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The article discusses the emerging phenomenon of New Exclusionary Zoning or City NIMBYism by studying the movement behind Washington D.C.'s Planned Unit Development (PUD) litigation. Topics include presumptions about NIMBYism and an explanation of the City NIMBYism in D.C., a brief overview of the existing NIMBY framework and the impact of D.C.'s economic growth on the emergence of new type of NIMBYism in the state, a description of PUDs and the politics behind D.C.'s PUD controversy.

Migrant labour plays a crucial role in Iskandar Malaysia, a southern development corridor that emphasises sustainable development. Following the influx of migrant labourers to work in the region to support the city's fast-paced development, residential areas have established many migrant labour settlements and have raised scepticism among the local communities. This has led to a debate among the authorities about whether to remove migrant labour settlements in residential areas. However, the determinants that shape local community perception to reject migrant settlement remained unclear. This study conducted a survey among residents in the Iskandar Development Region to understand the determinants that influence their acceptance towards migrant settlements and analysed the data using partial least square–structural equation model (PLS–SEM) analysis. The findings imply that to improve acceptance of migrant settlement among the city's community, we should give priority to resolving the local community's concerns, consisting of four main issues (in descending order): crime and safety, declines in property value, hygiene issues, and a poor physical appearance of the settlement. To this end, this paper provides policy recommendations for both the government and the community about coping with migrant settlements in a fast-paced developing city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses increasing shares of households face high housing cost burdens in the U.S. and the United Kingdom. Topics include welfare state retrenchment; land, construction, and other development costs; demographic shifts; race and inequality; income and inequality; the financialization of housing; and NIMBYism.

Copyright of Financial Sciences / Nauki o Finansach is the property of Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny we Wroclawiu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nuclear Safety is the property of Nuclear & Radiation Safety Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How much does self-interest drive Americans' policy attitudes? Survey research typically finds that self-interest's role is minimal. Such conclusions are typically reached by examining attitudes toward federal policies that present diffuse costs and low stakes. We consider a starker test case of self-interest: controversies surrounding development of dense and affordable housing in Americans' communities. Liberal homeowners, especially, must cope with dissonance between their egalitarian ideology and a desire to protect their home values and quality of life. They often embrace liberal housing goals and redistributive housing policies but join conservatives in opposing dense housing in their own communities. Two survey experiments show that liberal homeowners are cross-pressured and barely more likely than conservative homeowners to support dense housing development. Messages appealing to homeowners' self-interest reduce support further, while countervailing appeals about housing's benefits to low- and middle-income families barely offset the negative effect. We discuss implications for the politics of equal opportunity at the state and local level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Japanese Journal of Experimental Social Psychology is the property of Japanese Group Dynamics Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article examines the issue of racism in housing in the U.S. Topics discussed include the tendency to consider subsidy as a negative concept when applied to housing, racial insults and condescension behind comments made in some community meetings that demonstrate the existence of Not in My Backyard (NIMBY) phenomenon, and effect of barriers created by housing opportunity inequities on the ability of people of color to build wealth and better health and educational opportunity access.

