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The verbs expressing motion+path and locative verbs in Wichi/Weenhayek (Mataguayan language family) contain two arguments in their lexical meaning: the entity acting as the Figure and the Ground with respect to which the location, path, or orientation of the Figure is conceived. However, they differ in the way this semantic structure is syntactically expressed. The entity acting as Ground is mandatorily explicit in locative verbs, whereas it is never expressed in predicates with motion+path verbs. This paper discusses these syntactic differences between the two groups of verbs. Likewise, since the syntactic expression of the entity acting as Ground is formally similar to that of the object of transitive objects, we also analyze syntactic tests for the recognition of these two types of complements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Directionals like from New York, through the tunnel, into the dark represent a major class of spatial expressions, typically associated with locomotion (verbs). Semantically, many of their aspects are notoriously difficult to characterize, among them their characteristics (classification, typology), their relation to locatives (e. g. in New York, in the tunnel, in the dark), and their composition with verbs (especially in non-locomotion contexts). Cognitively, there is a big theoretical gap to fill between aspects of low-level motion perception and the conception of static situations in terms of non-actual (loco)motion. This paper first critically discusses Zwarts' explicit formal account of directionals, then introduces a Cognitivist attentional semantics and finally applies the Cognitivist approach to directionals. It will be shown that attention-based conceptual representations are necessary components in directional semantics and explanatory for the mentioned aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper it will be argued that the difference between existential and locative sentences is primarily structurally encoded at the vP/VP level (at the first phase of a derivation). The crucial question is which argument of the verb BE (the Location or the nominal argument ("Theme") is projected as the "external argument", i.e., which argument is the subject of inner predication. In the case of existential sentences it is the Location argument which is the subject of inner predication, and in the case of locative sentences it is the nominal argument. The subject of inner predication becomes by default also the subject of outer predication, i.e., the topic of the sentence. Hence, in the case of locative sentences the nominal argument is the subject of outer predication, i.e., the topic of the sentence, and in the case of existential sentences it is the Location which becomes the topic. (Or, alternatively, the actual topic (the subject of outer predication) might be the situational/event variable, and the Location functions as a restriction on it.) However, the actual arrangement of constituents in the sentences under discussion, as in any other Polish sentence, is determined by the pragmatic/communicative principles. Given this, it is reasonable to think that the NOM/GEN case alternation in negated existential/locative sentences is primarily a matter of syntax, and not one of information structure or scope of negation. The analysis will be modeled in accordance with the phasal model of Chomsky (2000 et seq.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creissels (2006) proposes a typology of locative marking that sets up three main patterns (besides two minor logical ones). In one pattern, languages have three distinctive marking for their static locatives, source of motion locatives and destination of motion locatives. In a second pattern, languages use the same marking for static and destination locatives and use a distinctive marker for source locatives. Finally, in a third pattern, languages make no formal distinction between the types of locatives and rely on verb semantics for the appropriate interpretation. This paper contrasts the marking patterns in Hausa (Chadic) and Zarma (Songhay), two West-African languages that have been in contact for many centuries. Hausa generally uses the second pattern, merging the expression of static and destination locatives, but in some cases it also uses the first pattern with distinctive adpositions for the three types of locatives. Zarma, on the other hand, marks all three types of locatives with the same static location adpositions, but a few verbs partake in specialized constructions marking destination and source locatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differential locative marking is found in languages all over the world. Toponyms, in particular, are well known to often require less locative marking than other types of nouns, and it has been suggested that they express ‘where’ concepts. This paper presents a case study of differential locative marking in Makalero, a Papuan language of East Timor, where nouns fall into three categories: those which need no overt locative marking, i.e., can be zero-marked; those which are used with a semantically general locative verb; and those which can only be used with semantically specific locative verbs. Zero-marking of spatial relations occurs only in a specific construction where the nouns in question are used predicatively, suggesting that the syntactic equivalent of the ‘where’ category is a relational expression, not a noun. There is furthermore a certain degree of flexibility in Makalero locative constructions, and alternative expressions result in predictable semantic differences. These differences show that the lack of perceptual boundaries and of an internal structure are important parameters that distinguish the referents of so-called natural location nouns from nouns which denote ‘what’ concepts. More comparative case