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The article looks at the U.S. Supreme Court case Johnson v. McIntosh from the perspective of the history of the Piankashaw (Peeyankihšia) people's movement and community building in the Myaamionki homelands, along the Wabash River. Topics include the relationship between the Peeyankihšiaki and residents from the village of Vincennes, the land agreement with the Illinois-Wabash Company and the legality of the purchase of lands around the Waapaahšiki Siipiiwi, and Young Tobacco's land grant to George Rogers Clark.

Many notable scholars have focused on the breakdown of Indian-white relations in Pennsylvania during the Seven Years' War and the near total collapse of relations that occurred in the region. While there is evidence to suggest there were areas of accommodation in other mid-Atlantic regions, the situation in Pennsylvania between settlers and the Native population was particularly brutal. This study focuses attention on three groups of historical actors who were heavily involved in the breakdown--the Delaware, the Scots Irish Covenanters, and the provincial Quakers--through the lens of the captivity narrative of Jean McCord Lowry. Lowry's unique narrative exemplifies the Covenanter experience of the Seven Years' War. As part of a larger body of research, this study suggests that what lay at the heart of all the other considerations in Pennsylvania during the Seven Years' War--for land, riches, conquest, and revenge--was a Euro-American war of religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Red Bird Crisis, also referred to as the Winnebago War. According to the author, violence as a way of life along the frontier in the Upper Midwest along with lead miners encroaching on the land of the Ho-Chunk, for whom lead was an important commodity, created growing tensions between the Native Americans and the white frontiersmen. It is also suggested that the crisis was the result of the Ho-Chunk's left over resentment from the War of 1812. The actions of the leader of the Ho-Chunk, Red Bird, and army officer William Whistler are also discussed.

