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The passage of the Lodge Act in 1950 enabled the United States to offer citizenship to foreign nationals in exchange for service in the U.S. Army. A chief objective was to further Cold War goals by enlisting Eastern European candidates to serve as special forces troops, linguists, cultural experts, and skilled technicians. The legislation sought to spread American values abroad and unify support at home. Its chief legacy, however, was to serve as a template for naturalizing those who served in the decades that followed. "Citizen Candidates" won first place in the 2021 VMI Adams Center Cold War Military history essay contest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The naturalization process itself is known in Law no. 12 of 2006 concerning Citizenship of the Republic of Indonesia, naturalization is divided into two, namely ordinary naturalization and special naturalization, ordinary naturalization is sufficient to meet the administrative requirements stipulated by law, while special naturalization must obtain the consideration of the House of Representatives before obtaining citizenship. The thing that needs to be observed in this special naturalization process is that someone who wants to be naturalized must first have service to the Indonesian nation, the anomaly that is happening at this time is that the government allows naturalization policies without considering the interests of the state, but for the interests of clubs playing in Indonesian leagues. . Therefore, this study takes the formulation of the problem, how is the legal politics of the special naturalization policy for football players in Indonesia in terms of Law no. 12 of 2006 concerning Citizenship? In this study, the research method is normative juridical. The conclusion in this study is that the current naturalization policy is contrary to the constitutional mandate, especially in Article 20 of Law No. 12 of 2006 concerning citizenship, by facilitating the naturalization process, making naturalization players filled with players who are of old age and cannot contribute to the Indonesian national team for a long time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Studies - Social Sciences is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During its first days of existence, the Vichy regime ordered a review of recent naturalizations. In accordance with a law passed on July 22, 1940, denaturalization decisions were made on a case-by-case basis by a commission tasked with reviewing all naturalizations granted since 1927. Examining these cases collectively by quantifying a thousand denaturalization files takes into account any individual variations in decision making. Denaturalization procedures are an excellent field of investigation for observing the relation between an ideological project and its administrative implementation. This article opens a field of investigation that questions the boundary between discretionary and absolute power. It explores the consequences of leaving a degree of freedom to administrations in authoritarian regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Morality has been a key factor in naturalization. However, defining what constitutes good moral character has never been specified, leaving interpretation of the good moral character requirement to the discretion of immigration officials and judges. Based on an analysis of court cases filed by marriage migrants, this article expands our understanding of the legal interpretation of the "good morality" requirement in two significant ways. First, by examining the nature of the morality requirements applied to marriage migrants applying for citizenship, we identify that controlling sexual morality is one of the key mechanisms of gendering the path to legal citizenship. Second, our analysis questions the fairness of the judicial rulings and shows that judges are not reliable allies for immigrant spouses. South Korean judges tend to show great deference to the administrative branch and rarely rule against the decisions of the immigration officials. Further, the rulings tend to follow cultural and gendered, rather than legal, understanding of "good" wives and husbands. Ultimately, in the case of South Korea we show that that marriage migrant moral jurisprudence deviates from the developing jurisprudence that decriminalizes intimate choices and challenges the traditional gender roles within a family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concept of rationing as a determinant of immigrant composition and outcomes based on the U.S. immigration system. Topics discussed include the impact of immigration patterns and policy on immigrant composition, the slot allocation system for rationing under the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, and the role of immigration policy and rationing as determinants of flows and outcomes.