studies are needed to enrich our understanding of these notions and the properties characterizing them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Bantu languages such as Chichewa or Herero, locatives can function as subjects and show noun class agreement (in class 16, 17 or 18) with predicates and modifiers. In contrast, (preverbal) locatives in Sotho-Tswana and Nguni have been analysed as prepositional adjuncts, which cannot agree. Our paper compares locatives in Kinyarwanda (JD61) with locatives in these other Bantu languages and demonstrates that the Kinyarwanda locative system is essentially of the Chichewa/Herero type. We show that Kinyarwanda locatives are nominal in nature, can act as subjects and agree with predicates and modifiers. However, even though Kinyarwanda has four locative noun classes (16, 17, 18 and 25), there is only one locative agreement marker (class 16 ha-), which indiscriminately appears with all locatives, regardless of their noun class. We explain this fact by arguing that noun class features in Kinyarwanda do not participate in locative agreement; instead, the invariant class 16 marker expresses agreement with a generic feature [location] associated with all locatives. We offer a syntactic analysis of this peculiar aspect of Kinyarwanda locative agreement and we propose a parameter that accounts for the relevant difference between Kinyarwanda and Chichewa/Herero-type Bantu languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examines the description of case marking and its semantic role in Khoibu, a language spoken in Chandel district, Maniourm, India. Khoibu case markers in the study include dative, nominative, and locative, Results indicate that the nominative case in Khoibu is optional in the subject of transitive clauses.

Ormazabal and Romero (2012) take issue with the arguments in Bruening 2010b that certain instances of prepositional dative constructions are really double object constructions. I show that their criticisms, when examined closely, actually support this claim. I also show that their alternative explanation for the facts is not successful. I also expand on the arguments from Bruening 2010b, and further argue that double object constructions must be distinct syntactically and semantically from prepositional dative constructions. The two cannot be derived from the same source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated offline and online comprehension of Korean locative alternation by Chinese-speaking second language (L2) learners of Korean. An acceptability judgment task and an online self-paced reading task were conducted with Chinese learners of Korean at higher- and lower-proficiency levels along with a control group of native Korean speakers. The outcomes of the acceptability judgment task showed that both L2 groups acquired the knowledge of Korean locative alternation. The results from the self-paced reading task demonstrated that native speakers and highly proficient L2 learners, but not learners with lower proficiency, showed sensitivity to the mismatch between case marking and verb semantics in their processing of locative constructions. These findings suggest that proficient Chinese speakers can process Korean locative constructions in a native-like manner, inconsistent with the claim that L2 processing is substantially different from native speaker processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the historical evolution of the causative and inchoative periphrases with poner in Spanish. In these constructions, poner functions as an auxiliary verb, combining with a subordinate infinitive to which it adds a causative (poner a alguien a trabajar) or an inchoative aspectual meaning (ponerse a trabajar). The aim of this paper is twofold. It aims (i) to determine when and how both periphrases developed out of the basic locative construction of poner, and (ii) to shed light on their degree of grammaticalization. Therefore, this article exposes the results of a formal and semantic analysis of the causative and inchoative periphrases with poner between the thirteenth and twenty-first century. It is shown that both constructions developed in a parallel way, but at a different pace. The inchoative periphrasis seems to be more grammaticalized than the causative periphrasis, presenting a much higher frequency of use and a higher degree of syntactic incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the expression of Catalan clitics en and hi, which have no grammatical equivalent in Spanish, in the adult grammar of Catalan-Spanish early bilinguals. Participants (N = 57), born and raised in Catalonia, are divided into 3 groups according to their onset of acquisition and language use: Spanish-dominant (n = 20), Balanced Bilinguals (n = 15) and Catalan-dominant (n = 22). The results of an Acceptability Judgment Task and an Elicited Production Task indicated that Spanish-dominant bilinguals have a divergent grammar compared to that of the Catalan-dominant speakers, overaccepting ungrammatical omission and doubling of the clitics. The bilingual group patterned with the Catalan-dominant group in some of their judgments, but with the Spanish-dominant group in their production. It is argued that onset of acquisition cannot be the only explanation for the differences between the bilingual groups, and that quantity and quality of input play an important role in the acquisition process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an enquiry into the syntax and semantics of the putative spatial post- position/relator nouns in Malayalam. Following the work of Svenonius (2004, 2006b), Amirtavalli (2007), I would like to argue that the spatial P in Malayalam has a layered functional structure above the DP. I would also demonstrate using the principle of head to head movement and fusion analysis by Siddiqui (2009) that the putative post-positions in Malayalam like