Indian-hating, a critical building block of white nationalism during the early American republic, was built from the grassroots by printers who were also local citizens with their own personal and political axes to grind. The Pennsylvanian Archibald Loudon was one of these printers. His two-volume collection of frontier captivity, war, and atrocity narratives, titled A Selection of Some of the Most Interesting Narratives, of Outrages, Committed by the Indians, in Their Wars with the White People, epitomizes how printers collected and disseminated local stories of Indigenous violence--filtered through the lenses of their own partisan politics--to generate hatred for Indians on the eve of the War of 1812. This essay tells the story of Loudon and his Selection. It analyzes how Loudon's experiences as a colonial frontier refugee, Revolutionary War soldier, stalwart Democratic-Republican, and friend of the writer and politician Hugh Henry Brackenridge made him into an Indian-hater. It also assesses his two-volume Selection as a remarkable collection of local stories that framed the violent as well as the noble acts of local Native peoples and the harrowing tales of white martyrs and settlers who survived so as to influence national conversations about race and belonging, politics and war in the early republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1615, the publication of Ralph Hamor's famous A True Discourse of the Present Estate of Virginia, which brought the unexpected, almost providential news of Pocahontas's conversion and marriage, suddenly reversed the steady stream of bad news about the Virginia Company's Jamestown project. A True Discourse described such a sudden and dramatic change in Virginia's fortunes that it required careful attention to concerns of credibility. Hamor and the Virginia Company drew on a collection of texts that aimed to instruct travelers how to render their observations and conclusions credible to readers. In A True Discourse, they assembled a sort of composite text whose final section claimed to provide direct insight into the Chesapeake Algonquians' "honest inward intentions." Although this section was replete with snubs and slights, Hamor preserved these details to present himself as a particular sort of eyewitness observer: critical, meticulous, and objective, recording details but leaving his readers to draw inferences themselves. Most of the details that Hamor believed would win his readers' trust in this way related to the foods he was offered--and especially venison, which was a symbol of trust and mutual regard so deeply rooted as to complement Hamor's stance as an objective observer perfectly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the borderlands of northeastern North America in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, hunger forced colonists and Native Americans to eat substances they found disgusting. This article reads captivity narratives and missionary accounts to argue that disgust fundamentally tested, transgressed, and reified cultural boundaries in the borderlands, shaping the archive of early American foodways. In doing so, this article historicizes the concept of disgust and its formation in early America and examines how colonial disgust formed perceptions of Indigenous food supplies. English and French settlers recorded their disgust with Indian food and claimed that Indigenous peoples could not even conceptualize disgust. The rhetorical aims of this literature of disgust shaped the colonial written archive, which records far fewer incidences of Native disgust. Nevertheless, these same sources document Native experiences of revulsion at colonial foodways and the foodways of other Native nations, which complicates the colonial narrative of the absence of Indian revulsion. A case study of fermentation and decay in Native and colonial foodways demonstrates that colonists saw Native fermented foods as rotten and thereby understated Native Americans' food supplies, contributing to an imperial discourse on Indigenous poverty, food systems, and land use that sought to justify colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I draw inspiration from La Donna Harris and Jaqueline Wasilewski's notions of relationships and dynamic inclusivity, as laid out in their 2004 article, to interpret the late eighteenth-century fur trade landscape of the western Great Lakes region. Using documentary sources and archaeological investigations conducted at a 1790s trade post known as Réaume's Leaf River Post, I first consider the role of foodways in the creation of ambivalent relationships between Ojibwe people and fur traders. I further argue that these relationships extended to the broader landscape (and waterscape), emerging out of contested sharing of knowledge, practices, and geographic imaginaries. I contend that Harris and Wasilewski's notions of relationships and dynamic inclusivity are useful to decentering colonial narratives in the archaeology of the fur trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores tributary relationships between colonists and Algonquian peoples in seventeenth-century Virginia, placing the process of political subordination into familiar narratives of indigenous dispossession. Virginia's tributary system--a political and legal institution founded in 1646 at the conclusion of the third Anglo-Powhatan war--created a colonial order in which Indian communities became subordinated but largely autonomous polities within a composite imperial state. This idea of tribute, a form of what Hugo Grotius called an "unequal alliance," had roots in Algonquian political traditions and the emerging European literature on international law. Drawing on these lineages, this essay provides a framework for thinking about how the tributary system developed in the decades between 1646 and 1676. The legal and political distance separating tributaries from colonists proved to be an important tool for indigenous communities struggling to maintain communal identity, but provided colonists with a flexible means of effecting dispossession. Though colonists' resentment of the slender protections Governor William Berkeley afforded tributaries erupted into civil war in 1676, Bacon's Rebellion failed to destroy the tributary system. It was reestablished at the Treaty of the Middle Plantation in 1677, which still provides the legal framework for Indian relations in the state of Virginia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The standard interpretation of Washington Territory's "Indian War" of the mid-1850s is not only east-west in its orientation, it also leaves little room for Indian auxiliaries, let alone mercenaries-for-hire from the north Pacific coast. "Northern Indians" from what later became northwestern British Columbia and southeastern Alaska provided crucial productive, reproductive, and military labor for early Euro-American settlers. Because Coast Salish communities on both sides of the border had experienced decades of raids and conflicts with various groups of northern Indians by the 1850s, Euro-Americans' hiring of northern Indians in particular illustrates the importance of intra-Indian geopolitics to subsequent events. When placed in this larger context, the "Indian War" of 1855–56 in western Washington must be seen as part of a longer continuum of disputes involving distant Native groups, intra-Indian negotiations, and forms of Indigenous diplomacy. A closer look at how the key players involved attempted to manipulate these connections for their own purposes complicates our understandings of the military conflicts of the mid-1850s and reveals the significance of evolving Native-newcomer and intra-Indian relations in this transformative decade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1877 and 1885, a Southern Cheyenne chief named Stone Calf gathered a coalition of Southern Cheyenne women and men, cultural intermediaries, ranchers, missionaries, and U.S. soldiers together in northwestern Indian Territory. Bound by kinship, gendered labor, economic opportunity, and political necessity, this alliance negotiated the transnational cattle industry's access to the environmental resources of the Southern Great Plains. Using these powerful ties, Stone Calf's coalition successfully shaped both the cattle industry's expansion and displaced the Office of Indian Affairs' influence in the region. By recognizing Stone Calf's coalition as a powerful transnational force, this article illuminates both the weight of kinship and Indigenous participation in a globally interconnected world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates European and Euro-American desecrations of Native American graves from the early colonial period through the era of Indian Removal. It shows that though colonial-era grave desecration was driven by a variety of motives, such as animosity and greed for looted grave goods, from the time of the American Revolution grave desecration acquired an ideological dimension. By plundering and destroying the resting place of the Native dead, white American soldiers and citizens symbolically contested the continued indigenous ownership of territory claimed by the expansionistic U.S. republic. These acts of erasure represented a facet of the early republican myth of the "Vanishing Indian," and in the increasingly racialized climate of the early nineteenthcentury era of Indian Removal, grave desecration imbued the ongoing process of dispossession and territorial conquest with scientific legitimacy, as the study and display of stolen Native remains and artifacts provided tangible evidence of the allegedly inevitable decline and disappearance of Native populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay tracks the role of conspiracy and paranoia in Edward Winslow's Good News from New England (1624) and argues that the belief in a conspiracy against the colony is central to the text's representation of native culture and politics. Published in the wake of an early instance of New England settler violence, the so-called Wessagusset Massacre, Winslow's account presents the Plymouth Colony as beset by an amorphous indigenous plot—despite an admitted dearth of direct evidence for such a plot. Approaching the imputed conspiracy as a method of representing the settlement's history (and not merely as a mistaken belief about that history) emphasizes the structuring role of paranoia in Winslow's understanding of native actions and culture. The text employs the notion of a native conspiracy as both an improvised heuristic for interpreting encounters with various indigenous groups and as a means of narrating those complex encounters for an English readership. By tracking the function of conspiracy and paranoia in Good News, this article probes the dynamic relationship between representation, interpretation, and encounter in this early moment of English settler colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the historical and sociological significance of historic trees in U.S. history. It examines what the author calls tree culture in relations between colonists and Native Americans, the history of the Treaty Tree and Liberty Tree, and trees as a literal and symbolic reminder of the lynching of African Americans.