Using a panel of naturalizations in the United States from 1965 to 2012, we empirically analyze the impact of elections on naturalization policy. Our results indicate that naturalization policy is (partly) driven by national elections: there are more naturalizations in presidential election years and during the terms of Democratic incumbents. To disentangle the effect of government policies from changes in the demand for naturalizations, we examine how the acceptance rate of naturalization petitions is affected by elections. The analysis reveals that the acceptance rate is much higher under Democratic incumbents with the strongest increase during the years that are closer to the next presidential election. In contrast, (almost) no variation is found under a Republican incumbent. We then investigate the dynamics of an incumbent's behavior over the course of his term in detail. Our findings indicate that the effects are more pronounced in politically contested states, in states with many migrants and for immigrants originating from Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We poison the sources of our national character and strength at the fountain, if the privilege [of citizenship] is claimed and exercised without right, and by means of fraud and corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, citizenship revocation has become synonymous with terrorism, regarded as a practice reserved for the most dangerous of citizens. Yet in the UK revocation has a much longer history, spanning over 100 years, with a narrative that extends beyond the nation-state and into Empire. This paper asks what may be learned from a historical account of citizenship revocation? Exploring its emergence as part of the British Nationality and Status of Aliens Act 1914, this account suggests that revocation should not be analyzed in isolation but as a practice embedded in polices of immigration, naturalization, and emigration. This paper illustrates the ways in which these policies code subjects based on race, class and gender in order to govern their mobility. From this study, it argues that citizenship revocation cannot be explained solely through security claims and suggests that the 2018 cases should be considered in the context of revocation's history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the public opinion on the naturalization policy for Syrians in Turkey. It analyses news media coverage in the religious, far‐right newspaper (Yeni Akit), a centre‐right newspaper (Hürriyet), a social democrat newspaper (Cumhuriyet), and a socialist‐left news portal (Solportal). The research question is: What are the metaphors, arguments, and omissions produced by media of different ideologies about the possible citizenship of Syrians in Turkey? The results show that metaphors and arguments differ according to ideological stance, suggesting that the current political polarization in Turkey affects the public's acceptance of Syrians and challenges Turkey's established migration policy. Each ideological stance accepts Syrians on a selective basis, implying that universal naturalization of Syrians is not welcome; instead, there seems to be consensus favouring naturalization according to socio‐economic criteria. These results indicate a need for a change in migration policy, especially concerning disadvantaged Syrians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the height of the exclusion era, when Asian immigrants were prohibited from naturalizing and becoming United States citizens, state and federal court judges around the country naturalized at least 500 Asian immigrant servicepersons and veterans. Between 1918 and 1925, Federal Bureau of Naturalization officials and state and federal court judges had to determine whether the military naturalization provisions enacted in 1918 included the same racial restrictions that the general naturalization provisions included. This Article tells the story of how these officials and judges navigated statutory text, congressional intent, and the reality of Asian immigrant membership in the United States Armed Forces to determine the role that race vis-a-vis military service should play in determining citizenship eligibility. The story of Asian immigrant naturalization between 1918 and 1925 highlights a long-standing question within American citizenship and immigration law: how to measure an applicant's adoption of and commitment to mainstream American values, norms, and practices. Are there accurate and reliable categories that measure cultural assimilation and allow for cost-effective and efficient decision-making? Alternatively, are categories sufficiently inaccurate and unreliable such that individualized assessments of specific cultural criteria offer the only legitimate approach? Based on administrative memos, state and federal court judicial opinions, and newspaper articles, this article reveals how state and federal court judges struggled with this general question and how the Supreme Court resolved the split that existed across the country. United States naturalization law continues to require categorybased decision-making, and it is important that we similarly interrogate those categories to determine the extent to which they accurately and reliably measure the intended naturalization criteria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neighboring countries of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway represent three very similar societies that differ markedly with respect to naturalization policy. While the general trend of a civic turn has brought about some of Europe’s strictest residence and citizenship requirements in Denmark, it has left the liberal Swedish policy largely untouched and the Norwegian somewhere in between the other two. How might such divergence in otherwise very similar societies be explained? This article investigates the role different conceptions of nationhood have played. It is argued that different conceptions of nationhood have mattered, but that the national differences have less to do with the normative content of nationhood than with how politicians tend to conceive of the integration process that newcomers must commit to in order to develop a strong sense of national belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Immigration is transforming the societies of Europe and North America. Yet the political implications of these changes remain unclear. In particular, we lack credible evidence on whether, and how, becoming a citizen of the country of residence prompts immigrants to engage with the political system. This paper used panel data from Germany to test theories of citizenship and immigrant politics. I found that naturalization can promote political integration, but that this is more likely if new citizens have the chance to pick up habits of political engagement during the formative years of early adulthood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The naturalization policies of Sweden, Denmark, Finland and Norway differentiate between non-Nordic and Nordic citizens. Nordic citizens can obtain citizenship in other Nordic countries by notification, and the residency requirement for naturalization by application is considerably lower for Nordic citizens than it is for non-Nordic applicants. The privileges of Nordic citizens in the naturalization policies of the Nordic countries is a heritage of nineteenth-century pan-Scandinavianism, continued and expanded upon with post-war Nordism. Nordism, the idea of a common Nordic culture and community, has ideologically underpinned the establishment of a pan-national Nordist citizenship regime that constructs ethno-culturally close Nordic brothers as more belonging in the Nordic countries than alien, ‘non-Nordic’, others. The article explores change and continuity in pan-national Nordic boundary making by analysing the historical interplay between ideas on Scandinavian and Nordic kinship and naturalization policy in the Nordic countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the evolution of