Set in Brisbane–Australia's third city—this study solicits the views of residents regarding the preservation of the iconic Queenslander houses (late nineteenth century–early twentieth century). Through in-depth interviews with twenty participants, we sought to determine whether owner-occupiers of Queenslanders value this heritage and why, whether they are engaged in its protection, and if so, what their motivations are. We found that Queenslanders are valued on multiple levels: as placemaking features, as aesthetic pleasure, and as climatic comfort. While maintaining an older home involves a substantial amount of time and money—available mostly to the middle-class and middle-aged groups—this is viewed as fair considering the benefits of living in a Queenslander. Residents believe that the local government can and should do more to protect what is left of the historical housing stock. However, one portion of the public only cares to preserve the outer shells of heritage homes while extensively renovating and modernising interiors. A concern for heritage is sometimes used as a screen for NIMBYism. As a growing city, Brisbane needs to navigate a fine line between increasing the supply of apartment units and preserving the character of local neighbourhoods, which traditionally have been single-family only. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Model laws play an extremely important role in the history of "home rule" for local governments in the United States. So it is of no small moment that the National League of Cities (NLC) proposed a new Model Constitutional Home Rule Article (the Model Article) last February. Unfortunately, the Model Article is severely flawed. Rather than systematically addressing and responding to the various contemporary problems of local governance, it is laser-focused on a single issue: the spate of preemptive laws passed by politically-conservative state legislatures in recent years to override policies adopted by politicallyliberal cities. To address these preemptive laws, the NLC suggests the adoption of a suite of provisions that would radically increase and protect the powers of local governments. But while the Model Article suggests very substantial expansions of local authority, it does not balance this with any new limits, even in areas where local governments systematically create huge societal costs. The NLC barely mentions many of the most important problems in contemporary local governance, including zoning and the housing crisis, police brutality, subsidies for firm location, unrepresentative local elections, segregation, and underfunded public employee pension programs. Further, the Model Article does not propose any substantive requirements that would address these issues and would substantially frustrate state legislative efforts aimed at limiting socially-costly local policies in these areas. It does not address questions of incorporation or annexation, granting new powers to our existing set of local governments, despite the problems their boundaries create for regional economic output, segregation, and inequality. The NLC report also implicitly takes a strong ideological position about what types of policies local governments can and should adopt, something that its putatively neutral rhetoric about the value of localism and laboratories of democracy does not support. For the NLC, with great new powers come absolutely no new responsibility or limits. The Model Article would allow and encourage local governments to exclude outsiders and create regulatory confusion inside metropolitan areas. It would generate a substantial amount of harm to metropolitan economies and inequality in the name of allowing even small home rule local governments to choose their own policies without interference from outsiders. No state should adopt the NLC's recommendation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The public opinion literature examining the role of proximity and not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) attitudes in people's judgments about energy projects has come to inconclusive findings. We argue that these mixed results are due to vast differences and significant limitations in research designs, which we mitigate through a large study (n  = 16,200) of Americans' attitudes toward energy projects. Our approach examines a diverse set of energy projects in development, explicitly compares the attitudes of individuals living in the vicinity of projects with those farther away, and includes the careful measurement of the NIMBY concept. The analyses show little evidence that proximity in general or NIMBY objections in particular are important determinants of project support. Instead, other factors are more important, including perceptions of local environmental quality, risk orientation, concern about climate change, and trust in energy companies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Yes in My Back Yard (YIMBY) movement by grassroots citizens groups in the U.S. to lobby their state and local governments to create plans and regulators to make their communities affordable, diverse, and inclusive. Also cited are the households excluded in Not In My Backyard (NIMBY) oppositions like divorced parents, retirees, and widows, as well as the relationship between housing cost and income.

"Not in My Back Yard"; people shout this when they feel something deleterious and nonlocal will be sprung into existence in their territory by top-down powers. Some believe that NIMBY syndrome provokes parochialism, but parochialism itself can bring many beneficial consequences. Danesh Pedestrian and Bicycle Path- a recent project established on the south rim of Bagh-e-Sib (a vast historic apple orchard) in the Mehrshahr neighborhood- is one of the cases that has been crystallized through NIMBY syndrome. The municipal authorities' decision on devastating this aged green area and turning it into a mega-scale market place or, who knows, into a highway, faced with radical protests of locals and eventuated the construction of the path. One can call it a win-win situation or maybe a social failure, but regardless of pessimistic and extremist views, it is well known that pedestrian and bicycle accessibilities are two indubitable realities of contemporary urbanism. Therefore, the evaluation of abovementioned path turned to a necessity to realize whether NIMBY is worked in this case, and generally in Iran, or not. This article delves into the subject in two phases, including 1) environmental qualities, 2) public acceptability; and originally follows several questions: has the voice of locals been heard or it was a compulsive decision just for protecting the garden? Is it a social setting or a fraudulent totalitarian exercise of municipal power? Does it meet the needs? Do people like it? How can it be over-promoted? What type of strategies are needed for further development of it? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opinion polls show that public support for nuclear power has declined since the Fukushima crisis began, not only in Japan but also in other nations around the world. People oppose nuclear power for a variety of reasons, but the predominant concern is the perception that it is a risky technology. Some communities that are closely associated with it even suffer from stigmatization. The nuclear industry has tried a variety of strategies to break down public resistance to nuclear power—including information campaigns, risk comparisons, and efforts to promote nuclear power as a solution to climate change. None of these strategies has worked well, mostly because the public lacks trust in the nuclear industry. Public resistance to nuclear power is likely to continue, making it difficult to site and build new reactors. This resistance may be a major obstacle to the rapid expansion of nuclear power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nuclear Safety is the property of Nuclear & Radiation Safety Center and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

