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Despite growing tensions over China's military build-up and modernization, there is little understanding of China's defense budget. Published estimates vary implausibly from one quarter of the USA's defense budget to near parity, and there are very few attempts to understand how its size or composition has changed over time. This paper uses index number techniques to quantify China's real defense spending over time and relative to the USA. I construct price deflators and show that overall growth has been slower than thought, but also that there has been extremely rapid growth in real military equipment spending that has transformed China's defense forces. China's real defense purchasing power is also found to be 60% larger than commonly used market exchange rate estimates and equal to 59% of the USA's defense budget in 2021. Notwithstanding the rapid growth in equipment, the high relative purchasing power mostly reflects China's far larger number of active personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives A number of reports over the past 2 decades have provided recommendations for reducing the rate of suicide in the U.S. Armed Forces. Notwithstanding their veracity, few of these recommendations have been fully implemented. Methods At the direction of the Secretary of Defense and the U.S. Congress, a Suicide Prevention and Response Independent Review Committee was formed in 2022, with the mission of reviewing all policies and procedures regarding suicide within the DoD. The Suicide Prevention and Response Independent Review Committee considered over 400 specific recommendations garnered from component offices, military installation visits, and service member focus groups, ultimately making 127 recommendations. The Secretary of Defense then directed the formation of an implementation working group, which assessed these 127 recommendations for feasibility, impact, and required resourcing. Results After being assessed by the implementation working group, DoD leadership approved 111 total actions to move forward for resource consideration in the formal budget process. These actions aligned to 5 lines of effort focused on reducing suicide behavior throughout the military. Resourcing decisions then determined that 83 of these recommendations would be funded beginning in fiscal year 2025. Discussion From an implementation science perspective, broader agency concerns throughout the DoD often are primary barriers to implementing system-wide changes. By making deliberate decisions about prioritizing the most impactful actions, resourcing processes can be informed directly by relevant data. Conclusions Implementation of recommendations to reduce suicide deaths in the military must go through several deliberative steps in order to be prioritized, funded, and ultimately adopted by the military. As researchers and external stakeholders become more familiar with this process, recommendations for future prevention activities can better overcome barriers to implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan's security policy is changing rapidly, with drastic increases to its defense budget and the acquisition of counterstrike capabilities. While the deteriorating security environment undeniably motivates Japan's defense posture, the speed and extent of these recent changes still present a puzzle. Why was it under Kishida Fumio--a former leader of Kōchikai, the liberal and oft-considered pacifist faction within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP)--that Japan achieved its watershed moment on defense? This article explains this change through the exigencies of Kishida's domestic political survival. It was through his leadership of a minority faction within the LDP, his image as a dove, and support for fiscal discipline, that Kishida managed to find the largest common denominator among competing domestic political forces. Had it not been for Kishida, the speed and degree of Japan's recent transformation in security policies would have been unlikely. In light of these findings, we conclude by considering the policy implications for understanding Japan's security posture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial policy is a critical element that determines the development of economic sectors, including the defence industry. In today's context of growing geopolitical tensions, technological progress and globalisation, effective functioning and development of the defence industry is highly relevant. The purpose of the work is to investigate the role of industrial policy in the formation of the most effective strategies and approaches to the development of the defence-industrial complex and the possibility of their adaptation in Ukraine. The study was conducted using comparative, systemic and SWOT analyses. The results showed that each country under consideration – the United States, France and China – has unique opportunities for developing the defence industry but also faces specific threats. The defence industry of these countries is a complex system that encompasses big corporations, research institutions, and government agencies. All of them receive considerable funding from the state budget, invest in research and development, and collaborate with international partners, which allows their products to be of high quality and innovativeness. The USA has the largest defence budget and significant technological capabilities but depends on political decisions and high costs. France has a solid technical base but faces limited budgetary resources and dependence on European politics. China is showing a significant increase in its defence budget, but limited international cooperation is hindering the stable development of its defence industry. The findings show that a balanced industrial policy that combines economic and international legal aspects is the key to creating a sustainable and competitive defence industry. Further research in this area will help find more effective strategies for developing the defence industry and enhancing national security and economic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara University Journal of Political Science / Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Marmara