munn-il 'front', thaazhe 'down', veLiyil 'out' etc., are derived in the syntactic structure via the incorporation of the locative case -ilinto category- neutral roots like -mun, - pin etc., that denote axial parts. I would also like to explain the ambiguity between the part and projective sense of these axial "post-positions" is caused by the homonymy of locative case -il that can head the functional projection PLACEloc P or PlaceP, which can only be differentiated via secondary exponent. That is, on the basis of what case the complement DP is assigned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an analysis of a dative experiencer in Korean and argues that not all semantically oblique experiencers have the syntax of a PP. I argue that experiencers in Korean are not represented by a PP, and I show evidence that they behave differently from PPs. The properties of the Korean-type experiencers can be accounted for by assuming an applicative approach, as has been suggested in previous studies for a similar type of experiencers in other languages. In an applicative structure, an experiencer is introduced by an applicative head, and the applicative phrase merges externally to VP. The present study suggests that the syntax of experiencers can be heterogeneous, and that not all semantically similar arguments are mapped onto the same structural position. This counters a semantics-syntax mapping in the spirit of the Uniformity of Theta Assignment Hypothesis (UTAH) (Baker 1988), often assumed in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Space is categorized and expressed in Lisu in all areas of structure, both nominal and verbal. Within the nominal system, there is a complex deictic system which differs between dialects and which has distinct fused locative forms, as well as a large set of spatial frame nominals, some derived from body parts, as well as directional suffixes and a spatial marker suffix; the ways in which these suffixes combine with nouns and noun stems differ slightly between dialects. There are also some general nouns for location in space and a spatial numeral classifier. Some of these nominal spatial forms are metaphorically extended to temporal, comparative and more lexicalized uses. Within the verbal system, directions of motion and types of location are expressed by lexically distinct verbs. As in most Ngwi languages related to Lisu, there is a morphosyntactically distinct set of dimensional extent stative verbs expressing spatial extension as well as temporal extent. There is also a set of posthead directional serial verbs. Finally, there are spatial adverbial forms productively based on the dimensional extent verbs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The allative is one of the three distinct spatial cases that Hittite is known to have used in the course of its written history, alongside the locative and the ablative. The allative ending was -a, and with the i-stems, we find the ending (-i)-ya. In some instances, it is known to have been used in dative-locative function. This feature is confirmed by the post-Old Hittite era, although the allative itself becomes moribund after the Old Hittite period. The traditional hypothesis for this syntactic peculiarity is that it is motivated phonologically: the dative-locative of the i-stems was rather 'unmarked', as the ending -i blended into the stem. This led speakers/writers to use the more overtly marked -iya even for the dative-locative, as -iya did not have any other grammatical function by that time. Whether this hypothesis can be proved or disproved by the textual evidence is the purpose of this paper. An important argument in the discussion is the fact that there are indications that this feature actually appears already in Old Hittite. The textual evidence shows that the case ending -a in its variant -iya in the i- and ai-stems is already used to mark location and beneficiary/recipient in OH/OS. It also refutes the standard view that the -iya ending spread in post-OH to disambiguate the multifunctional dative-locative singular ending -i, in those stem classes or elsewhere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geocomposition engages students in writing on the move in order to explore how such writing composes the multiple layers of public places. This article describes a collaborative, location-based composition project designed for students to rhetorically engage a responsive public through locative media: media that work in and through specific sites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyze the interaction between prefixes, verbs, and abstract argument structure constructions, using as a testing ground the locative alternation. It has been assumed that in order to participate in the locative alternation, a verb must specify a manner of motion from which a change of state can be obtained (see, for instance, Steven Pinker's Learnability and cognition, 1989). However, this generalization does not take into account the argument structure effects involved in verbal prefixation in Slavic where some change-of-location verbs can appear in the change-of-state variant, when headed by a resultative prefix. In Olbishevska's generative-derivational analysis of the locative alternation in Russian, it is claimed that resultative prefixes are derivational morphemes subcategorizing for a location argument. While I agree that it is the resultative prefix that makes the alternation possible, I propose that it is not the case that a new verb with a different argument structure is derived by means of prefixation, but rather that it is the verb that integrates into the prefixed change-of-state variant. I analyze the change-of-state variant in the spirit of Goldberg's Construction Grammar and Langacker's Cognitive Grammar approach and show that resultative prefixes are not abstract syntactic features, but rather that each prefixed change-of-state