naturalisation in Canada between the Canadian Naturalization Acts of 1881 and 1914. During this time, the meaning of ‘British subject’ transformed from signifying a permanent allegiance to the sovereign to a status that conferred ‘citizenship’. Despite claims that naturalisation had become more modern, it was largely conditioned by understandings of racial community in the British Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On June, 12/2015 the draft law that sets out the conditions and the procedure for the accession to Spanish Nationality by Sephardic Jews, expelled from Spain in 1492, was passed by the Spanish Parliamen. In order to access Spanish nationality, Sephardic Jews will have to prove their Sephardic background as well as special connection to Spain, with no requirement of prior residence or renounce of the previous nationality. The applications will have to be filed within three years since the law enters into force (on October 1, 2015). Those Sephardic Jews with special connection to Spain that prove exceptional or humanitarian motives will be able to invoke the procedure foreseen in the law, even after this tree-year term. Also, those Sephardic Jews that have applied for the Spanish nationality through naturalisation prior to the entry into force of the law will be able to follow the procedure foreseen therein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Greece has experienced significant economic immigration during the last 20 years without having been prepared for it. Greek migration management and migrant integration policies have been slow to develop and, despite rapid demographic change, native Greeks have largely retained a predominantly mono-ethnic and mono-religious view of the nation. Indeed, until recently, Greece had one of the most restrictive citizenship regimes in Europe. The situation changed in March 2010 when the socialist government passed a new citizenship law that has facilitated the access to citizenship of both first and second generation migrants. The same law also introduced local voting rights for third-country nationals that reside in Greece legally for 5 years or more. This paper discusses this new law and in particular, the issue of local voting rights in the Greek social and political context. It analyses who spearheaded the drive for change, who opposed the law and the concession of local voting rights and on what grounds. The paper reviews parliamentary debates, policy documents, data from the last local elections and the recent decision of the Greek State Council which annulled the law by deeming it unconstitutional. The analysis places developments in Greece in the context of relevant theoretical debates in the field of citizenship studies reviewing briefly the overall trends on the issue of local political participation of noncitizens in Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1990s and early 2000s, conflicts over citizenship and nationhood erupted in US naturalization policy, part of a recurring pattern since the eighteenth century. Since these most recent controversies, major immigrant-receiving countries in Western Europe, as well as Australia and Canada, have introduced or revised naturalization requirements, preparatory courses, and formal ceremonies for prospective citizens. The USA's approach to naturalization is, by comparison, less demanding. The US approach is undergirded by an essentially laissez-faire philosophy in which the nation admits large numbers of immigrants without much attention to skills, values, or English-language ability and who are expected to integrate without significant government assistance. While this laissez-faire philosophy represents a gain for core liberal principles, I argue that it may also reflect reduced social solidarity and contribute to the vitriolic conflicts over immigration that are now waged regularly at the local, state, and federal level. The essay concludes by considering several efforts in the USA to clarify the bargain of mutual expectations and obligations on the part of newcomers and citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this paper is threefold: 1) to compare the impact of the Normalisation of 2005 with the new Settlement Programme established in 2006; 2) to analyse the trajectories of applicants from both programmes after their regularisation; 3) to examine the regularisation of applicants who were unable to qualify in their first attempt via the Normalisation or, subsequently, through the Settlement Programme. Two approaches have been implemented: one cross-sectional, to analyse the volume and intensity of entry, and the other longitudinal, to monitor the trajectories of applicants from both programmes. Specific data from 2005 to 2010 from the Government Representation Office in the Province of Barcelona have been used. Whilst the results shed some optimism on both programmes, they also demonstrate the difficulty of regularisation in times of economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Mexicana is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the last decade or so, the comparative study of nationalism has produced a large number of cogent critiques of classifying nations according to how ethnic or civic they are. In fact, these critiques have been so convincing that many scholars today seem to agree that any mention of the words ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ is unwarranted. This is unfortunate, because the distinction still offers a useful heuristic device to compare and classify different nation-building practices. This article analyses naturalization policies in twenty-six Western immigrant-receiving democracies in order to show that the distinction constitutes a valuable analytical tool to explore how different countries deal with newcomers. The naturalization policy index developed in this article proves to have a high degree of face validity, to be a good predictor of actual naturalization practices, and to match up well with previous classifications of ethnic and civic nation-building practices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the last 10 years in the UK, there have been various citizenship policy developments in the domains of education and naturalization. These developments can be contextualized in relation to the UK government’s concern with promoting the significance of ‘national’ (or state-level) citizenship, against a backdrop of perceived internal division — namely devolution and immigration — as well as policy attempts to promote community cohesion in the wake of security threats. Drawing on the UK context, I make two key arguments regarding the relation between education and naturalization. The first is that discourses of naturalization are framed in educative terms. Second, I examine naturalization and education policy in the UK’s multination context of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. I illustrate that policymakers’ conceptions of ‘successful’ citizenship integration are currently based on limited conceptions of both citizenship and learning. I propose that social constructivist conceptions of learning provide a more productive framework for understanding citizenship, learning for citizenship and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the influence of two historic events on the Greek national identity: Greece's membership in the European Union in 1981 and the end of the Iron Curtain with the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989. The author argues that it it yet too early to fully comprehend the extent of these events for Greece and how it defines itself nationally in relation to Europe and to the Balkans. The author viewpoint is mainly based on an analysis of the way immigrants, especially from the Balkans, are being treated as their growing numbers are perceived by some Greeks as a threat to the purity of the Greek national identity. Recent changes to the naturalization laws in Greece, Greece's foreign policy in the Balkans, and the strengthening of the Greek Diaspora are also discussed.