University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of SIRIUS - Zeitschrift fur Strategische Analysen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The relationship between the nuclear arms race and strategic stability has been important for scholars, politicians, and journalists who have shown keen interest in what causes a state to augment its military power and its effects on its rivalries with other states. As emerging technologies continue to change the security calculus of the states, the arms race is on for investing in the development and acquisition of offensive and defensive technologies in South Asia. The Indian strategic cooperation with the technologically advanced countries and the increase in the defense budget confirm its military modernization while upsetting the delicacies of the conventional military balance in South Asia. This study gives a substantive background to the developments and technological advancements in the post overt nuclearization era (1998) in the context of complications posed by India's persistent animus dominandi to outpace Pakistan in an anarchic structure vis-à-vis its impact on strategic instability in South Asia by making a comprehensive analysis of an unending arms race for the maintenance of credible minimum deterrence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the need for European countries to reassess their defense spending and capabilities in light of Russia's attack on Ukraine and changing relationships with the United States. It highlights the fact that European NATO members still rely heavily on US security guarantees and have been hesitant to provide sufficient military support to Ukraine. The article argues that meeting the NATO target of 2% of GDP for defense spending may not be enough to achieve sufficient defense capabilities in Europe, and that Europe must reduce its reliance on the US and develop stronger European defense capabilities. The article also discusses the impact of the war in Ukraine on defense spending and the need for European countries to prioritize defense in their budgets. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the need for debt financing to develop a comprehensive air defense system in Europe. It acknowledges the vulnerability of Europe to missile and air attacks and the limitations of current defense systems. The article proposes that EU debt, separate from national fiscal rules, could provide the necessary funds for European air defense, thereby freeing up national budgets and boosting the domestic defense industry. It explores the challenges and potential solutions for implementing EU debt in defense, emphasizing the importance of air defense as a European public good. The article also examines different governance options, including the use of the PESCO framework, and highlights the potential benefits of joint EU debt funding for European air defense. It argues that debt financing is a suitable option due to the significant upfront costs of air defense. The article delves into the legal implications of EU debt financing and suggests a legal construction similar to the NextGenerationEU recovery plan. It concludes that joint EU debt funding would enhance European security, support industrial policy objectives, and not hinder EU industrial policy goals. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the challenges of defense spending in Europe and emphasizes the importance of sustained defense investment for the long-term health of the defense industry. It acknowledges the historical neglect of defense investments in Europe and the recent realization of the need for a strong defense technological and industrial base. The article also examines the issue of defense spending in a NATO context and the specific nature of the EU's process of encouraging defense investment among its member states. It concludes by discussing the political nature of defense spending and the EU's approach to defense expenditure, including voluntary benchmarks and initiatives like PESCO and CARD. The EU's defense expenditure is not accurately reflected in reporting, and while the EU is increasingly engaged in defense, its defense spending as measured against the NATO 2% pledge has been lackluster. The EU recognizes the importance of increased defense spending but acknowledges its limited political power to compel member states. The EU may need to re-energize its defense efforts to hedge against US retrenchment in Europe. [Extracted from the article]

This study quantitatively examines the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the concentration of military power within the international geopolitical system from 2014 to 2023. Utilizing a modified Composite Indicator of National Capability (mCINC) based on defense budgets and military personnel, this study analyzes the relative concentration of military capabilities among 145 states. Derived from the Correlates of War Project, our methodology enables an examination of variations in military capability concentration, especially during the pandemic years. The results trend towards the dispersion of military capabilities, with notable variations observed during the COVID-19 period, reflecting a more equitable distribution among states, notably major powers. These variations are attributed to a decrease in military capabilities among democracies, particularly the United States, and an increase in Russia's military power. The study concludes that the pandemic years have led to a nuanced adjustment towards greater multipolarity, hinting at potential instability and uncertainty in geopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much work has been completed analyzing the role of territory's effect on conflict, less work has demonstrated how territory affects military budgets. I argue that a state's defense spending is subsidized by clearly defined geographic focal points. Using geographic data, I show that states clearly defined by rivers and oceans spend less money on defense budgets as a proportion of GDP because the prospects of conflict are lower and internal social cohesion is higher, decreasing the need for large standing militaries for repression/expansion/defense. I contend that this effect is exogenous to threat. On the other hand, more