The article considers inscriptions in the history of printing and books, focusing particularly on colonial American accounts of the Native American rock inscription now known as Dighton Rock, located in present-day Berkley, Massachusetts, which is referred to in the 1690 thanksgiving sermon "The Wonderful Works of God Commemorated" by Cotton Mather. Other topics include material texts, print culture, and relations between Native Americans and European settlers in New England.

Native Americans in the Ohio River Valley used captured white men to lure immigrant boats on the Ohio River in the decade after the American Revolution. As they entered this zone of conflict, the throngs of migrants from eastern states to Kentucky via the Ohio River saw themselves as victims of powerful Native polities. Decoys allowed Native communities to seize the material wealth floating downriver and destined for a country most agreed they had not ceded to the immigrants. The decoys, and their violent effects, created white fear of Native American power and exposed U.S. weakness on its western frontier. In turn, public narratives about Native power contributed to a pessimistic vision of U.S. expansion. Yet after a successful military campaign, a series of treaties, and the consolidation of Anglo-American power in the region, American writers celebrated their pioneer history and included white decoys. In the nineteenth century, Americans reenvisioned river decoys as an obstacle that westward migrants had overcome to bring their version of civilization to the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses Abenaki writings on their experiences with the colonization of their lands. She mentions the interpretation of omens in relation to the appearance of white people, the need to keep Native American writings independent of American literature of the period, and the impact of colonialism on the Abenaki.

