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As a migrant city, Hong Kong has produced numerous diasporic films that portray physical mobility and fluid identity as the city's cultural style. This cultural picture has changed since the 2000s with the rise of localism. As the debate about localism has grown heated, the concepts of mobility and fluidity have seemingly become obsolete. Many Hong Kongers have emigrated to other countries due to the changes in the contemporary political climate, which urges us to read these films in a new context. This article focuses on the works of Wong Kar-wai and Ann Hui, who have consistently made films about journeys and 'spatial others'. By analysing Wong's In the Mood for Love (2000) and The Grandmaster (2013), and Hui's Song of the Exile (1990) and The Golden Era (2014), I illustrate how these films construct a local identity in relation to mobility and why they offer new insights into the debate about Hong Kong's contemporary culture. Bringing these films into dialogue with the localist discourses, I argue that mobility should be reconsidered a crucial component in the construction of local culture and identity in modern-day Hong Kong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a three-dimensional approach to party political conflict at the local level, drawing from an anti-elitism dimension, the left-right dimension and a localism dimension. More than 4500 parties participating in the 2014 and 2018 Dutch municipal elections are placed on these dimensions on the basis of their manifestos using quantitative textual analysis. A three-pronged approach is used to justify this three-dimensional model. The three dimensions are shown to be empirically distinctive. They are revealed to reflect meaningful differences between parties that are also visible in their names; and finally, these dimensions are shown to predict participation in local executive coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Localism has been conventionally regarded as a major determinant of public support for Hong Kong's Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement in 2019. The empirical evidence of the article did not provide support for such a reading. It found that localist orientation was positively correlated with supportive attitude towards the movement, but not correlated with supportive action for the movement, implying that localism had only limited power to motivate Hong Kong citizens to participate in the movement activities. On the other hand, negative attitudes towards Mainland China were found to have contributed to both supportive attitude towards and action for the movement. Localism and anti-Mainland China sentiments are not equivalent. It gives rise to confusion to label the movement a localist social movement based solely on its anti-Mainland elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Alaska’s unorganized borough is the only unincorporated county-equivalent area in the entire United States, but the Alaska Constitution never envisioned that would be the case. The framers of the Alaska Constitution drafted a revolutionary article on local government that prioritized localism— participation in local government—to further democratic engagement in the state. Recognizing that much of rural Alaska lacked the population and infrastructure to support incorporated and localized self-governance in the 1950s, the framers opted not to automatically incorporate the entire state under various borough governments. Even so, the framers made clear that the state was to play an active role in encouraging (and even compelling) the incorporation of rural sections of the state as time progressed. Today, many sections of the Alaska’s unorganized borough eligible for incorporation remain unincorporated, resulting in a number of adverse governance outcomes for rural and urban communities alike. This Note argues that Alaska maintains a positive obligation to incorporate eligible sections of the unorganized borough and that its failure to do so is unconstitutional under the state Constitution. Acknowledging the potential dangers of imposing local government on non-consenting citizens, this Note also articulates why borough governance may further the Alaska Constitution’s localism mandate by developing the regional political communities envisioned by the framers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consumption patterns in social groups are diversely affected by global and local processes. Using a mixed approach, this study analyses the consumption pattern of three classes of young in Tehran (capital of Iran) including the rich, middle and lower classes. The findings suggest that the self-indulgent lifestyle of rich kids of Tehran is a reproduction of global consumption patterns. The ingress of global patterns and culture into society was also mediated through the rich class, who are inclined to convergence in consumption in the global context. Rich kids act as the reference group for lifestyle among middle- and lower-class youth, who adopt eclectic lifestyles in the local context. Overall, the nature and extent to which rich kids are perceived as a reference group differ between the two classes, with the middle-class youth taking a more realistic, extensive and imitative perspective and the lower class incorporating a more mental, limited, false and damaging mindset. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through their accumulated experiences with coastal environments, surfers may be uniquely qualified as a source of local knowledge on surf breaks and wider coastal management topics. Despite popular associations between surfers and the environment, critical enquiries are needed to establish the scope and depth of surfers' knowledge and the processes that may influence its development. In this study, we expected that relationships between surfers and the coastal environment would be highly variable and dependent upon several outside factors, including individual motivations and biases. This broad hypothesis was tested through an oral history study of 15 New Zealand surfers, which examined the development of coastal environment knowledge through surfing experiences and explored its applications to resource management in New Zealand. Surfers can develop a unique local knowledge of the coast that is often specific to their favourite locations but can also include regional insights obtained through site-scale comparisons. These may include relatively detailed observations that are typically difficult to detect or measure and that are primarily generated through sustained surfing experiences. Socio-cultural factors, including gender stereotypes, localism, equipment bias, and interaction with accessibility, were identified as key influences on individual motivations and knowledge generation contexts. This study argues that surfers' perspectives are critical to informing management decisions in the coastal environment. Knowledge residing in the surfing community is dependent on individual associations with surf breaks, yet it can be harnessed across meaningful scales to inform coastal management. Moreover, the generation of local knowledge through surfing experiences adds to the societal benefits of protecting surf breaks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of "future generations" in the context of climate change policy and ethics. It questions the relevance and practicality of invoking future generations in discussions and decisions related to climate change. It challenges the clarity and precision of the concept and its potential to lead to localism or nationalism in global climate policy discussions.