construction is based on a specific configuration between the locatum and the location. I demonstrate that the interaction between resultative prefixes, alternating verbs, and the more abstract change-of-state variant is driven by semantic coherence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, based on original fieldwork, presents an analysis of locative morphemes in the Bantu language Mushunguli (Somalia). This is the first formal analysis of locatives in any Bantu language. The Mushunguli data motivate the claim that points of view, abstract entities consisting of a location and an orientation, are arguments of some spatial expressions. Incorporating such points of view in analyses of the meanings of English spatial expressions is shown to improve their empirical predictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Orientalia (0039-3282) is the property of Finnish Oriental Society and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

All languages of the world provide their speakers with linguistic means to express existential relations, but such means may vary from language to language. For instance, the existential construction in English is usually introduced by the so-called dummy word there whereas such a construction in Mandarin Chinese directly begins with a locative phrase. From the perspective of Cognitive Grammar, we propose that the Mandarin existential construction (MEC) is a reference-point construction. As such, the initial locative phrase (PLOC) serves as the dominion and the reference point (D/R) to make mental contact with the final nominal phrase which indicates the existence of an entity (Existent) in the spatial region singled out by the PLOC. In the process of the conceptualizer’s construing an entity’s existence in a spatial location, it is the location that gets activated and profiled as salient first, and this location subsequently recedes into the background to serve as the reference point to locate an entity as the target which is finally profiled as salient. Therefore, a reference-point relation is formed between the PLOC and the Existent, the former of which functions as the reference point and the latter as the target. Due to this particular cognitive property of MEC, it is also a presentational construction at the discourse level in that it performs a discursive function of introducing new participants into a discourse. This discursive function of MEC plays a vital role in enabling a discourse to unfold smoothly, thus making the discourse into a cohesive and coherent semantic whole. In addition, when a couple of MECs occur together in a discourse successively, a kind of reference-point chain may be developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Linguistica is the property of Linguistica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Across Bantu, several polysemic markers expressing progressive aspect and so-called predication focus have been reported (Güldemann 2003; Hyman and Watters 1984). In this article, we examine two such markers in Kikongo (Bantu, H16), i.e. the fronted-infinitive and the locative-infinitive constructions. We provide an in-depth synchronic description of the pragmatic and syntactic behaviour of both verbal constructions and suggest a historical evolution for each of them. We evoke the term 'event-centrality' to cover the different uses of both constructions and suggest that the fronted-infinitive construction's progressive meaning evolved from its use as predication focus marker, and vice versa, that the locative-infinitive construction's predication focus meaning evolved from its use as a progressive marker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper distinguishes between definiteness and determinacy. Definiteness is seen as a morphological category which, in English, marks a (weak) uniqueness presupposition, while determinacy consists in denoting an individual. Definite descriptions are argued to be fundamentally predicative, presupposing uniqueness but not existence, and to acquire existential import through general type-shifting operations that apply not only to definites, but also indefinites and possessives. Through these shifts, argumental definite descriptions may become either determinate (and thus denote an individual) or indeterminate (functioning as an existential quantifier). The latter option is observed in examples like 'Anna didn't give the only invited talk at the conference', which, on its indeterminate reading, implies that there is nothing in the extension of 'only invited talk at the conference'. The paper also offers a resolution of the issue of whether possessives are inherently indefinite or definite, suggesting that, like indefinites, they do not mark definiteness lexically, but like definites, they typically yield determinate readings due to a general preference for the shifting operation that produces them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple locative sentences show a variety of pseudo-quantificational interpretations. Some locatives give the impression of universal quantification over parts of objects, others involve existential quantification, and yet others cannot be characterized by either of these quantificational terms. This behavior is explained by virtually all semantic theories of locatives. What has not been previously observed is that similar quantificational variability is also exhibited by locative sentences containing indefinites with the 'a' article. This phenomenon is especially problematic for traditional existential treatments of indefinites. We propose a solution where indefinites denote properties and are assigned locations similarly to other spatial descriptions. This Property-Eigenspace Hypothesis accounts for the correlation between the interpretations of locative indefinites and the pseudo-quantificational effects with simple entity-denoting NPs. Thereby, the