In this article the author discusses the change in the naturalization law of international marriage immigrants in South Korea in 2009. The author analyzes the argument on the rationale of the 2009 amendment relative to its requirement that international marriage immigrants take a naturalization test. The author discusses the policy of exclusionism and offers suggestions to guarantee the validity of the naturalization test in order to help immigrants' life in Korea.

This article analyzes the recent changes in naturalization policies in three Nordic countries, Norway, Denmark and Sweden. Considering the homogeneity of the region in terms of culture, social structure and polity, the discrepancy in current citizenship regulation is remarkable. Similar problem definitions have generated diametrical opposite solutions. This is even more striking as the three countries, hailing on perceived ideas of common interests and various experiences of shared rule in different political constellations for the best part of the last 500 years, also cooperated closely in forging their national citizenship legislation from the 1880s up till 1979. The article gives perspective to this novel variation, analyzing the interplay between aims and means in the naturalization policies. Basic questions like citizenship rights, the social and cultural cohesion of the nation state, national ideology and questions of identity will be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illustrates the difference between formal citizenship and moral citizenship, and traces the shift in focus from formal to moral citizenship in Dutch national and local policy. The mixing of 'citizenship' with 'integration' has given rise to what can be termed a virtualization of citizenship. When 'integration' becomes 'citizenship', the citizenship status of those persons that are formal citizens but supposedly lack 'integration' both shifts from an actual to a virtual possession, and also becomes defined as a 'virtue'. The moralization of citizenship is largely state-initiated and is accompanied by a neoliberal focus on 'individual responsibility'. Thus the state, whose position is endangered in times of globalization, finds a new functional potential in securing the in- and exclusion of 'society' through the pronunciation of moral citizenship in paternalist policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the development of citizenship in Austria-Hungary between 1867 and the 1920s. At the beginning, the paper analyses the reform of citizenship laws in both Austria and Hungary after the Settlement of 1867. Whilst the Austrian citizenship law maintained legal traditions stretching back into the first half of the nineteenth century, the new Hungarian citizenship law of 1878 emulated the laws in effect in Wilhelmine Germany. The basis of Hungarian citizenship law was, however, much broader than German law, in order to allow for the effective integration of the non-Magyar population. An evaluation of applications for Austrian naturalisation illustrates the remarkable capacity of Austrian citizenship law to integrate and to uphold a concept of nationality independent from ethnicity, religious denomination, class or gender. Only during, and above all after, the First World War did the inclusive practice of the Cisleithanian bureaucracy give way to the more exclusive policy of the new German-Austrian Republic, as civil servants now introduced the vague notion of 'race' as a criterion for naturalisation. In contrast to Tsarist Russia and the Second German Empire, both of which introduced similar agendas for nationalisation in the latter part of the nineteenth century linking citizenship to ethnic and religious identity, the Habsburg Monarchy remained basically untouched by such tendencies and with the constitutionally guaranteed principle of 'national equality' upheld its early modern tradition of ethnic and religious tolerance well into the later Imperial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the development of the federal structure of Swiss citizenship between the founding of the federal state in 1848 and the entrenchment of a restrictive naturalisation and establishment policy in the interwar period. Considering the difficult integration of foreign residents through naturalisation in the past and present in Switzerland, the author examines the causes for the granting and refusal of Swiss citizenship. She shows that the development of and arrangements for access to Swiss citizenship cannot be reduced only to notions about the Swiss nation or national interests. They are the result of a permanent process of political negotiation and coordination between the federation, cantons and local authorities; owing to its importance in social assistance matters, local citizenship constituted an impediment to naturalisation until well into the twentieth century. In contrast, the federation and certain cantons like Zurich, Basle and Geneva had sought since the 1880s to reduce the strongly increasing number of foreign residents by liberalising naturalisation. The outbreak of the Second World War put an end to these endeavours. With the rise of a 'new right' since 1900, the setting up of the Central Office of the Foreign Police in 1917, and the institutionalisation of the authorities' 'fight against foreign infiltration', Swiss nationality law became ethnicised. Cultural 'assimilation' into the 'particularity of Swiss society' was now regarded as a precondition for becoming a Swiss citizen. The new federal rejection of foreigners thus joined with the traditionally restrictive policy of local authorities