mountainous states should spend more on defense due to increased costs of defense and decreased sense of identity among local populations. Situating this debate within the state development literature helps us answer important questions regarding state formation/consolidation and peaceful interactions with neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Secretary of the Navy John Lehman admitted that the daring Ocean Venture operation of 1981 – when U.S. and Royal Navy ships as part of a wider NATO exercise proceeded north of the Arctic Circle and penetrated within bombing range of Soviet naval bases – was in fact a ‘bluff’ because various technologies necessary for U.S. naval forces to operate deep in Soviet waters were not yet ready. They eventually were, but what about the fleet that would use them? The Reagan Administration championed the construction of a 600-Ship Navy with fifteen aircraft carrier battlegroups as central to its defense buildup, but Lehman recognized that the fleet was only viable if he implemented reforms to limit rising weapons costs. The planners responsible for long-term analysis of the Navy’s budget countered that Lehman’s plans were unrealistic and pressed him to ask Congress for more money. This was impossible because it would have run contrary to the Reagan Administration’s wider defense policies, which focused on the defense of Central Europe, and upset the delicate budgetary truce between the U.S. military services. Ultimately, political and budgetary realities were as important as strategic imperatives in shaping the size and composition of the U.S. Navy during its 1980s ‘renaissance’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the defense budget, which includes the cost of purchasing weapons, has continuously and significantly increased in South Korea. This increase, which is entirely financed by the government, has raised the issue of the socioeconomic impacts of spending on the defense industry in areas, such as production, added value and job creation. In this regard, it is necessary to more accurately measure the impact of spending on the defense industry on domestic industry, but the Bank of Korea's industry inducement coefficient, which measures industrial spillovers, is quite limited in measuring the industry inducement impact caused by weapon production. Therefore, this study explores how to estimate the industry inducement coefficient of the production of a specific weapon by utilising the current Bank of Korea input–output table, which is focused on private industry, and applies this methodology to the estimation of the input–output coefficient of the production of a specific weapon. As a result of the analysis, the input–output coefficient of a specific weapon was estimated to be approximately 1.18 times higher than that of the products of similar industries in the private sector in terms of production, 1.03 times higher in terms of value-added and 1.03 times higher in terms of employment. This suggests that the effect of fostering domestic industry through weapon production is somewhat greater than that of private industry and proves the efficacy of government investment in this sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To execute the defense budget efficiently, the ROK military has emphasized effectiveness and efficiency in selecting defense capability improvement needs and promoting projects. Accordingly, the “Defense Acquisition Program Act” is continuously being revised. In addition, the ROK JCS (Joint Chiefs of Staff) is working to benchmark the development trends of advanced countries’ defense planning systems and apply the concept of “CBP (Capability-Based Planning)” to strengthen the JCS of ROK authority to make necessary decisions. However, these efforts have mainly focused on formal systems and procedures. The focus must shift to implementing concrete measures and detailed methodologies to implement formal systems and procedures. In this study, we proposed a plan to more actively accept the concept of CBP in the ROK military’s defense planning system, which currently has a strategic planning-requirements planning structure, and improve it to a structure of strategic planning-capability planning-requirements planning. In other words, by converting the perspective of defense planning limited to individual weapon systems to a capability unit, a high-level strategic concept encompassing the military’s overall operational area was reflected in individual weapon system requirements. In addition, this concept enables the ROK military’s bottomup defense planning method to be converted to top-down defense planning by strengthening necessary and insufficient capabilities from an operational capability perspective rather than a weapons system perspective. Additionally, this concept helps evaluate capabilities against threats that are difficult to define as a specific unit weapon system, such as cyber threats, which have recently emerged as a new threat. Accordingly, this paper presents the concept of “capability planning” under CBP. It presents the concept and analysis method of “functional analysis,” which classifies force by function to evaluate capability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis research analyses and establishes linkages between the frequently disregarded economic theories that drive military spending. This paper’s analysis methodically goes over pertinent material, offering a thorough timeline that identifies significant moments that shaped the evolution of modern economic theories about military spending. Our analysis spans from the medieval period to the post-cold war times. Most of the analysis concentrates on conventional economic theories and their role in shaping military spending philosophies in Europe. We find that historical perspectives and theoretical underpinnings contribute to nuanced and informed debates, ensuring that the economic implications of defence investments are thoroughly understood. The ongoing discourse on military spending benefits from acknowledging the diverse roots and evolving theoretical perspectives, fostering a holistic understanding of the economic intricacies associated with defence expenditures, thus further emphasising the importance of this paper during such times.

