with the number of somatic problems, type of exposure (witness, threatened, indirectly exposed), prior psychological treatment, being a woman, being in a relationship, having consulted a psychiatrist or a psychologist, having received an OPS, and being in contact with association for victims. Conclusion: The organization of adequate psychological care after a terror attack must take into account the need for healthcare that may emerge several months after the attack, and that witnesses seem less likely to receive MSPC than persons directly threatened despite their psychological disorder. Associations for victims and OPS seem to facilitate access to MSPC. Furthermore, our findings highlight the need to train physicians to screen for psychological disorders in persons exposed to terrorist attacks who present with somatic disorders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Following a mass casualty event, such as the Paris terrorist attacks of 13 November 2015, first responders need to identify individuals at risk of PTSD. Physical peritraumatic symptoms involving the autonomic nervous system may be useful in this task. Objective: We sought to determine the trajectory of physical response intensity in individuals exposed to the Paris terrorist attacks using repeated measures, and to examine its associations with PTSD. Using network modelling, we examined whether peritraumatic physical symptom associations differed by PTSD status. Methods: Physical reactions were assessed using the Subjective Physical Reactions Scale at three time points: peritraumatic by retrospective recall, then current at one year (8–18 months) and three years (30–42 months) after the attacks. Interaction networks between peritraumatic physical reactions were compared according to PTSD status. Results: On the one hand, the reported intensity of physical reactions was significantly higher in the PTSD group at all time points. On the other hand, using the dynamic approach, more robust positive interactions between peritraumatic physical reactions were found in the PTSD group one and three years after the attacks. Negative interactions were found in the no-PTSD group at one year. Peritraumatic physical numbness was found to be the most central network symptom in the PTSD group, whereas it was least central in the no-PTSD group. Discussion: Network analysis of the interaction between peritraumatic physical subjective responses, particularly physical numbness, may provide insight into the clinical course of PTSD. Our knowledge of the brain regions involved in dissociation supports the hypothesis that the periaqueductal grey may contribute to the process leading to physical numbing. Conclusions: Our findings highlight the role of peritraumatic somatic symptoms in the course of PTSD. Peritraumatic physical numbness appears to be a key marker of PTSD and its identification may help to improve early triage. Physical numbness was found to be a central symptom in people developing PTSD in our study examining peritraumatic physical symptoms related to the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Militärgeschichtliche Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In May 2017, Operation Temperer – the deployment of British military personnel in support of the police following a terrorist attack or the threat of such an attack – was activated for the first time. The deployment of uniformed armed personnel as a core element of the U.K.'s CT capability represents a significant and, in the authors view, welcome shift in how successive administrations have utilized aspects of state power in response to a terrorist threat or incident. Little academic work has been devoted to explaining how and why this change occurred, with the military moving from reluctant participants in domestic CT missions, to playing a central (and public) role in providing capacity for domestic security, as witnessed under Operation Temperer. This article charts the evolution of greater military involvement in domestic counter-terrorism missions after 9/11, revealing that a decade of policy paralysis was finally broken by the combination of terrorist events in Paris in January 2015, and the intervention of a forward leaning prime minister overcoming institutional reluctance on the part of the Ministry of Defence and other government departments to put British troops on British streets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First responders intervening in crisis situations are likely to subsequently develop mental disorders. We aimed to identify factors associated with anxiety disorders after a terrorist attack in both the medium and long terms. We used data collected on 180 first responders (medical/psychological health professionals and emergency rescue teams) interviewed face to face at 6-10 months (medium term) and 18-22 months (long term) after the January 2015 terrorist attacks in France. Anxiety disorders were measured using the Mini-International Neuropsychiatric Interview V6 and several other variables including terror exposure (comprising perceived level of exposure and real exposure level), sociodemographic characteristics, social support, mental health history, and access to psychological support resources. We developed a structural equation model to examine the interactions between these different factors. Postattack anxiety disorder prevalence in the medium and long terms was 16% and 14%, respectively. The main associated factors in the medium term were barriers to social support, perceived level of exposure, and a lack of psychological support resources. In the long term, the presence of anxiety disorders in the medium term and barriers to social support were directly associated with having anxiety disorders, while reexposure was indirectly associated. Barriers to social support played a