In 1738 British colonists on Nantucket accused their Wampanoag neighbors of plotting to rise in violent rebellion. The colonists quickly discovered the rumor was false, but their retraction did not stop newspaper printers in Boston from creating a sensational story of Indian conspiracy that quickly spread throughout the British Empire, circling the Atlantic from New England to London. In the earliest version of the report, the Boston printer Thomas Draper relied on conventions from his previous stories of slave conspiracy to invent a sensational account of an imminent Indian uprising. Most printers copied his first account of the conspiracy. Examining the Nantucket Indian conspiracy of 1738 illuminates the process by which early American printers altered and even manufactured stories of conspiracy on the basis of conventions established over years of reporting slave unrest. Historians have long relied on newspaper accounts for evidence of subaltern rebellion in the Atlantic world. This case study challenges scholars to reevaluate the process by which printers created news of conspiracy during a formative period in the history of the early American press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early American archives abound with references to episodes of communication, translation, and interpretation, and with a diverse array of Native-language texts. They provide evidence both of practical and philosophical colonial projects and of the ways in which Native people used their languages to mediate colonization. Scholars have uncovered a range of methods that diverse peoples employed to communicate with one another, the contexts that shaped the meanings of the words and messages exchanged, and the broader significance of those exchanges for figures far from the point of encounter. The texts and commentaries that flowed from efforts at language learning and linguistic collection bear testimony to ways Native languages shaped Euro-American intellectual, cultural, and religious history. They also transform previous rubrics for understanding American Indian resistance to linguistic imperialism into a social fact with an archive and a material history. Colonial-indigenous language encounters influenced the cultural and intellectual history of Native individuals and communities, providing new media for linguistic expression and new frames through which to consider their own tongues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a reexamination of the Timucua-Spanish relations in colonial Florida, culminating in the Timucua uprising of 1656. Combining our two specialties, linguistic anthropology and history, this paper explores the few Timucua religious materials available, which are the oldest extant Native American texts north of Mexico. Examining the content of these texts (the subject matter, the language, and its arguments) as well as the context in which they were produced, this essay considers the Timucua texts as early expressions of Timucua literacy and authorship. The Timucua texts hint at the complex effects of linguistic collision and exchange. As Timucua authors collaborated and, at times, appropriated these Spanish religious texts, their voices hint at the power of language as a marker of identity and resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Native American–European encounter created a multitude of opportunities for understanding and misunderstanding. Linguistic and cultural barriers contributed to the complexity of cross-cultural understanding. In the case of tubular shell beads known today as wampum, Europeans sought a suitable term to describe the unfamiliar cultural goods that served Native people in ways unfamiliar to Europeans. The French, Dutch, and English experimented with diverse terms—both Native and European—eventually settling on porcelaine, sewant, and wampum, respectively. In doing so, they drew on their linguistic and cultural backgrounds while coming to terms with the Native American languages they encountered. A study of these cross-cultural interactions reveals the nuances and the limits of European understanding, and it demonstrates the cultural linguistic legacy of European colonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on recent judicial decisions related to Indian tribes and their rights. It include the standing of an Indian tribe to challenge a land swap within its ceded territory, the limitation of the habeas corpus relief provision of the Indian Civil Rights Act in a case involving tribal office eligibility and the extent of a tribe's law-enforcement authority over all lands within its reservation.

The essay discusses issues of reconciliation of the Indigenous people of Canada: First Nations, metis, and Inuits. Topics explored include the importance of education of Indigenous youths subjects including colonialism, treaties, and the history of white-Indigenous peoples, teaching educators how to approach such topics in the classroom, Indigenous rights, and the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people.