Cities are traditionally characterized as a sub-unit of the state that functions as a socioeconomic node. However, global trends in recent decades indicate that cities are gradually acquiring a semi-independent political role, challenging and contesting the nation state's authority. Into the twenty-first century, cities' actions in global politics (e.g., supranational city-based networks) and within the state (e.g., sanctuary cities) indicate that they aspire to attain or even directly claim more political autonomy. However, achieving these localist goals sometimes warrants regional cooperation with neighboring municipal jurisdictions, thereby engendering ad-hoc and bottom-up regionalisms. Addressing this phenomenon theoretically, this Article analyzes three empirically and conceptually distinct types of the localist-regionalist nexus, demonstrating different rationales: (1) regional cooperation supporting localist innovation independent of state intervention; (2) regional cooperation supporting localist contestation of state policies; and (3) regional solidarity in the face of national tensions. Based on recent examples from Israel, it analyzes these three types along with their political and normative implications. Despite various discrepancies and possible tensions between localism and regionalism, the main conclusion emerging from this Article is that these two principles are not mutually exclusive. Moreover, although there are legal, institutional, political, and ideological tensions between them, the analysis suggests a third way between localism or regionalism. Likewise, some types of regionalization may act as a mechanism or tactic to support and deepen localist agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Dobbs M. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the US Supreme Court eliminated federal constitutional protections for abortion Practically, a person's access to abortion has long depended on where they live and where they can travel; that disparity is far worse now. In light of Dobbs, some states decisively changed their laws, often decimating abortion access. In other states, however, the law remains unclear; advocates are furiously lobbying and litigating to redefine their states' standards. Amid this upheaval, one element of the new abortion landscape is underappreciated: how localities impact abortion access. For decades, local governments have influenced access to abortion in many ways. Because state-local preemption doctrine favors local laws that are stricter than state laws, though, anti-abortion localities have a freer hand to do so. Lately, some states have become more aggressive, even punitive, in preempting local law. That trend is about to collide with the fight over abortion. This Article is the first to bring together the history and trends in local abortion policy with intrastate preemption doctrine to fully canvass the post-Roe local abortion terrain. It highlights the fact that abortion localism is already with us (and unlikely to disappear) and assesses the benefits and drawbacks of that reality. As states construct the new laws of abortion, this Article offers options and incentives for states, municipalities, and advocates in shaping local abortion policy for the future. Now more than ever, abortion rights will change as women cross borders the only question is how much they will change at the city line. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on educational localism which is a pretext for ignoring inequality rather than a legitimate constitutional justification. It mentions constitutional obligation to provide public education has long rested with the state, not local communities and relied on local taxes and funding, not because of some normative value of localism, but because property taxes were new to most citizens. It also mentions aspects of Jim Crow's local funding scheme.

A literary criticism of two conservative-authored books from 2019 examines their concerns about societal changes in America and their proposed remedies, particularly emphasizing the importance of localism and a reinterpretation of American history. Topics discussed include the critique of progressivism, the advocacy for community-based governance, and the call for a renewed appreciation of traditional American values.