“Not in my back yard” (NIMBY) is a wicked problem in China’s rapid urbanization. The types and interests of the stakeholders are complex and the risks are constantly changing over the facilities’ life course. NIMBY indicates the necessity of public participation in urban development. The questions faced by Chinese policy-makers are whom and how to involve the public in NIMBY risk mitigation plan. This paper develops a discourse zoning approach for promoting public participation in NIMBY risk mitigation over public facilities’ whole life course. It applies the approach into Diantou historic district renewal in China to estimate the discourse power of different public groups in the process of site selection, construction, operation, and eventual abandonment of the NIMBY facility. And then assigned the discourse power in public hearings. Results show that local stakeholders considered this approach could maximize the participation of public groups and balance their weights in decision-making process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on increased use of nuclear power is the most effective and feasible way to combat climate change and the U.S. can increase its nuclear capacity however, local communities must accept new nuclear reactors. It mentions question of spent nuclear fuel and nuclear energy ties wind power as the energy source with the smallest carbon footprint and promoting nuclear power as a way to cut carbon emissions. It also mentions Not in My Backyard (NIMBY) pattern.

How does spatial scale affect support for public policy? Does supporting housing citywide but “Not In My Back Yard” (NIMBY) help explain why housing has become increasingly difficult to build in once-affordable cities? I use two original surveys to measure how support for new housing varies between the city scale and neighborhood scale. Together, an exit poll of 1,660 voters during the 2015 San Francisco election and a national survey of over 3,000 respondents provide the first experimental measurements of NIMBYism. While homeowners are sensitive to housing’s proximity, renters typically do not express NIMBYism. However, in high-rent cities, renters demonstrate NIMBYism on par with homeowners, despite continuing to support large increases in the housing supply citywide. These scale-dependent preferences not only help explain the deepening affordability crisis, but show how institutions can undersupply even widely supported public goods. When preferences are scale dependent, the scale of decision-making matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local residents often oppose some types of facilities because of their negative side effects, even though they are claimed to be necessary for the public good. These facilities are known as locally unwanted-land-uses, and local opposition to them is often referred to as not-in-my-backyard, usually with a pejorative connotation. However, some studies have challenged this conventional view of local opposition. Given these conflicting views, the present article explores how local mobilisation should be evaluated, focusing particularly on distributive justice. First, the study illuminates how different interpretations of distributive justice lead to difference in views on local opposition. Then, by comparing three waste disposal facility cases in Japan, a distinction between cost sharing and cost overlapping cases is illuminated. The study further develops discussions by pointing out the limits of using this distinction to evaluate local opposition movements and provides insights that can contribute to a fuller understanding of siting conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 15 years there has been an increase in the use of local direct democracy in the Czech Republic. The analysis shows that the primary cause has been the regulation of development projects. Using transaction costs economics (TCE) approach it is shown how the regulation related to the siting of development projects leads to a not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) response resulting in political activism that uses institutions of local direct democracy. Drawing from the TCE perspective, in this article it is argued that the key sources of this political mobilisation have been the existence of contractual hazards related to development projects and an inability to form credible commitments between developers and communities. The article highlights a previously neglected explanation for the increased use of direct democracy because sources outside the political system often go unnoticed and contributes to the research on NIMBY disputes and on the expansion of direct democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current research on local siting conflicts are primarily about environmental threats. Following a boom during the two last decades of the 1900s, research on community opposition to the establishment of human services is a shrinking field with inadequate articulation and comparisons of various approaches. The aim of this research review is to critically scrutinize the first wave of research on local protests against human services and expose and contrast later approaches in order to lay the necessary groundwork for synthesis attempts. The first wave approach is characterized by its far-reaching generalization claims; all local protests against perceived social threats were seen as instances of Not In My Back Yard protests and as a function of general, hierarchically arranged attitudes toward client groups. By contrast, in later attempts to shed light upon neighbourhood protests, real life protests against the establishment of human services - not general attitudinal data - are focused upon. But the degree of contextualizing varies greatly within this more protest-centred research. The indirect approach is based on data that are collected in interviews with human service administrators and concern the extent and duration of neighbors' protests, while in the direct approach the protests are studied as such, and especially issues having to do with the local protests' ability to generate public support. In this article, the alternatives to the first wave of research on siting conflicts have been demonstrated for the first time and contrasted with each other. This is a necessary requirement and a first step for efforts to provide the syntheses that this research area so sorely needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the label Nimby or "Not in My Backyard," which is used to individuals supporting the community. Topics discussed include the concept of Nimbyism, the issue of the homeless populations in cities, the construction of temporary homeless camp, and the social and psychological well-being of the homeless.