proposal opens up a new empirical domain for property-based theories of indefinites, with implications for the analysis of collective descriptions, generics, negative polarity items and part-whole structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spatial affordances of the visual modality give rise to a high degree of similarity between sign languages in the spatial domain. This stands in contrast to the vast structural and semantic diversity in linguistic encoding of space found in spoken languages. However, the possibility and nature of linguistic diversity in spatial encoding in sign languages has not been rigorously investigated by systematic crosslinguistic comparison. Here, we compare locative expression in two unrelated sign languages, Turkish Sign Language (Türki İşaret Dili, TİD) and German Sign Language {Deutsche Gebärdensprache, DGS), focusing on the expression of figure-ground (e.g. cup on table) and figure-figure (e.g. cup next to cup) relationships in a discourse context. In addition to similarities, we report qualitative and quantitative differences between the sign languages in the formal devices used (i.e. unimanual vs. bimanual; simultaneous vs. sequential) and in the degree of iconicity of the spatial devices. Our results suggest that sign languages may display more diversity in the spatial domain than has been previously assumed, and in a way more comparable with the diversity found in spoken languages. The study contributes to a more comprehensive understanding of how space gets encoded in language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Xhosa, there appears to be an incipient merger between Noun Classes 5 and 11, as revealed by frequent mismatches between Cl. 11 nouns and various concordial elements, and even the replacement of the Cl. 11 noun prefix by that of Cl. 5. In this article we explore possible reasons for this putative merger, and present findings of a pilot study to determine whether such merger is underway. Our data comes from written literature, oral narratives, our own interviews, and cloze tests. Large-scale corpora of conversational speech in various dialects would be necessary for more conclusive results. The fact that this merger is still in progress is revealed by dialectal and idiolectal differences, and by uncertainty or inconsistency on the part of Xhosa-speakers regarding which agreement to use, and it is not possible to say whether there will ultimately be a complete merger, or just a partial merger. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Expletives have been argued to be merged in Spec, TP, Spec, vP, or within DP. This paper argues that this line of thought does not apply to the existential expletive fii of Jordanian Arabic. The arguments presented in this paper rest on the assumption that merge of fii in any of those proposed merge sites cannot be empirically substantiated since it does not account for data from Jordanian Arabic. It is argued instead that, in an existential construction, fii heads its own projection, an expletive phrase, with the associate projected as complement of the expletive. Further, the expletive phrase is argued to merge in the specifier of a predicate phrase, whose head is a null adjectival predicate. Therefore, the view of fii as a syntactic dummy is reconsidered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the expression of locative and existential predicates elicited through an oral production task in the speech of two groups of learners of Spanish as a second language (L2) (first language English, n = 18; first language Moroccan Arabic, n = 14), and a native control group (n = 18). A total of 25,000 words were analysed, with over 1,000 locative and existential predicates. These predicates were coded according to the lexical verb used as well as the semantics of the theme; special attention was given to the use of copular verbs. Results indicated a delayed development of estar to express location, some overextension of haber with definite themes, and a small incorrect use of ser to locate objects in the English group. Overall, it is argued that given the case of complex semantics but simple syntax, the phenomenon is relatively unproblematic for L2 learners even at intermediate proficiency, probably due to the fact that these semantic concepts are already present in the first languages (L1s) of the learners, and particularly because these are mapped onto lexical pieces and not onto functional morphology, the bottleneck for L2 acquisition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Children overgeneralise verbs to ungrammatical structures early in acquisition, but retreat from these overgeneralisations as they learn semantic verb classes. In a large corpus of English locative utterances (e.g., the woman sprayed water onto the wall / wall with water ), we found structural biases which changed over development and which could explain overgeneralisation behaviour. Children and adults had similar verb classes and a correspondence analysis suggested that lexical distributional regularities in the adult input could help to explain the acquisition of these classes. A connectionist model provided an explicit account of how structural biases could be learned over development and how these biases could be reduced by learning verb classes from distributional regularities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SLocPAdjC (Locative subject + adjective-predicate construction) is an idiosyncratic construction in Mandarin Chinese. It has its own specific structural and cognitive properties which are different from those of other constructions. Its structural properties are that it has locative phrases as its subject and adjective phrases as its predicate without the help of any linking verb. In addition, only state adjectives, and not property adjectives, can normally occur in SLocPAdjC as predicates. As is observed from