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Scholars have long called for greater localism in criminal justice as a response to the crises ofracialized mass incarceration and over-policing. A downward shift ojpower to smaller local governments is thought to maximize an array of values, including liberty, equality, and elficient experimentation, and also to allow./br criminal justice to better rellect societal viewpoints. In making these claims, localists have at times either explicitly included control over substantive criminal law in their devolutionary project, or have overlooked that more general calls for localism would presumably include this power. This Article critiques substantive criminal law localism, arguing that it counteracts the values that the localist project aims to achieve. Because of foundationalfeatures of local government law, localities have no authority to decl'iminalize conduct criminalized by a state-their option is only to add more offenses to the existing state code. Increased localism in substantive criminal law, then. functions as a one-way ratchet ®r more misdemeanor criminalization and all its attendant ills: incarceration, crippling.fines and fees, and the authorization of more policing, surveillance, and managerial social control of marginalized groups. Criminal justice localists should therefore excise substantive criminal law from their devolutionary program. and they should do so explicitly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the Umbrella Movement in 2014 and the unprecedented mass protests in 2019, Hong Kong experienced a period of movement abeyance during which localism became a prominent political identification, notably among young people. Localism, defined as a reactive form of radicalism, was one pathway after a cycle of contention, alongside persistence with moderate claims and exhaustion, an affective process of detachment from contentious politics after mobilisation. However, the existing literature seldom explores individual attributes to these pathways during movement abeyance. Using survey data gathered from five local universities (N = 1,365), this study seeks to examine how cognitive appraisal of previous protest events, political emotions, and media use during abeyance predict radical and moderate political identifications among university students in Hong Kong. Youths with stronger devotion to the Umbrella Movement and negative emotions after it were more likely to identify as localists. However, youths with these attributes who perceived negative consequences of the Umbrella Movement showed a lower likelihood of being localists or pan- democrats. These results can elucidate the trajectories for radicalisation and exhaustion during post-Umbrella Movement abeyance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the decades after the end of the Civil War, avowed white supremacists across the South sought to "redeem" their state and county governments from the clutches of the hated "radicals" who had taken control during Reconstruction. These Redeemers developed an approach to local power and local control that served their broader political goal of reestablishing white supremacist rule. In their effort to ensure that white citizens were not subjected to "negro rule," they developed a "Redemption Localism" that consistently sought to limit local power, curtail local democracy, and defund or eliminate local services. This Article tells the story of Redemption Localism as it operated in one state: North Carolina. But I argue that this story has much to teach us about localism across the post-Civil War South and about our localism today. While much of the scholarly conversation about localism focuses on the virtues (and vices) of local control versus centralization, the question for Redeemers was never whether, as an abstract matter, local control was preferable to centralized control. Rather, at decision point after decision point, the question was how the balance between local and state power could be manipulated and adjusted to protect the Redeemers' political power and further the struggle for white supremacy. This instrumental attitude towards localism remains familiar today as the tools and structures of local power are manipulated to suppress Black voting power, dilute the voices of multiracial local democracies, and maintain existing distributions of power, wealth, and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American federal and state elections are largely run by local officials. Although election law is almost entirely determined by the federal government and the states, elections are actually conducted by thousands of different county and city elections offices. This decentralization of election administration has often, and fairly, been criticized as resulting in undesirable interlocal variation in the application of election rules, inefficiency, and racial discrimination. Yet, in 2020, local election administration, particularly in large urban areas, was a source of strength. Local officials proved to be resilient, innovative, and attentive to local conditions. The record-high turnout in the face of a once-in-a-century pandemic was in considerable part due to their efforts to make voting easier and more accessible. These efforts, in turn, have triggered a reaction, with many states adopting new laws intended to curtail local authority. This Article examines the local role in the 2020 election, together with the state pushback of 2021, as a study of both the surprising significance of local officials in promoting democracy and the place of local government in our intergovernmental system more generally. Local election offices are among the least formally empowered units of local government. They are charged solely with implementing state laws and policies. Yet, the 2020 election indicates they can exercise their authority to promote democracy in their communities. On the other hand, as with local governments generally, local power in election administration is fragile and can be stripped away by hostile state-level forces. By showcasing the importance of local elections officials, the 2020 election has made them a new site of conflict over the strength of American democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present literary study posits the argumentthat Mohsin Hamid’s novel The Reluctant Fundamentalist (2007) delineates Rooted cosmopolitanism as a balance between the extremes of European Universalist cosmopolitanism and the insular parochialism supported by chauvinist nationalists and communitarians. The themes, characters, narrative technique and linguistic aspect of the narrative are explored for the representation of rooted cosmopolitanism and the ways it challenges economic neo-imperialism, asymmetrical politico-cultural globalization and stereotyping on the basis of religion. To substantiate the claim in relation to this particular strain and motifin the novel, the theoretical concepts