This article presents the key results of work which was carried out in rural areas and small towns in Poland in the years 2013-16, and was concerned with the so-called NIMBY syndrome. The latter is associated with socio-spatial conflicts and takes in a certain group of interlinked events and behaviours relating to plans or decisions as regards the locating of new unwanted or undesirable developments. NIMBY-type buildings or items of infrastructure are regarded by local communities as potentially harmful, even if their installation and operation is needed by society as a whole (hence the original phrase ”yes, but N ot I n M y B ack Y ard). The work described here has sought to consider the profile of the Polish rural NIMYist, and the conditioning and specific nature of the NIMBY syndrome in terms of its social dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formulation and implementation of policies addressing the need to adapt to climate change can be difficult due to the long-term, uncertain nature of localised climate change impacts and associated vulnerabilities. Difficulties are intensified because policy interventions can involve high costs, foregone opportunity and changes to people's way of life. Factors such as these can spur an uncritical, or reflexive, negativity regarding efforts to address the projected impacts of climate change. Such reflexive negativity is often trivialised in pejorative terms, such as 'Nimbyism'. However, stakeholder reluctance to accept the need for adaptation planning may be strongly influenced by self-perceptions that are resistant to change. People's sense of self and sense of place may contribute to an 'imaginative intangibility' with respect to climate adaptation, blocking thoughtful reflection and deliberation regarding alternative approaches and providing rationales for cheating the system once implemented. If acknowledged and addressed in a sensitive manner, it may be possible to manage these self-perceptions to elevate public discourse about climate change and help create situationally appropriate adaptation policy regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the pro-fossil fuel disposition of the Trump administration, the momentum surrounding the recent rebound in fracking operations in the United States is likely to be sustained. Thorny questions about fracking will also remain and retain considerable force. The Not in My Backyard (NIMBY) phenomenon predates shale oil and gas development, but because of the potential for inflicting tremendous damage on residential property values, the extraction of these natural resources through hydraulic fracturing presents a new theater for NIMBY protests. This Article examines the adverse effects of shale gas development in residential areas and how the inveterate tension among home owners, residents, and energy companies can be resolved. The Article proposes resolving the conflicts pertaining to property value diminution and deleterious impact on quality of life by introducing a mix of public policy and private tools, consisting of limited purpose agreements and disruption payments. This approach ensures that the benefits of shale gas development are retained while its inconveniences are given the desired attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research Summary We examine citizen decision-making in the context of providing access to safe housing to different noncriminal and criminal populations. More than 4,000 national online survey respondents considered different 'emergency housing policy' scenarios that would affect the housing conditions of one of five randomly assigned populations of varying stigma (three noncriminal, two criminal). We find that the criminal populations had the least support for helpful housing policies and the most support for harmful housing policies. Furthermore, compared with a 'no cost' policy, average support levels decreased when it increased taxes for the respondent. Policy Implications Citizens seem more willing to subject criminal populations to poor and unsafe housing conditions compared with noncriminal populations. Thus, citizen support may be higher when policies are pitched in ways that do not imply specifically helping ex-offenders, when they do not involve a personal sacrifice through increased taxes, and when they do not involve 'in-my-backyard' proposals. For example, a housing policy pitched as aiding the area's homeless (ex-offenders included) would likely see more support than one that identifies ex-offenders (and particularly sex offenders) as the population being targeted for help, or that identifies a specific neighborhood as a potential housing facility location. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how overcoming social stigma can facilitate prisoner reentry into the society and citizen support for policies regarding housing for people with criminal records. Topics include the principle of least eligibility, housing as an effective measure to successful reintegration and the importance of neighborhoods. The author also discusses the role of social distance, stigma reduction strategies and overcoming not-in-my backyard (NIMBY) to help prisoner reentry.