the Cognitive Grammar perspective, what the predicate describes in SLocPAdjC is not the subject proper, but a certain facet of the spatial region of the entity designated by the subject. This depends on two cognitive mechanisms. One is the spatial region profiling mechanism of the subject, and the other is the active zone activating mechanism of the predicate. The former means that the signified entity of the nominal phrase in the subject functions as the base. The postposition serves to profile a certain spatial region of the base and makes this region a prominent candidate for the predicate to describe. The latter means that the adjective in the predicate, based on the cognitive domain it belongs to, activates a certain facet of or in the spatial region as the active zone which eventually becomes the actual matter to be described by the predicate. What's more important, the meaning of the SLocPAdjC in Mandarin Chinese resides in the joint function of the profiling mechanism of the subject and the activating mechanism of the adjective-predicate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the realisation of locative-related roles in Balinese to show that there is no clear-cut distinction between arguments and adjuncts, supporting the gradient nature of grammatical functions (cf. Croft 2001; Langacker 1987; Aarts 2007). It argues that argumenthood is not wholly a property of a lexical head predicate and that a purely lexically based projectionist approach to syntactic argument structures cannot be maintained. It also explores the effect that the interplay between relevant properties of locatives has on their recruitability as arguments, and a novel argument-index analysis is proposed as a means to distinguish adjuncts from arguments. The analysis makes use of both general and languagespecific morphosyntactic and morphosemantic tests. Investigation of locative-related roles reveals that certain properties determine their status in the argument-adjunct continuum: thematic, individuated and animate locatives are more argument-like than non-thematic, inanimate and general deictic locatives (in line with Kittilä 2007, 2008; Peterson 2007). Interplay between these properties is shown to affect argument recruitment in Balinese, based on the value of the argument index for a given locative-related role. More generally, there also is evidence that languages vary in whether they allow true adjuncts to be recruited as arguments at all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts image schema (Johnson 1987; Lakoff 1987; Langacker 1987) and prototype theory (Wittgenstein 1958; Berlin and Kay 1969; Rosch 1973, 1975) and investigates the spatial conceptualization of several locative expressions, including babaw, baraw, daya ‘over/above/upon,' truma, lhbun ‘under/beneath,' brah ‘before/in front of,' bukuy ‘back/behind,' iril ‘on the left,' narat ‘on the right,' ruwan ‘inside,' ngangut ‘outside,' and kska/ska ‘among/between/in the midst of.' Based on image schema theory, the meaning of these locative expressions can be clearly represented; in particular, the multiple locative expressions related to ‘over/above/upon' and ‘under/beneath,' which now can be distinguished by adopting different image schemas. According to prototype theory, most of these locative words have core usages only, and do not have semantic extensions. Interestingly, we observe that four of these locative expressions, daya, lhbun, brah, and bukuy, may be derived from content words. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Benefactive applicative constructions can encode a range of different meanings, including notably recipient, substitutive and plain benefactive readings, which are often distinguished in cross-linguistic studies. In Bantu languages, this distinction has not received much attention, in part because most Bantu languages do not formally distinguish between different readings of benefactive applicatives. In Bemba (Bantu M42, Zambia), by contrast, substitutive applicatives, where the action of the verb is performed by the agent instead of, on behalf of, or in place of someone else, are formally marked by applicative morphology in addition to a post-verbal clitic -kó, based on a grammaticalised locative demonstrative clitic. The paper provides a detailed discussion of the construction and proposes that the interpretation of substitutive applicatives results from the interaction of abstract applicative and locative semantics and depends on underlying metaphors of spatial and abstract location. Bemba benefactive applicatives thus provide an illustration of the complex function and interpretation of Bantu applicatives and locative markers more widely. The construction is interesting from a historical-comparative and typological perspective because of the particular grammaticalisation process from a locative source involved in the historical development of the construction, and because substitution is marked in addition to applicative marking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Zulu locative has traditionally been classed as an adverb, or as a nominal in certain contexts. In other Bantu languages, like Swahili, the locative is treated as a form of noun. This paper presents a description of the locative in terms of the theory of Distributed Morphology. It proposes that the Zulu locative can best be viewed as a case of the nominal. The paper also examines two phonological alternations associated with the locative, namely vowel lowering and palatalization. Traditionally, these have been seen as phonologically conditioned, but it is argued that they are both morphologically conditioned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Spanish locative constructions, a different form of the copula is selected in relation to the semantic properties of the grammatical subject: sentences that locate objects require estar while those that locate