Military sources combined with existing ethnohistorical narratives about the experience of Algonquian groups living "behind the frontier" in colonial southern New England provide insight into the effect of imperial warfare on Indian peoples. Virtually every indigenous male in the region after King Philip's War served in the colonial military. Tribes used the service of their men as leverage in negotiations with colonial governments as they attempted to advance their own agendas and protect their sovereignty. Yet Indian soldiers died in large numbers, mainly from infectious disease. Death rates for Indian soldiers were so high that they affected tribal demographics and led to increasing intermarriage and intermixing between the region's Indian and African populations. Other issues faced by Natives in the aftermath of the wars included the long-term injury and disability of veterans, the unresolved fate of men captured during the fighting, and the psychological effect of wartime trauma on veterans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarship has long emphasized how Europeans justified colonial expansion by imagining North America as an unsettled continent, but eighteenth-century maps reveal the limits of this European fantasy. Rather than portraying North America as a land in need of settlers, British mapmakers needed to build an empire on the settlements of Indians. No mapmaker did this to a greater extent than John Mitchell in his famous 1755 work, A Map of the British and French Dominions in North America. This article explores the uncertain decades surrounding the Seven Years' War and the ambiguous but essential place of Indian settlements in the contest for North America. By taking European rhetoric at face value, we have overlooked a world where American Indians had the power to define the nature of settlement across much of North America--a power reflected in European maps. It was not until the early American republic and the creation of Indian reservations that these Native American settlements disappeared from maps of America east of the Mississippi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although colonial American spaces of genteel leisure, such as taverns, theaters, and coffeehouses, have recently received considerable scholarly attention, mineral spas have largely eluded historical analysis. Those historians who have studied colonial spas have used these spaces primarily to uncover the roots of American republicanism, technological development, and changing perceptions of early modern cleanliness. But America's mineral waters have more to reveal. In particular, these supposedly healing waters provide important insights into British imperialists' efforts at mediating seemingly contradictory notions of civilization and wilderness. Though a significant body of literature has shown that Europeans altered the natural world around them for personal gain, their interaction with mineral springs demonstrates how these imperialists adjusted themselves, as well as the environment, to suit their ideals of bodily health, scientific advancement, and imperial development. Thus, while mineral springs became key spaces to exploit both the natural world and Native American assets, the waters also became part of a larger civilizing mission dependent on Europeans' ability to modify their own principles and thrive in a strange New World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends the investigation and understanding of the impact that everyday racism/microaggressions can have on the academic experience of Indigenous students by examining the racial climate of a major Canadian university to learn about the nature of anti-Indigenous racism. The data from seventeen interviews with students at McMaster University provide a deeper understanding of how Indigenous students perceive and experience racism within the university environment -- including levels, impacts and coping mechanisms -- and highlight the potential for racism to have a continuing impact on equality and access to education for Indigenous peoples. Subtle, modern racism is playing an active role in the daily lives of Indigenous university students, affecting both their academic and personal success. Despite increasing levels of successful degree completion and the creation of strong support systems, Indigenous students are consistently faced with barriers, including interpersonal discrimination, frustration with the university system and feelings of isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research finds that non-indigenous peoples often hold negative racial attitudes towards indigenous peoples. Contact theory suggests that interpersonal contact can positively influence majority group members' attitudes regarding minority group members, raising the question of whether indigenous population growth in cities will alter non-indigenous peoples' attitudes. Using original 2014 survey data, this paper examines the relationship between interpersonal contact and racial attitudes in Canadian prairie cities. The analysis finds that while personal ties to aboriginal peoples are correlated with lower new and old-fashioned racism scores, general contact with aboriginal peoples only correlates with old-fashioned racism scores. As such, growing urban indigenous populations -- and thus increased aboriginal-non-aboriginal general contact -- alone should not be expected to result in positive racial attitudes. This research advances understanding of contact theory by considering how education interacts with interpersonal contact, and informs on-going dialogue about current racial relations between non-indigenous and indigenous peoples in Canadian prairie cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Historical Review is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores how the Mississippi Choctaws engaged state citizenship in the years immediately following removal. I challenge the standard narrative of Choctaws’ relationships with the Mississippi legal system as one in which they were primarily victimized by unscrupulous lawyers and state officials. I argue instead that Choctaws used their new status as citizens to fight back against dispossession. I also examine how ideals of masculinity and class conflicts shaped interpretations of rights and obligations between Indians and whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A case study is presented on the influence that classical education of Algonquians in a Christian Anglo-American education system on their social and cultural norms, including at Brothertown, Wisconsin during the second half of the 18th century. The social influence that Moor's Indian Charity School in Lebanon, Connecticut had on Algonquian culture is discussed. The impact that Indian Christian Separatism had on the Brothertown movement is also discussed.