crucial role in the prevalence of anxiety disorders in first responders following this traumatic event, both in the medium and long terms. Promoting stronger social cohesion and providing more psychological support resources following a disaster could help prevent anxiety disorders in this population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five acts of jihadist violence between 2012–2020, particularly the 2015 Paris attacks, combined with an increasingly polarized political discourse in France, have pushed jihadist extremism to the center of government policy and public opinion. Approaches to jihadist extremism in the last decade have comprised two characteristics: claims amalgamating Islam and Muslim religious practice—especially in its stricter forms—with extremist violence, along with the idea that such forms of dangerous religious indoctrination are best battled through education. As a result, there has been a renewed debate concerning the principle of laïcité (secularism) within public schools and other public institutions. One of the leading efforts in this context has focused on processes of "deradicalization". These projects include various educational tools, rehabilitation attempts inside and outside of prisons, cultural and artistic initiatives, and administrative bans imposed on organizations inciting violence. However, the most ambitious of these efforts have also been subject to the greatest criticism. Projects within the public school system have been accused of securitizing education and stigmatizing Muslim students, whereas measures undertaken in prisons are currently limited to risk assessment of inmates linked with jihadist violence, while lacking more meaningful plans for their rehabilitation. Public–private partnerships have developed more promising initiatives, but their moderate success is still recent and requires further study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The arrival of children stimulated Muslim parents to found their own Islamic schools, resulting in the fourth pillar of the Dutch education system: the Islamic pillar. From their inception in 1988, Islamic schools have been the subject of heated discussions in The Netherlands; can Islamic schools contribute to the integration of Muslims in society or are they a breeding ground for fundamentalism and a source of polarization? Budak interviewed teachers at SIMON Islamic primary schools about their contribution to their schools' identity. Kaya describes the way teachers in Islamic primary schools move back and forth between the vision and concrete regulations from the Islamic tradition and the obligations regarding sex education as stipulated by the Dutch government. [Extracted from the article]

Gated communities and gated housing enclaves have primarily been identified as elite spaces of privilege that support self-imposed disaffiliation and spatial and social withdrawal by the affluent. Over the past decade, however, European countries have also seen a rise of gating in large housing estates. Drawing on previous research and a comparative case study that includes interviews, observations, and mapping, this article analyses policies and practices of gating in large housing estates since 2010 in Malmö, Sweden and since 2000 in Paris, France. We argue, first, that gating is legitimised by policy arguments about 'defensible space', by a critique of the modernist design, and by a perceived need for diversification. Secondly, we expand the notion of urban gating and identify four types of enclosure: complete enclosure, semi-enclosure, enclosure through densification, and enclosure of parks and playgrounds. We conclude that the notion of the welfare state has changed, not only in financial terms but also as an urban form, leading to the micro-segregation of housing and land, which makes visible the social stratification within large housing estates. Gating of large housing estates thus leads to 'enclosed communities' rather than 'gated communities'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to promote a better understanding of the link between normative climate justice claims—originating in Political Theory and Philosophy—and concrete social practices of the climate justice movement active at the international climate negotiations. We argue that the climate justice movement can be understood as a community of practice. Empirically, we zoom into this community of practice and comparatively analyse three case studies on human rights networks, faith-based groups and gender justice advocates. Methodologically, our analysis is based on a review of primary and secondary documents, participatory observations and expert interviews at the climate negotiations in Warsaw (2013), Bonn (2014), and Paris (2015) and via skype/phone (2013–2016). Our analysis reveals that each network within the community of practice—even those with more radical objectives—minimise the demands formulated at the outset in order to successfully cooperate with state negotiators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern urban siege is a metaphor for evolved urban campaigns. The template for such attacks draws from the tactics seen in the 26/11 Mumbai attack in 2008, and continued with the 2013 Westgate Mall attack in Kenya, the January 2015 Charlie Hebdo and Hyper Cacher attacks in Paris and the November 2015 attacks against the Stade de France and Bataclan. These virtual sieges employ swarming tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTPs) to provide a template for urban strife and insecurity. This article provides an overview of terrorist swarming tactics, expanding the aperture to review the use of similar TTPs by criminal gangs in Brazil in the Novo Cagngaço style high intensity robberies and raids. The article will then review the October 2019 Battle of Culiacán or Culiacanazo, where elements of the Cártel de Sinaloa (CDS) employed urban siege TTPs to counter the arrest of cartel leaders by state security forces. The second incident occurred in January 2023 when the CDS again employed swarming TTPs in an unsuccessful attempt to thwart the arrest of Ovidio Guzmán. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the French Senate engaged in legislative oversight of the military between 2015 and 2020. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with French parliamentarians, parliamentary staff, and serving and retired military leaders, the article argues that the French Senate performed "community policing" oversight of the military during this period. This community policing approach, which relies on mutual trust and cooperation between the principal and the agent, allowed senators to oversee the military and check the executive at relatively low cost, while giving military leaders a parliamentary ally in their disagreements with the President and Cabinet. The article examines what conditions enabled and encouraged the French Senate to perform this type of oversight, as well as what civil–military dynamics led the French military to view senators as allies in their policy disagreements with the President. The article finds that the 2015 terrorist attacks on French soil played an important role in establishing closer ties between the upper house and the armed forces, with the Senate securing additional capabilities for the armed forces during this time. The article concludes with avenues for future research focusing on upper houses and legislative oversight of the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the terrorist attacks of January and November 2015, Paris is facing the same memory challenge as other European capital cities before her, consisting in knowing how to create a memorial to publicly mark the memory of mass attacks perpetrated by Islamists. In early 2016, a commemorative tree was planted on Place de la République in Paris. But other projects have since taken shape, including a memorial garden behind Paris City Hall and a memorial museum in the Paris suburb of Suresnes. How and why did this plurality of memorial sites and projects come into being? In order to understand that, this article proposes a comparative detour through Madrid and London following the path of the memorials created in these cities in remembrance of the terrorist attacks of 11 March 2004 and 7 July 2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the bombing by Lebanese terrorists of a synagogue on the Rue Copernic in Paris that killed four and wounded dozens more in 1980. The terrorists had place a bomb in the satchel of a motorbike. The bomb was set to go off as services ended, but exploded early, which prevented even greater carnage. The perpetrator, now a Sociology professor in Canada. Was tried in Paris in absentia in spring 2023, more than forty years after the attack occurred. The author, who covered the attack and investigation for Libération testified at the trial, which she discusses here as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the 13 November Terrorist attacks in Paris, a series of reactions at the heart of the political sphere and in the media made it possible to diagnose a "culture of war" comparable to a model developed in relation to the situation that prevailed in France at the outset of World War I, a century earlier. According to this model, a country is "at war" when the enemy is explicitly defined as a "barbarian." Additionally, the "heroism" of certain categories of individuals involved in discussions of the situation at hand—political leaders such as presidents, police, medical personnel and first responders—is emphasized. But the victims are also foregrounded as well, and presented as having "sacrificed themselves," along the same lines as voluntary combatants. Finally, an explicit call for a "Sacred Union" or for "national unity" informs the discourse of those in power, and particularly that of the President of the Republic. One comes to understand the extent to which, in the case of a grave crisis to which political leaders are obliged to ascribe meaning, the reference to 1914-18 continues to occupy a place of privilege in French political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 7 January 2015, brothers Said and Cherif Kouachi, armed with Kalashnikovs, entered the headquarters of the Paris-based satirical magazine, Charlie Hebdo, and opened fire, killing 12 people and injuring 11 more. It would later emerge that the brothers – both native Frenchmen born to Algerian parents – belonged to the Islamist terrorist group, al Qaeda. The attack, which targeted a Western magazine, attracted tremendous international news coverage, provoking a widespread debate over issues relating to free speech, immigration (even though both attackers were born in France) and integration. There has been less discussion of the news framing of the attack by Western media outlets, and to what degree that news framing may have been biased or Islamophobic. In this study, it is our goal to understand how media framing may have been affected by this attack, and to what degree such framing is Islamophobic. To that end, we have operationalised the Runnymede framework of Islamophobia using the content analysis software Nvivo, in order to identify and better understand manifestations of Islamophobia in the mainstream press. Specifically, we analyse the news framing of Islam in the headlines of two US daily newspapers, The New York Times and The Wall Street Journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses a nonparametric causality-in-quantiles approach to investigate the causal relationship between the gold market and geopolitical risks from 4 January 2000, to 17 November 2017, using