events require ser (both translated in English as 'to be'). In an ERP study, we examined whether second language (L2) speakers of Spanish are sensitive to the selectional restrictions that the different types of subjects impose on the choice of the two copulas. Twenty-four native speakers of Spanish and two groups of L2 Spanish speakers (24 beginners and 18 advanced speakers) were recruited to investigate the processing of 'object/event + estar/ser' permutations. Participants provided grammaticality judgments on correct (object + estar; event + ser) and incorrect (object + ser; event + estar) sentences while their brain activity was recorded. In line with previous studies (Leone-Fernández, Molinaro, Carreiras, & Barber, 2012; Sera, Gathje, & Pintado, 1999), the results of the grammaticality judgment for the native speakers showed that participants correctly accepted object + estar and event + ser constructions. In addition, while 'object + ser' constructions were considered grossly ungrammatical, 'event + estar' combinations were perceived as unacceptable to a lesser degree. For these same participants, ERP recording time-locked to the onset of the critical word 'en' showed a larger P600 for the ser predicates when the subject was an object than when it was an event (*La silla es en la cocina vs. La fiesta es en la cocina). This P600 effect is consistent with syntactic repair of the defining predicate when it does not fit with the adequate semantic properties of the subject. For estar predicates (La silla está en la cocina vs. *La fiesta está en la cocina), the findings showed a central-frontal negativity between 500-700 ms. Grammaticality judgment data for the L2 speakers of Spanish showed that beginners were significantly less accurate than native speakers in all conditions, while the advanced speakers only differed from the natives in the event+ser and event+estar conditions. For the ERPs, the beginning learners did not show any effects in the time-windows under analysis. The advanced speakers showed a pattern similar to that of native speakers: (1) a P600 response to 'object + ser' violation more central and frontally distributed, and (2) a central-frontal negativity between 500-700 ms for 'event + estar' violation. Findings for the advanced speakers suggest that behavioral methods commonly used to assess grammatical knowledge in the L2 may be underestimating what L2 speakers have actually learned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the phonological description of spatial planes that configure signing space is very detailed (Brentari 1998; Liddell and Johnson 1989; Sandier 1989), our knowledge of their use and functions at the discourse level is still very limited. This article describes the use of the spatial planes in Catalan Sign Language (LSC). It provides a unified treatment of various linguistic phenomena (e.g., hierarchical relations and locatives) that have hitherto been described separately in the sign language literature and of other aspects (e.g., encoding of specificity) that have not yet been the subject of research in LSC or other signed languages. The features found in two of the three spatial planes as described in the phonological literature are also relevant beyond the sentence level and serve well-defined discourse functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article outlines a classi cation of existential constructions in Italo-Romance, and to provide an accurate description of certain types of sentence frequently interpreted as existential. It mentions information on relationship between the existential and the locative construction. It informs that Italo-Romance existential constructions do not represent a homogenous sentence class.

This paper gives an overview of post-verbal negative marking in Bantu languages. It shows that, although Bantu studies tend to concentrate on negation marked on the verb itself, post-verbal negative markers are well represented within the Bantu domain and high concentrations can be found in zones B, C, H and L. It is argued that locative pronouns, possessive pronouns and negative (answer) particles are recurrent sources of negative markers in Bantu languages. It is claimed that they take part in what is generally known as a Jespersen cycle: they initially reinforce the original negator and eventually become obligatory for the expression of negation resulting in a double negative construction. It will be shown that in Bantu languages a new Jespersen cycle can set in before the original negator has been lost, yielding triple negative constructions, which are much more rarely attested world-wide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sentence (a) Ada mise Pio nel sacco is ambiguous: one of its meanings is literal (Ada put Pio in the sack), whereas the other is figurative (Ada fooled / outsmarted Pio). Such ambiguity is not present in sentence (b) Ada mise Pio in un sacco. On the surface, (b) differs from (a) only insofar as the indefinite article is employed, but conveys a literal meaning exclusively (Ada put Pio in a sack). The ambiguity of sentence (a) is derived from the existence of two constructions employing mettere. The prepositional phrase of one of them displays standard paradigmatic properties and conveys literal (i.e. locative) meaning, whereas the other has no locative value and is highly constrained (e.g. no substitution of the determiner, if any). The paper tests the hypothesis that sees the prepositional phrases of such constructions as predicative and mettere as a verb that does not license three arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We suggest that data from American Sign Language (ASL) provide overt evidence for Partee's and Stone's claim that natural language has anaphoric constructions in the temporal and modal domains (Partee ; Stone ). We provide four arguments. (i) Like nominal and locative expressions, temporal