Copyright of Cahiers des Dix is the property of Societe des Dix and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how a material culture approach can add to an understanding of Indian-White diplomacy in nineteenth-century North America. Focusing on the peace medal as a single artifact, the article offers insights into the complex relationships and interactions between the Native Americans and the United States. Peace medals were crucial for how both Indians and the United States negotiated power relationships between 1790 and the early 1870s. Minted by the U.S. government specifically to be given to Native American leaders at treatysigning ceremonies and diplomatic visits, the medals meant different things to U.S. officials and Indian chiefs. Indians and whites thus negotiated power relationships through an artifact without having a shared understanding of the object and its meanings. Analysis of these different rationales of object-use in intercultural diplomacy reveals a complex mix of symbiosis, entanglement, confrontation and war characterizing Indian-White relationships. A material culture approach to Indian-White diplomacy in nineteenth-century North America suggests taking objects as the point of departure for the study of the highly complex relationships and interactions between Native Americans and the United States in that period.1 It forces us to start the analysis with a thick description of the materiality and the sensory capital of the objects used in diplomatic pursuits, and then move on to place these objects into their many uses and contexts defining their time-specific functions and meanings. This descriptive contextualization includes tracing the provenance of the materials an object is made of, identifying its makers, markets and users, and finally reconstructing its multiple uses in concrete diplomatic and quotidian pursuits.2 As such, a material culture approach promises a clearer and deeper understanding of the nature and character of Indian-White relations in North America oscillating between confrontation and symbiosis, separation and entanglement.3 That the exchange of gifts in many different contexts and for very different reasons was a central feature of Indian-White relations throughout the colonial and early national periods of American history is an established fact.4 Against this backdrop, the aim of this article is to explore the possibilities offered by a material culture approach to nineteenth-century Indian-White diplomacy by focusing on a single artifact that was crucial for how Indians and the United States negotiated power relationships from the 1790s to the early 1870s: peace medals.5 By peace medals this article means those medals specifically minted by the American and other governments for the purpose of distribution to Native American leaders.6 These medals were usually given away at treaty signing ceremonies, but some of them honored the visit of a Native American delegation to Washington, D.C. or that of a federal delegation to Indian country.7 The following article will start out with a thick description of the peace medals in all their materiality, then it will move on to the makers of the object, and it will end with some reflections on the multiple uses and meanings of the peace medals that meant different things to U.S. government officials and Indian chiefs. In doing that, the article is fully aware that there is no such thing as the North American Indian. There was - and to some degree still is - a stunning diversity of thousands of Indian cultures in North America, and the Native Americans were anything but a homogeneous bloc but rather a highly diverse lot of individual tribes and different groups with factions within. Coping with this diversity, anthropologists have developed the concept of the culture area as an intellectual tool to order and classify the great variety of Indian cultures. Accordingly, a culture area is defined as a geographical area occupied by a number of peoples whose cultures show a significant degree of similarity with each other and at the same time a significant degree of dissimilarity with the cultures of other such areas.8 This means, however, that we have to reckon with different Native American material cultures in Indian-White diplomatic affairs, which forces us to look very closely into the specific uses, meanings, and functions that peace medals had for specific Indian societies and groups in the various regions of North America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there have been many important studies of English perceptions of the people they called ' Indians', all see, or at least imply, an unbridgeable chasm between the more positive descriptions and the seemingly more denigratory ones. Yet, the apparently vast differences between accounts actually converge under a more fundamental unity. Even if they sometimes disagreed over its exact implications, the English firmly agreed among themselves that the Indians were in fact fully human and rational and that the best proof of this was their conformity to the basic duties and precepts of the law of nature. Their often overstated disagreements were due to tensions within this understanding of humanity over the relative importance of reason and revelation for the affairs of the world. Regardless, from their early abortive ventures in Roanoke in the 1580s through to the so-called ' Massacre' of 1622, the English enjoyed a consensus that the natives of Virginia had, at least in potential, a concept of the divine, language, civil society, and a reasonable amount of self-control over their passions and appetites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Carolina was a staggeringly weak polity from its founding in 1670 until the 1730s. Nevertheless, in that time, and while facing significant opposition from powerful indigenous neighbors, the colony constructed a robust plantation system that boasted the highest slave-to-freeman ratio in mainland North America. Taking this fact as a point of departure, I examine the early management of unfree labor in South Carolina as an exemplary moment of settler-colonial state formation. Departing from the treatment of state formation as a process of centralizing “legitimate violence,” I investigate how the colonial state, and in particular the Commons House of Assembly, asserted an exclusive claim to authority by monopolizing the question of legitimacy itself. In managing unfree laborers, the colonial state extended its authority over supposedly private relations between master and slave and increasingly recast slavery in racial terms. This recasting of racial slavery rested, I argue, on a distinction, pervasive throughout English North America, which divided the world into spheres of savagery and civility. Beneath the racial reordering of colonial life, the institution of slavery was rooted in the same ideological distinction by which the colonial state's claims to authority were justified, with the putative “savagery” of the slave or of the Indian being counterpoised to the supposed civility of English settlers. This article contributes to the literatures on Atlantic slavery and American colonial history, and invites comparison with accounts of state formation and settler colonialism beyond Anglo-America. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Ghost Dance is commonly understood as a backward-looking rejection of modern life. Yet the teachings of the religion often incorporated exhortations to wage labor and other instructions for good living in the reservation era as necessary measures to precipitate the millennium. In reaching backward and forward simultaneously, the Ghost Dance helped resolve contradictions of Indian identity in the post-conquest world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The famous story of the fall of Michilimackinac is now part of the well-known lore of the war called Pontiac's. Yet few accounts pause long enough to understand the causes, course, and consequences of the Anglo-Indian War from the perspective of the Anishinaabe people who lived there. Read carefully against the long- and short-term context, the seemingly confused and complex course of events at Michilimackinac in the summer of 1763 can be seen as part of a long-running Anishinaabe strategy to maintain independence in the region by ensuring a balance of power--between Europeans and the Anishinaabeg and other Algonquians of the north, but also between those nations and their southern rivals. Thus, events at the straits of Michilimackinac illuminate some similarities to--but also critical differences from--the war farther south. They also shed much-needed light on inter- and intra-Indian relations both at Michilimackinac and across the pays d'en haut as well as on Indian- European relations in the middle decades of the century. Indeed, events at Michilimackinac compel us to reconsider both English and French relations with the Anishinaabeg and even the very nature and extent of European imperialism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the forced removal of Native American children from their homes to white homes and white racial identity from the late 1820s through the early 21st century, often referencing 2013 U.S. Supreme Court case Adoptive Couple v. Baby Girl (the “Baby Veronica” case). Whites' adopting of Native American children is discussed. The members of the adoptive couple involved in the aforementioned Supreme Court case Matt Capobiano and Melanie Capobianco are also discussed.