Apex predators may buffer bottom-up driven ecosystem change, as top-down suppression may dampen herbivore and mesopredator responses to increased resource availability. However, theory suggests that for this buffering capacity to be realized, the equilibrium abundance of apex predators must increase. This raises the question: will apex predators maintain herbivore/mesopredator limitation, if bottom-up change relaxes resource constraints?, Here, we explore changes in mesopredator (red fox Vulpes vulpes) abundance over 220 years in response to eradication and recovery of an apex predator (Eurasian lynx Lynx lynx), and changes in land use and climate which are linked to resource availability., A three-step approach was used. First, recent data from Finland and Sweden were modelled to estimate linear effects of lynx density, land use and winter temperature on fox density. Second, lynx density, land use and winter temperature was estimated in a 22 650 km2 focal area in boreal and boreo-nemoral Sweden in the years 1830, 1920, 2010 and 2050. Third, the models and estimates were used to project historic and future fox densities in the focal area., Projected fox density was lowest in 1830 when lynx density was high, winters cold and the proportion of cropland low. Fox density peaked in 1920 due to lynx eradication, a mesopredator release boosted by favourable bottom-up changes - milder winters and cropland expansion. By 2010, lynx recolonization had reduced fox density, but it remained higher than in 1830, partly due to the bottom-up changes. Comparing 1830 to 2010, the contribution of top-down limitation decreased, while environment enrichment relaxed bottom-up limitation. Future scenarios indicated that by 2050, lynx density would have to increase by 79% to compensate for a projected climate-driven increase in fox density., We highlight that although top-down limitation in theory can buffer bottom-up change, this requires compensatory changes in apex predator abundance. Hence apex predator recolonization/recovery to historical levels would not be sufficient to compensate for widespread changes in climate and land use, which have relaxed the resource constraints for many herbivores and mesopredators. Variation in bottom-up conditions may also contribute to context dependence in apex predator effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Functional diversity represents a measure of diversity that incorporates the role of species in an ecosystem, and therefore its dynamics and resilience. Assessing its drivers and spatial variation represents an important step forward in our understanding of functional ecosystem dynamics and it is also necessary to achieve a comprehensive conservation planning. In this paper, we assessed mammal functional diversity for the 218 ecoregions within the Neotropical realm. We evaluated the overall influence and spatial variation of species richness, ecoregion extent, intervention and species at risk on functional diversity. Using ordinary least squares and geographically weighted regression modeling approaches, we found that intervened areas and threatened and non-threatened species are the most influential overall drivers of functional diversity. However, we also detected that these variables do not operate equally across scales. Our local analyses indicated both that the variation explained and local coefficients vary spatially depending on the ecoregion and major habitat type. As estimates of functional diversity are based on current distribution of all mammals, negative influence of intervened areas and positive influence of non-threatened species may reflect a potential degradation of functional processes for some ecosystems. Most generally, the negative influence of intervention together with the influence of threatened species indicates that some areas are currently more susceptible to functional diversity loss. Our results help to pinpoint key areas requiring urgent conservation action to reduce natural land-cover loss and areas where threatened species play influential roles on ecosystem functioning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not In My Back Yard (NIMBY) supporters are presented as citizens in opposition to local developments due to their spatial proximity. However, these conflicts have proven much more complex than the NIMBY concept can explain. The objective of this paper is to provide a framework to facilitate the understanding of opposition movements and how they can affect society at large, triggering social change. The conceptual framework is applied to a case of local opposition to a landfill project in Essonne, France. Through the analysis of the structure of the opposition movement and its changes over time, the author shows how it can evolve into a social movement that enriches democracy through the constitution of four types of capital: social, scientific, patrimonial and political. The author argues that scientific and patrimonial capitals allow social capital to evolve into political capital. The shift from being a self-interest to a civic interest movement is called enlightened resistance, which reveals local public interest, called territorial interests. When studying environmental controversies, the author emphasises the importance of recognizing the evolution through time of (1) social landscape, (2) different types of legitimate knowledge, (3) the role of place attachment, and (4) the political dimension of identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper investigates how the problem of NIMBY (Not-In-My-Back-Yard) related to the location of unwanted facilities is dealt in a hierarchically organized city. The conventional view of NIMBY is based on two premises: first, that locally unwanted facilities are essential to achieve an important societal benefit and realize the public good; second, that selfish