high-frequency data. The results indicated that geopolitical risks affect volatility rather than returns in the gold market. We also decompose intraday volatility into continuous and discontinuous jump components and find that geopolitical risks have stronger causality with the jump component under bear and normal market conditions. The results show, moreover, that the effects of geopolitical risks on realized volatility are asymmetric. Lastly, we divide the entire sample into four major geopolitical events (i.e. the 9/11 terrorist attacks, Irap invasion, the Russia-Ukraine crisis, and Paris attacks) and find that the effect of these events on the gold market varied by type and scope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the photographic representations of two terrorist incidents, the 2015 Paris attacks and the Beirut bombings, produced by the leading global news agencies. The study conducts a content analysis of the photographs produced by AP, Reuters and AFP to identify the recurring patterns of the images under the discourse of 'othering' and 'grievability'. It is observed that the agencies represented the two incidents differently as they show distinctive patterns in their manners of portrayal. It is argued that the apparent 'hierarchy of news values' is accompanied by the 'hierarchy of human lives' within the photographic representations, whereby the photographs of the Paris attacks, recognized as an extraordinary event, speak of humanization in which lives of the sufferers are valued while the photographs of the Beirut bombings, seen as an ordinary event, speak of dehumanization, where lives are devalued. Implications for global journalism and news value are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Finally, the two studies showing impacts of migration flows on firms emphasize the way migration can change the amount of production in the economy - and not just how it is divided - and show that policy efforts to restrict migration can conflict with other policy desires to increase firm productivity and export competitiveness. This special issue of I Economic Development and Cultural Change i on migration and development follows the 13th AFD-World Bank Migration and Development Conference that took place online under the auspices of the World Bank in September 2020. These broader impacts have implications for how we measure impacts of migration and for designing appropriate migration policies. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Neue Kriminalpolitik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

When a terror attack occurs people appear to be prepared, in the short term, to be more accepting of authoritarian sanctions against outgroup members, particularly if sanctions are targeted against members of the outgroup perceived as responsible for the attack. The current study examined forty-two British participants' scores on measures of right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and explicit prejudice (EP) before, within thirty-six hours of, and one year after the November 2015 Paris terror attacks. As higher scores on RWA measures have been linked to considering the world as dangerous and threatening, and desiring that authority control and punish transgressors of societal norms, and higher EP scores have been linked to negative perceptions of outgroups, we hypothesized that participants' scores on both measures would increase immediately after the terror attack. Analyses showed small but significant increases in RWA and EP scores immediately after the attacks, particularly for those initially scoring lower on these measures, but scores on both measures had returned to baseline levels oneyear later. These findings from a within-subjects sample support recent between-subjects research suggesting that RWA and EP attitudes are impacted in the short term by reported terrorist attacks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article responds to Hansen's (2022) comment on the use of social media data to evaluate the effects of terrorist attacks on related online behavior. Hansen casts doubts on our previous finding that terrorist attacks disengage supporters of terrorist groups. The author speculates that this result might not hold when considering the bias introduced by the timing of Twitter account suspensions. We contend that this critique is deficient in several respects. First, Hansen speculates about a possible bias, yet no empirical evidence is offered to support this claim. Second, the author largely ignores our discussion of the role of Twitter account suspensions and our measures of Twitter suspension efforts and Anonymous reporting activity to alleviate this concern. In this article, rather than engaging in a qualitative debate on the amount of bias, we make two contributions. First, we offer an empirical investigation of the fragility of our previous finding to the presence of omitted variable bias. Once we account for Twitter suspension activities, we find that an extreme, unlikely amount of confounding is required to alter the estimated effect of terrorist attacks on disengagement. Second, we employ sequential g-estimation to calculate the average controlled direct effect of terrorist attacks on disengagement after controlling for two intermediate confounders: Twitter suspension behavior and Anonymous reporting activities. The estimated average controlled direct effect indicates that Islamic State's terrorist attacks significantly reduced followers in Islamic State-related Twitter accounts after de-mediating this effect from Twitter suspension efforts and Anonymous reporting activities. Further, we show that this average controlled direct effect is robust to a massive, and implausible, violation of the sequential unconfoundedness assumption. Overall, these analyses show that the