in an unholy alliance that began to breach only in the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its crucial role in building socio-political arrangements in European societies, citizenship is nowadays criticized as a source of privileges opposing nationals to non-nationals. This article deals with some limits of current critiques, looking at citizenship from migrations. Two main points are argued. Critiques mainly treat citizenship under one dimension, the formal link to a nation state; it is claimed here that restoring a multidimensional citizenship is crucial in order to recover the political strength of substantive social citizenship for purposes of social integration. Cross analysis of citizenship and migration policies highlights some crucial tensions between the two that critiques tend to overlook: migration policy still is a prerogative of national states and tend to submit citizenship policies to its own objectives; national citizenship seems to be less urgent in migrants' demands than other statuses (residence, permit of stay), and policies of naturalization prove to be insufficient to integrate migrants. It is proposed here that re-evaluating social citizenship may help to restore citizenship's own objectives and to recover crucial means for migrants' social integration in host societies where they live, and where therefore it is crucial that they feel citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The initial uproar over the Supreme Court's decision to invalidate the legislative veto in INS v. Chadha was deafening. Many feared that such a decision would wreak havoc on the public policymaking process but these fears never came to pass. In many cases Congress ignored the Court and continued to pass legislative vetoes. The executive branch, while often offering token objections, also continued to work as though the legislative veto was still part of the policymaking process. Why did these actors responsible for implementing the Court's decision in this case fail to fully and faithfully do so? This article argues that both congressional and executive branch actors had their own preferences that overrode their motivation to implement the Court's decision. As a result, these actors largely ignored the Court's mandate. By examining this compliance failure in the context of the Chadha case it is possible to explore the inter-branch dynamics that can be involved in the implementation of a Supreme Court decision that directly affects the other two branches of government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the citizenship test which is part of the UK naturalisation process. The test is based on the government publication Life in the United Kingdom: A Journey to Citizenship. A detailed analysis of its two editions (2004 and 2007) reveals that the conception of the citizen, and the picture of British government and society underlying each are very different. There is, additionally, a mismatch between the rationale offered for the Life in the United Kingdom test and what the latter can in fact test: the attitudes and civic virtues mentioned in the rationale are untestable on-line. A society which aspires to be a democracy, it is argued, needs to scrutinise carefully the fairness and democratic appropriateness of its procedures for admitting new citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A common claim has been that liberalization of citizenship policy depends on making policy behind closed doors. I challenge one variant of this line of argument, which regards courts as the primary “countermajoritarian” champion of the expansion of immigrant rights, through a comparison of citizenship policy in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland. In all three countries subnational authorities play a significant role in the administration of naturalization policy. Courts have played more of a “nationalizing” rather than a “countermajoritarian” role. I also show how differences in federal structures affected recent efforts to reform citizenship policy in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents statistical and qualitative data on the response of Turkish immigrants and their descendants living in Germany to the changes in the German citizenship 'reform' of 1999. My findings suggest that the effects of the new citizenship and naturalisation regulations on Turkish immigrants were mediated by their generational status and the time period in which they arrived or were raised in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines issues surrounding the community of refugees from the country of Burundi established in Tanzania. The author asserts that efforts undertaken to resolve the problems of the Burundian refugees can be applied to refugee and internally displaced persons situations elsewhere. Addressed are issues related to the naturalization of refugees in their host country, self-sufficiency, social integration in local communities, the process of willing repatriation and the resettlement of refugees in Tanzania.

The article analyzes existing in the different sources of non-fiction variety of interpretations of the term "migration policy". The variety of approaches to the concept of "politics" and "the migration process" gives rise to different points of view on the vision of migration policy. Contradictions are clearly seen in the difference in definitions of migration policy. Migration policy -- a purposeful activity of political institutions, aimed at streamlining and regulation of migration processes on the territory of the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]