opposition of local community prevents the realization of that societal good. The NIMBY effect is studied as a conflict between the City of Prague and its city districts. The official documents of the Prague City Council and of the Prague City Assembly were searched to find examples of decisions on the location of unwanted facilities. The documents search was concentrated on five selected facilities: municipal waste dumps, services for the homeless, services for drug users, regulation of gambling facilities, and the system of parking zones. In the documents, the authors identified five types of approaches to NIMBY that are called financial compensation, fair distribution, local autonomy, gradual problem shifting, and consultation/cooperation. It was observed that city districts, lower level of public administration, behave as guardians of local interests if they communicate with a higher level of public administration, a guardian of global interests. As local politicians depend on their local voters, it is not surprising that they prefer local interests to global ones. This naturally creates an internal policy conflict in the city that is divided into smaller units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial extension of the electricity grid seems to be necessary in Germany in the coming decades for technical, economic, and ecological reasons. The increased usage of electricity from environmentally conscious sources is not undisputed and the question of where and how to extend the grid is at the centre of a controversial public discussion. One crucial point in this discussion concerns the fair sharing of the costs and benefits of such an extension. It is necessary to create a fair compensation mechanism. Therefore, an innovative mechanism is proposed in this paper that consists of cooperative game theory as well as auction elements. We interpret the German grid extension as a cooperative cost reduction game that allows the identification of fair cost shares and compensation payments. To solve the problem of non-cooperative behaviour, we propose the involvement of a sealed-bid auction. We show that this novel procedure is incentive compatible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the politics of distributive fairness in Locally-Unwanted-Land-Uses (LULUs) siting by looking into how a movement in LULU disputes changes its attitude towards a frame of distributive fairness over a long period of time. Some kinds of facilities are often opposed by local residents because of negative side-effects, even as they are claimed to be necessary for the well-being of the wider public. Framing refers to actors’ signifying work, and how to frame distributive fairness plays a significant role in conflicts over such controversial land uses. In the 23 wards of Tokyo, distributive fairness in waste disposal among the wards has been a crucial issue. In the early 1970s, Koto Ward, which suffered a disproportionate burden of waste disposal, launched a campaign to rectify the unfairness. In-Ward Waste Disposal (IWWD), a frame of distributive fairness, played a central role in this movement. However, Koto Ward’s attitude towards this frame of distributive fairness changed over time. By examining why Koto Ward’s advocacy for IWWD varied over time, this study shows how Koto Ward’s stance on IWWD changed in conjunction with economic, policy, and political circumstances, thereby illuminating the importance of integrating socio-politico-economic contexts in framing analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What drives local decisions to prohibit industrial land uses? This study examines the passage of municipal ordinances prohibiting gas development using hydraulic fracturing (“fracking”) in New York State. I argue that local action against fracking depended on multiple conceptions of the shale gas industry. Matching these alternative conceptions with prevailing spatial models of public response to industrial land uses—“not in my backyard,” “not in anyone’s backyard,” and “please in my backyard”—improves our understanding of where local contention might emerge and how it contributes to policy change. Results from event history and logistic regression analyses show, first, that communities lying above favorable areas of the shale did not pass anti-fracking laws because opposition to fracking was counteracted by significant local support for development. Fracking bans passed primarily in a geographic sweet spot on the periphery of targeted regions, where little or no compelling economic interest in development existed. Second, as fracking became the subject of a highly politicized national debate, local opposition increasingly reflected mobilization by political liberals. This trend is reflected in the increasing rate of ordinance adoption among Democratic-leaning communities outside the geographic sweet spot. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government provides public facilities in the form of urban development project in order to support regional residents' life. The development of Locally Unwanted Land Use (LULU), as a part of an urban development project managed by government to support regional residents' quality of life is considered residents' satisfaction through reward such as partial subsidy by implementing the project in the residential areas. This study explored residents' satisfaction by applying the justice dimension to locally unwanted land use development. In particular, this study proposed the research questions as follows; i) how negative perception in distributive justice affects resident's dissatisfaction; ii) how negative perception in procedural justice affects resident's dissatisfaction; iii) how negative perception in interactional justice affects resident's dissatisfaction; iv) how resident's dissatisfaction affects complaints and intention; v) how