timing of Twitter account suspensions, as well as any other confounder, is extremely unlikely to alter our conclusion: Islamic State's terrorist attacks disengage their supporters. We conclude this article by offering guidance on how to address practical challenges in political science research using social media data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates news coverage and media framing of the Syrian refugee debate as a public opinion issue in US local news in 2015. The sheer number of refugees created an unprecedented humanitarian crisis as millions of civilians settled in neighboring countries, and a significant number of them embarked on a perilous journey to seek refuge in European countries. The political response to the Syrian refugee crisis was divided, but public attitudes shifted after the terrorist attacks on Paris in November 2015 with calls for more restrictive immigration policies and smaller refugee quotas. In the US, GOP leaders demanded "extreme vetting" and "screening" of refugees and many opposed resettling the modest number of refugees the Obama administration promised to let in. The study analyzes local news coverage variation across the States that welcomed, not welcomed or did not commit to accepting Syrian refugees at the height of the Syrian refugee crisis in 2015 and 2016. The findings of the study demonstrate that the editorial framing of the Syrian refugee crisis downplayed the global responsibility and international commitment of the US, highlighted the administrative costs and framed them as security threats. The implications of these frames are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ingraham contemplates how the widespread audience of TED Talk listeners becomes capacitated to study issues of concern and listen to others on those issues. Ingraham's book brilliantly models a rhetorical approach to affect that weaves a nonhermeneutical method into critical cultural studies. Using the popularization of stickers as his example, Ingraham connects stickiness with mobility, adhesiveness, and the transmission of affect. [Extracted from the article]

Avoidance describes any action designed to prevent an uncomfortable situation or emotion from occurring. Although it is a common reaction to trauma, avoidance becomes problematic when it is the primary coping strategy, and plays a major role in the development and maintenance of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Avoidance in PTSD may generalize to non-harmful environmental cues that are perceived to be unsafe. We tested whether avoidance extends to social cues (i.e. emotional gazes) that are unrelated to trauma. A total of 159 participants (103 who had been exposed to the 2015 Paris terrorist attacks and 56 who had not) performed a gaze-cueing task featuring sad, happy and neutral faces. Attention to the eye area was recorded using an eyetracker. Of the exposed participants, 52 had been diagnosed with PTSD (PTSD+) and 51 had not developed PTSD (PTSD-). As a result of the preprocessing stages, 52 PTSD+ (29 women), 50 PTSD- (20 women) and 53 nonexposed (31 women) participants were included in the final analyses. PTSD+ participants looked at sad eyes for significantly less time than PTSD- and nonexposed individuals. This effect was negatively correlated with the intensity of avoidance symptoms. No difference was found for neutral and happy faces. These findings suggest that maladaptive avoidance in PTSD extends to social processing, in terms of eye contact and others' emotions that are unrelated to trauma. New therapeutic directions could include targeting sociocognitive deficits. Our findings open up new and indirect avenues for overcoming maladaptive avoidance behaviours by remediating eye processing. Trial registration: ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT02810197. Avoidance is a key symptom of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Avoidance is often viewed as limited to reminders linked to the trauma. Results show that attention to the eyes of sad faces is also affected by PTSD. This effect is correlated with avoidance symptoms in PTSD [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper linguistically investigates terrorist discursive strategies designed to manipulate recipients' minds into accepting, even embracing, certain ideologies. Though extensive research has been done on manipulative discourse used by journalists and politicians, examining the same discourse used by terrorists received comparatively scant attention. Under Critical Discourse Analysis, we employ a framework of analysis of ISIS discursive tools of manipulation, drawing on Reisigl and Wodak's (2009) and Wodak's (2011) discursive strategies, qualitatively and quantitatively analyzing (17) ISIS statements released between 2014 and 2016. We explore the discursive tools ISIS has characteristically used to manipulate its audience and legitimate and defend its actions. The aim is that once terrorist narrative is dissected from a different approach, such effort will be helpful in creating counter-narratives meant to reduce terrorism and vitiate its arguments. Emphasis will be laid on covert vs. overt manipulation, metaphorical dehumanization and metonymic depersonalization. We find that the data contained manipulative tools such as Captatio benevolentiae and volitive modality that are employed to project a positive image about ISIS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the network behind the Paris and Brussels attacks and related plots that were organized in the name of Islamic State. It answers the questions how the network was structured and how it developed over time. The database used contains highly reliable information from the judiciary and the intelligence community. It is therefore among the first to allow for statistical