A literary criticism is presented of the 1970 American fictional book "The Indians Won," by Martin Cruz Smith. The book's depiction of trickster mimesis is discussed. An overview of the book's portrayal of U.S. imperialism, including in regard to the U.S. government's relations with Native Americans and Native American sovereignty, is provided.

Between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, white settlers officially labelled most conflicts with Native Americans as ‘wars’, unlike the ‘massacres’ white settlers experienced. This differential description indicated each race's respective ‘civility’ and ‘savagery’. Indiscriminate warfare was officially attributed solely to Indians, despite much contrary evidence. State bodies' recognition of conflicts as ‘wars’ was also necessary for the remuneration of the militia, who exercised much of this organized violence. While historians have ascribed this differential representation of the violence to consensual white cultural chauvinism, I emphasize that it was contested from within the settler community, and needed to be continuously maintained. A comparison of an 1864 Colorado conflict to an 1860 California one demonstrates how local coalitions dominated by landowners and politicians usually managed to officially designate the militia's violence as civilized ‘wars’ against ‘hostile Indians’. In the exceptional Colorado case, federal intervention disrupted this pattern. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the Anglo-American settlers' colonization of Oregon during the 19th century, often referencing the issue's articles. Topics, including whites' relations with Indians, death, the historiography of Oregon, the 1859 murder of Oregon resident Angelique Carpentier by her husband Charles Rose for alleged infidelity and the historical mythology of 19th century Oregon, are discussed.

The article discusses the history of white settlers' mass killing of Indians in southwest Oregon during the 1850s, arguing that the use of the term genocide to describe this is applicable. The role that the citizen militias played in the aforementioned genocide, including against Coos Bay Indians in what is known as the Rogue River War of 1855-1856, is discussed.

The article discusses whites' forced removal of Western Oregon Indian tribes to reservations during the 1840s through the 1880s, including in regard to its impact of Oregon Indians' culture and traditions. An overview of the historiography of Oregon Indians, including in regard to myths associated with them, is provided.

An interview is presented with Northern Paiute Indian leader Wilson Wewa and Wanapun Indian leader Rex Buck, Jr. on place-based spiritual beliefs of the Washat Indian religion. Topics, including whites relations with Indians in Oregon's history, the meaning of death to Indian tribes and the loss of North American Indians' language, are discussed.

The article discusses the efforts of Michigan Native American Charlotte Kawbawgam to force the business enterprise the Jackson Iron Company to compensate her father, Matji-gijig (Bad Day), for labor performed in helping discover the Marquette, Michigan, Iron Range. It discusses rulings by the Michigan Supreme Court concerning Kawbawgam's claims, Native American understanding of legal rights and their relationship with Euro-Americans, and the testimony of Michigan Native American Charles Kawbawgam.

An essay is presented which discusses the relations between whites and Penobscot Indians in regard to land ownership on the Maine (it was part of Massachusetts during this period) frontier from 1735 through 1737. The relationship between the Massachusetts government and the Penobscot Indians, including in regard to achieving peace through the government's protecting land ownership of the Penobscots from the land speculator Samuel Waldo's claim near the St. Georges River, Maine, is discussed.

The article discusses the social aspects associated with the Native American and white girls involvement in the girls organization the Camp Fire Girls from the 1910 through 1939, with a particular focus on the organization's embracing of perceived components American Indian culture. The Camp Fire Girls' use of images associated with Indians so as educate girls on women's roles in society, including in regard to girls' gender identity, is discussed.