the complaining behavior affects resident's decision against locally unwanted land use development; vi) what will government reward to resident's mind for locally unwanted land use development; and vii) what will government reward affect public confidence level of the residents toward the locally unwanted land use development; Moreover, this study examines resident dissatisfaction on government unwanted public development plan by applying different rewards. This study conducted surveys and applied statistical analysis using chi-square, factor, and regression. The result indicated that government rewards negatively affected resident attitudes toward locally unwanted public development. This study provides the both theoretical and public policy implementation of the urban development plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moral legitimacy entails intrinsic value and helps executives convince firm's stakeholders and the general public of the ethical acceptability of an institution or its activities or projects. Social license to operate (SLO) is the social approval of those affected by a certain business activity, and it is receiving increasing attention, especially in the context of controversial projects such as mining and public works. Moral legitimacy provides ethical support to SLO. Drawing from the Aristotelian-Thomistic tradition and taking substantive justice and the common good of society as the key references, this paper applies the Triple Font of Morality Theory and proposes four criteria which serve to evaluate moral legitimacy: (1) contribution of the project or activity to the common good in a better way than other alternatives (intended end), (2) morality of the means and procedures employed (means elected), (3) ethical evaluation of the situation including stakeholder concerns and needs (concurrent relevant circumstances), and (4) ethical evaluation of reasonably foreseeable consequences associated with the project and how to minimize possible damage or risks, and balance foreseeable negative consequences and benefits. The application of these criteria is illustrated through a project, presented as a case study, which certainly involved controversy and problems with SLO. The project was the construction of a rail tunnel for a high-speed train near the foundations of the Sagrada Familia, the well-known monumental church in Barcelona, Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do positive messages regarding the benefits of increased housing density influence resident stated housing development preferences? We employ an experimental research design to test the efficacy of positive messages regarding increased housing density to reduce observed NIMBYism (Not In My Back Yard). Using a survey-based experiment, we compared four messages: a notification of the public benefits; the private benefits; a social comparison drawing on expert knowledge of housing preferences; and a control stating recent trends in the municipality. Our sample of 202 residents of a mid-sized Canadian city indicates that messages regarding the public benefits of increased density reduced NIMBYism by four times the control message. We find some evidence in favor of the efficacy of the social comparison treatment as well. We discuss these findings with reference to the literature on smart city growth, and the policy implications that emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of projects producing external effects is often a source of disagreement and conflict between hosting and nonhosting communities. The article focuses on the impact of participatory ownership on conflict resolution and social welfare in the presence of asymmetric information and imperfect quality monitoring. We show that in such situations the participatory solution may help solve deadlocks that money transfers to a for-profit operator cannot solve. The analysis highlights three main factors behind this fact. First, a customer-owned cooperative internalizes, at least partially, the external effects generated by the project. Second, the alignment of cooperative members' preferences with those of the social planner reduces (in some cases eliminates) the distortions caused by information asymmetries. Third, cooperatives require less costly monitoring than their for-profit counterparts. We also show that cooperatives' productive inefficiency with respect to for-profits may emerge endogenously as a consequence of a lower pressure to compete on costs for the market. ( JEL H23, L33, P13) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not-in-my-backyard (NIMBY) protests have been on the rise in urban China over the past few years. Previous studies have focused on campaign strategies and outcomes, yet less attention has been paid to how the Chinese government at different levels has responded to NIMBY protests. This paper focuses on the controversies over three paraxylene (PX) chemical plant projects, which were considered as growth engines by local governments but as health and environmental threats by local residents. It adopts the analytical framework of divided state power to explain why local governments chose to make concessions to the public's demands to relocate or cancel these PX projects. The study finds that the mandate to maintain social stability incentivized local governments to address NIMBY concerns in an ad hoc manner, which tended to create more problems than solutions. The central government has introduced several institutional measures to formalize public participation in land use planning and to hold local governments more responsible for environmental decisions. The analysis of multi-level government responses to NIMBY protests provides a new insight into the power structure that enables or constrains public participation in facility siting in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]