and modal constructions can establish loci that can then be indexed by later pronouns. (ii) As is the case in the nominal and locative domains, anaphoric constructions can involve singular, dual, trial, and plural pronouns. (iii) When the antecedent is existential, patterns of inference obtain which are characteristic of E-type anaphora. (iv) Finally, temporal and modal anaphora give rise to patterns of 'locative shift' which are also found with geographical locations. The last observation suggests that temporal and modal reference is particularly similar to locative reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is devoted to associative anaphora and possessive anaphora with two kinds of nouns. One is meronyms, where a noun denotes a concept that is a part of another as in trunk/tree. The other is what I call "functionally localized" nouns, such as church with respect to village, where the latter denotes a concept that normally implies the existence of the concept denoted by the former : see Kleiber (2001). We first evoke the referential properties of these two kinds of anaphora. The properties of the possessive determiner are then discussed in order to explain its occasional incompatibility with meronyms or functionally localized nouns. Finally, we elucidate the consequences for the choice between associative and possessive anaphora upon textual coherence relations, in particular Claim-Evidence (Cornish, 2009a, b) and Explanation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine locational constructions (including existentials, locatives, and possessives) in a number of languages. Morpho-syntactically, locationals resemble or are related to one another in word order, in case marking, and in the choice of verbs. In semantics, the relatedness lies in the definiteness effect, in the locative feature, and in the mutually defining relationship between the semantic elements within each construction. As is recognized by Heine (1997), Stassen (2001) and others, the existential is one of the major sources from which possessives are derived. Basically, possessive constructions are existentials whose locative elements are prototypically human. We argue that locational constructions are relational processes and that they can be integrated into a systemic net- work with respect to two semantic features, i.e., the definiteness of the existent element and the humanness of the locative element. This systemic relationship between locationals has implications for the description and comparison of languages within the Systemic Functional Grammar framework, particularly where locationals are concerned. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that metaphorical and non-metaphorical content find different expression on the constructional level. The hypothesis is supported by two empirical case studies of the Russian Locative Alternation verbs, based on the data from the Russian National Corpus: the unprefixed verb sypat' 'strew' (which does not have an aspectual partner) and the unprefixed verb gruzit' 'load' and its three perfective partners with the prefixes na-, za-, and po-. It is argued that metaphorical extensions of these Locative Alternation verbs have a strong relationship with elaborations (interactions between different constructions), on the one hand, and reduction (Locative Alternation constructions with a reduced or omitted participant), on the other. The results indicate differences in metaphorical behavior of different prefixes (even when they are used to form perfective partner verbs) and different constructions (some constructions are more often instantiated as metaphorical extensions than the other). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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When speakers encode a locative relationship in speech, they express the location of an object or a group of objects (the 'Figure') in relation to one or more reference objects (the 'Ground'). However, they can also use gesture to express the lexical Ground's location at the same time: this has been called a 'gestural Figure' (Tutton, 2013). Our aim in this paper is to examine why speakers use gestural Figures, and what these gestures reveal about spatial conceptualisation. To do this, we provide an in-depth analysis of a recurrent context in which gestural Figures occur: when speakers encode location with English betweenand French entre. These gestures reveal the salient horizontal axis underpinning the use of between and entre in context. Our analysis subsequently shows that gestural Figures also occur with a variety of other items that encode locative relationships. We argue that this highlights the pivotal nature of the Ground's location to the selection and use of lexical items that encode locative relationships, while also revealing the intrinsically Figure-like quality of the lexical Ground. On a cognitive level, this implies that the lexical Ground is actually conceptualised as a Figure, thus highlighting a crucial similarity between the concepts of Figure and Ground as applied to locative expressions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of the preposition à 'at' involving 'social routines' gave rise to less attention than its locative use in the linguistic literature on space. In this paper, we highlight the main properties of this use of the preposition -'functional' expression of an activity or state, neutrality to number, possible lack of reference to a landmark/ground entity- by successively examining landmark nouns that refer to 'objects' and to 'locations'. On this basis, we then sketch out the semantic mechanism which, according to us, seems to underlie this interpretation of the preposition à. Finally, we parallel this semantic functioning with that of bare singular nouns and incorporated nominals as recently described in the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]