The national defence industry concentrates on military, electronic, information and space technologies. In the near future, Ukraine's defence industry may become one of the most knowledge-intensive industrial sectors of the economy. Accordingly, the purpose of the study is to assess the capacity of Ukrainian defence enterprises to produce weapons and military equipment to ensure national security. The research aims not only to assess the problems of the defence industry under martial law but also to ensure the effective development of the defence industry sectors by identifying priority areas of funding. It was found that the current state of the Ukrainian defence industry does not meet the current realities of the time, especially in the context of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The provision of equipment and weapons to military units is at a low level. It is found that the renewal of modern models of weapons and military equipment of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, before the full-scale invasion, was less than 1%, which in turn did not allow to compensate for the rate of ageing of existing weapons. The authors suggest ways to support the development of Ukraine's defence industry, in particular, through the creation of a Defence Industry Development Fund. The authors propose to create a Defence Industry Development Fund using public and private sources of funding not prohibited by the legislative framework of Ukraine, which will expand the capabilities of defence industry enterprises to produce weapons and military equipment. The creation of a system of multi-level continuous education in the defence industry and long-term conditions for the sustainable development of the defence industry's human resources will allow to engage in capacity building and reach a new level of support for the Armed Forces of Ukraine through the implementation of NATO standards [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the third anniversary of the World Health Organization's declaration of a global pandemic, Gen Z's first congressional representative, Maxwell Alejandro Frost, advocated for a reduction in the Pentagon's budget to better serve local communities. This perspective underscores the economic and moral rationale for reallocating national defense funds to communities. The call for defunding the police has gained momentum, paralleling the advocacy for demilitarization. This Article emphasizes the overlooked impact of U.S. military carbon emissions on climate change and advocates for its inclusion in national carbon accounting systems globally. The U.S. Department of Defense has not been transparent about its carbon footprint, excluding significant military emissions from most official reports. Including military carbon emissions in national assessments can strengthen the U.S.'s stance in climate negotiations. Reallocating the Pentagon budget to support climate change initiatives would foster international cooperation and peace. This demilitarization could symbolize the U.S.'s commitment to disarmament, inspiring global stability, and resilience against climate-induced challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the economic effects of defense expenditures have become an issue of intense interest over the recent decades, little is known about how the individual components of military spending affect the economy. Nevertheless, military spending is highly heterogeneous in its nature consisting of assorted categories that broadly encompass salaries' payment, operations, training, research and development, and maintenance of equipment, arms and facilities. Naturally, this implies that military spending can affect the economy in various and probably contradictory ways. Hence, by considering this distinctive element of military spending, the present paper aims to uncover the economic effects of the most important components of the US defense budget focusing on a period from 1949 to 2021. Applying linear and non–linear methods on a Barro–style regression, the statistical evidence reported herein suggests that heavy reliance on the military sector entails potentially high opportunity costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the difficulties faced by the Biden administration in forming a military coalition in the Indo-Pacific region to counter China. It emphasizes the challenges posed by the region's geography, diverse interests, and vast distances. The article suggests that the United States should adopt a strategy of "offshore balancing" by de-emphasizing military access, strengthening existing sub-regional alliances, and encouraging allies to enhance their own defenses. It also highlights the lack of institutional mechanisms for collective military action and the limited success in building the military capabilities of allies and partners. The authors argue for a strategy that focuses on key objectives and allows allies and partners to take the lead in regional security and defense. [Extracted from the article]

As a result of the 2023 Fiscal Responsibility Act, defense budget growth will be limited for fiscal year (FY) 2024 and FY 2025. An analysis of congressional adjustments to defense budget requests from FY 2016 to FY 2023 reveals a Congress that favors programmatic expenditures over personnel and operation and maintenance. In a time of fiscal austerity in the near term, DoD priorities must be clearly and concisely conveyed to Congress, and Congress must balance its predilection for hardware with the need to appropriately fund the nonhardware programs and components of the Department. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan’s government argues that its 2022 three national security documents are at the same time transformational and yet maintain overall continuity in military and security policy. This article through investigating pivotal aspects of the defense reforms—perceived threats and strategy, defense budgets, counterstrike doctrine and capabilities, first island chain defense, and domestic policy and public resolve for implementation—weighs the strength of arguments for essential continuity versus step change. It concludes that the three documents fundamentally change Japan’s exclusively defense-oriented policy and the division of labor in the U.S.-Japan alliance, further accelerate Japan’s radical military trajectory, and pose important implications for regional security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic has forced militaries worldwide to join the fight. Numerous (e.g., British or Czech) armed forces seized the opportunity to propagate their domestic pandemic mitigation activities to improve their public image. However, defense budgets are usually cut first in times of crisis. Such cuts, or the mere threat of them, can have severe strategic and national security ramifications. This research, both exploratory and explanatory, investigates how military crisis-relief activities and their online propagation can muster public support against austerity cuts. It employs mixed-methods analyses of more than 160,000 posts and comments from the Czech Army's Facebook page case study from January 2011 to January 2021. The study concludes that the Army's propagation of information about its participation in pandemic mitigation induced positive feelings significantly more than the other content. Moreover, despite unpopular measures (e.g., lockdowns and policing), the Army's efforts mobilized online public opposition to the austerity cuts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the contemporary history of the Department of National Defence (DND) and the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) from peacekeeping to the most recent update to Canadian defence policy, highlighting their historical roles and contemporary challenges. It discusses the evolving purpose of the CAF, which has shifted from conventional defence to supporting and reinforcing a western-led international order. It explores issues such as defence spending, procurement challenges, peacekeeping endeavors, veterans' support, diversity and inclusion within the CAF. Moreover, it explores emerging threats in cyber, space and Arctic domains, including the rise of artificial intelligence threats, and emphasises the need for Canada to adapt its defence strategies accordingly. Specific focus is given to changes in Canadian defence policy in Strong, Secure, Engaged (SSE) released in 2017, and Our North, Strong and Free released in 2024. Ultimately, the article offers a critical assessment of Canada's military role in the context of evolving global challenges and societal values, highlighting the recent policy shift towards expanding national and international defence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]