analysis of the typology of a covert network, while also being reliable and detailed enough to admit for an analysis of the covert network chronological development. The findings are that the network was centralized and thus vulnerable to targeted attacks against the most central nodes. The network developed in three phases: (1) construction of local cells, predominantly based on pre-existing ties; (2) travel to Islamic State and merger with a larger network; (3) consolidation before carrying out an attack. In addition, it is found that (1) most network analyses of covert networks understate the importance of peripheral nodes, and (2) that analyzing the final configuration of the network alone does not necessarily lead to correct conclusions, as it ignores the underlying structures of pre-existing networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iannis Xenakis (1922–2001) was a radically innovative composer. Violently persecuted for his leftist activism in the Greek Civil War that followed the Second World War, he fled Greece to live the rest of his life in Paris. One of the most explicit expressions of his resultant feelings of trauma, guilt, and displacement can be found in the vocal piece he called Kassandra (1987). This demanding work requires its two performers to enact and explore the alienation experienced by the prophet Cassandra in Aeschylus' Agamemnon. Xenakis' Kassandra is defined by a symbiotic relationship between percussionist and vocalist, by a simultaneously controlled and improvisatory score based on extracts from Aeschylus' Agamemnon , and by a striking use of the baritone singer's falsetto as well as his chest voice. These features of the piece mark out Cassandra as 'other' in her origins, her sex, and her language, while also hinting that her characteristics are not entirely foreign, but are in fact understood or even shared by the very communities that initially seemed to exclude her. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Acts of terror lead to both a rise of an extended sense of fear that goes beyond the physical location of the attacks and to increased expressions of online hate. In this longitudinal study, we analyzed dynamics between the exposure to online hate and the fear of terrorism after the Paris attacks in November 13, 2015. We hypothesized that exposure to online hate is connected to a perceived Zeitgeist of fear (i.e., collective fear). In turn, the perceived Zeitgeist of fear is related to higher personal fear of terrorism both immediately after the attacks and a year later. Hypotheses were tested using path modeling and panel data (N = 2325) from Norway, Finland, Spain, France, and the United States a few weeks after the Paris attacks in November 2015 and again a year later in January 2017. With the exception of Norway, exposure to online hate had a positive association with the perceived Zeitgeist of fear in all our samples. The Zeitgeist of fear was correlated with higher personal fear of terrorism immediately after the attacks and one year later. We conclude that online hate content can contribute to the extended sense of fear after the terrorist attacks by skewing perceptions of social climate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Commission on International Trade Law (UNCITRAL) is the core legal body of the United Nations system in the field of international trade law. The mediation texts update the UNCITRAL Conciliation Rules (1980) to align with the United Nations Convention on the International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation[6] and the UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Mediation and International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation.[7] These texts, the UNCITRAL Mediation Rules,[8] the UNCITRAL Notes on Mediation,[9] and the Guide to Enactment and Use of the UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Mediation and International Settlement Agreements Resulting from Mediation were adopted by the Commission at its session.[10] The Commission also adopted the draft legislative guide on an UNCITRAL limited liability organization (UNLLO), which was renamed the UNCITRAL Legislative Guide on Limited Liability Enterprise (LLE).[11] In addition to adopting texts delayed by COVID-19, the Commission also adopted texts in the areas of insolvency and arbitration. Prior to the onset of COVID-19, it had been anticipated that the Commission would consider the draft UNCITRAL mediation rules and the draft UNCITRAL rules on mediation ("mediation texts"), as well as the legislative guide on an UNCITRAL Limited Liability Organization ("UNLLO"). 10 Ibid para 19. 11 Ibid para 52. 12 Ibid para 18. 13 Ibid para 18. 14 Ibid para 18. 15 Ibid para 189. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses Bernard B. Dadié's Un Nègre à Paris (1959; 1994) and Tété-Michel Kpomassie's L'Africain du Groenland ([1981] (2015); 2001) by focusing on their portrayals of transport and rhythms of mobility, and in so doing enhances the dialogue between travel writing studies and mobilities research. The texts' representations of mobility practices and the rhythms thereof contribute to the production of the traveller figure (tourist; Arctic adventurer) and the destination (colonial metropolis; Arctic periphery). Dadié's portrayals of transport produce a poetics of mobility that conveys a sense of speed and hurry but also of not being in the rhythm of the colonial metropolis, which eventually transforms into a critical attitude towards assimilationist impulses. Kpomassie's travelogue captures the idea of an unreachable destination and the traveller's struggle to pursue the journey despite obstacles, but also attests to the productive qualities of inertia as well as to the eurythmy of Arctic mobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]