of nationalism, cultural affiliation and glocalization, from within the theory of Rooted Cosmopolitanism are applied to substantiate the claim in the analysis of the fictional work. A close reading of the novel is done to show that Mohsin Hamid’s Rooted Cosmopolitanism negates and challenges the narratives of both globalism and localism in the novel selected for the study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millions of workers in the United States, disproportionately women, immigrants, and people of color, perform low-paid, precarious work. Few of these workers can improve their workplace standards because the National Labor Relations Act ("NLRA") does not sufficiently protect their right to form unions and collectively bargain. Lacking sufficient influence in federal and state government to strengthen labor and employment law, unions and worker centers have increasingly sought to build power in cities. The shift to local labor lawmaking has delivered local minimum wage, paid sick leave, and fair scheduling ordinances covering millions of low-wage workers, as well as groundbreaking unionization and collective bargaining agreements, including in regions of the United States historically hostile to unions. This has positioned cities as a primary staging ground for labor law reform. This Article examines this trend as a rejuvenated labor localism and this trend's effects on state and local government law and labor and employment law. Labor localism advances the democratic values of labor and local law by channeling worker and community protests and bargaining through the direct democracy mechanisms of cities, instead of or in addition to the NLRA. While provoking fierce employer campaigns seeking state preemption of local lawmaking, labor localism can often manage these statelocal conflicts by engaging in state law reform and pivoting to adjacent areas. Modest home rule reform can improve its stability and reach and, contrary to conventional wisdom, improve local accountability. Labor localism, finally, reveals the central roles of localism in enabling a bottomup reform effort to counteract the weaknesses of federal labor law and in safeguarding democratic norms in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses political issues in the United Kingdom (UK), particularly how democratic localism as a strategy to address regional equality should be examined by the leaders of the Labour party. Also cited are the criticisms against the 'levelling up' strategy by the government of Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and the potential of the Preston Model and community wealth building as effective solutions.

Copyright of Swiss Political Science Review is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Modal dispositionalism is the view that possibilities are a matter of the dispositions of individual objects: it is possible that p if and only if something has a disposition for p to be the case. We raise a problem for modal dispositionalism: nothing within the theory rules out that there could be necessary, perfect masks, which make the manifestation of a disposition impossible. Unless such necessary perfect masks are ruled out, modal dispositionalism runs the risk of failing to provide a sufficient condition for possibility, and indeed of engendering contradictions. But to rule them out, modal dispositionalism would have to revise a crucial tenet of the view, its localism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sport of surfing is best enjoyed with one rider on one wave, but crowding makes that optimal assignment increasingly hard to attain. This study examines the phenomenon of surf localism, whereby competitors are excluded from waves by intimidation and the threat of violence. An alternative way to accommodate crowds is contained in the surfer's code, which sets informal rules and self-enforced regulations to avoid conflict in the water. Both regimes establish property rights over common pool resources with no state intervention, creating a setting wherein users face the question of cooperation or conflict. The disposition to cooperate and follow norms has been shown to vary substantially across different cultures, though. Employing data from over seven hundred surf spots on the European Atlantic coast, this study reports evidence that certain informal cultural norms significantly reduce the probability of violent exclusion, while formal state institutions mostly are irrelevant. The results also indicate that informal norms become more important with greater resource quality and, possibly, with increasing scarcity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In understanding why the proportion of Hong Kong people whose local identity overshadows their national identity has been increasing in the past decade, two perspectives have been considered: the birth cohort and the periodic perspectives. However, because previous studies have been based on cross-sectional surveys, they have failed to examine both cohort and period effects on trends in identification in Hong Kong. A cross-sectional survey approach has two limitations: (i) an inability to distinguish the net effects of cohort from that of age, in that there is an exact linear dependency between age and cohort; and (ii) a lack of information on periodic variables. In order to overcome these limitations, this article is based on a pooled dataset of longitudinal surveys combined with official statistics from 1998 to 2017 and employs an age-period-cohort analysis. It is found that both cohort and period effects have contributed to the strengthening of local identity in the past decade. Those born in the 1980s or later are more likely to identify as Hongkongers than as Chinese. An influx of tourists from mainland China and a decrease in satisfaction with the central government have also contributed to the rise of a local over a national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to study how private European radio is becoming commercially international through the expansion of radio brands beyond their national market. It is the first ever analysis of the expansion strategies of radio groups across Europe, including their footprint in each market in which they operate, from the political economy of cultural industries. The article maps the main radio groups in Europe, analyses cross-national champions in depth and establishes three main types. This study shows that, thanks to the possibilities of a deregulated market, strengthening the role of the brand and the format, and the agreements with other groups, broadcasting radio has overcome the obstacles that, historically, hindered its cross-border expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to articles in the issue is presented on topics including the emergence and consequences of localism in contemporary Hong Kong, the distinctive nature of penal power in the Global South, and legacies of Portuguese colonialism in Brazil.

China's new National Security Law, enacted in Hong Kong on 30 June 2020, has amplified widespread concerns among the city's population regarding the implications of this law. These concerns have at root anxieties related to Hong Kong's resinicisation, referring to anxieties over Hong Kong's political and economic dependence on mainland China, including loyalty and patriotism towards the motherland. This paper explores these developments in relation to the ongoing legacy of localism, argued to be instilled as a colonial project to help secure the populations' identification with Hong Kong. Seen as 'criminals' from the perspective of mainland Chinese authorities, many of those involved in today's protests (many of whom include young people) see themselves as engaging in legitimate forms of civil disobedience. First explicating the context of Hong Kong's colonial history in order to help make sense of present-day turmoil, we turn to recent trends in arrests related to the protests, as well as evidence of rapidly declining trust in the Hong Kong Police Force, seen by some as increasingly beholden to the interests of mainland China. Implications for these trends going forward are considered, with a discussion of the need for greater attention to colonial histories and post-colonial ramifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xi Jinping's anti-corruption drive, personnel reshuffles, and institutional overhauls seem to mark a turning point in Beijing's long-running fight against 'localism' (difangzhuyi). Yet, key questions remain about the scope and effectiveness of efforts to rein in China's subnational officials. Has the Xi administration effectively combated localism by appointing more outsiders to provincial leadership teams? Or have strengthened oversight institutions made subnational officials more responsive to the center regardless of their individual backgrounds? To address these questions, this article distinguishes between different types of localism in contemporary China and the varying personnel 'risk factors' underlying them. Comparing the makeup of provincial party standing committees under Xi Jinping's 18th CPC Central Committee (2012–2017) with those from the 15–17th CPC Central Committees under Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao (1997–2012), the analysis finds that Xi has accelerated personnel changes to address multiple forms of localism. At the same time, gaps in governance outcomes between local cadres and outsiders have faded since 2012 in several domains, implying that Xi-era institutional reforms have also played a role in curbing localism. Even under Xi, however, important personnel risk factors for localism have persisted and in some domains local-outsider differences in governance outcomes have actually increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Essay identifies the convergence of big-city land use and transportation politics on a shared form--marked by hyper-local control and the privileging of the most vocal opponents to change--despite remarkably different legal regimes. While land use law mandates that cities provide notice to the neighbors, hearings for them to speak at, and veto opportunities for local city council members, transportation law does none of these things. Yet there are still public meetings, the neighbors still turn out in opposition, and city council members still exercise an effective veto over projects in their districts. Based on this convergence, this Essay sounds a note of caution about recent arguments that legal reforms to land use procedure can improve land use outcomes. Hyperlocalism has deep roots, located outside the legal regimes governing land use's public participation and decision-making processes. Legal procedural reform alone can only do so much, absent a more thoroughgoing political transformation of the land use process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Embracing the global–local debate, this study examines how cities configure their global connectedness and local embeddedness attributes in order to achieve the high performance of urban creative economies in Europe. Using the configurational approach, a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) is undertaken to investigate urban creative economy performance in a sample of 168 European cities from 30 countries during the period 2000–17. The findings reveal a taxonomy of four distinct types of cities with the high performance of the creative economy and the contingent effects of cultural vibrancy and industrial diversity. This study provides novel insights into the variations among creative cities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Luridica is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Among the 2016 World Humanitarian Summit outcomes, localisation of humanitarian aid has received the greatest amount of attention. Localisation is described as giving more support to national first respondents, making humanitarian aid 'as local as possible, as international as necessary'. Despite the good intentions, localisation presents a biased understanding of the local and its agency in transforming humanitarianism. Not only is localisation a failed attempt to reconfigure the international humanitarian system power relations, dominated by Western actors, but also it glosses over the crucial role of the South in moulding the humanitarian action norm. In order to address the latter, the paper reviews the history of humanitarian action in East Asia as a case of norm circulation, showing how the region's agency was essential to accommodate the foundations of liberal humanitarianism during the Cold War and, in the last two decades, to contest them. I argue that instead of localisation, a process of deglobalisation is taking shape in the region, based on increased national ownership of crisis response, privileging reciprocal, bilateral support over multilateral action, and legitimating the rejection of unnecessary support. These changes are pushing traditional humanitarian actors to rethink their practices, bringing much-needed change but also challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows how certain spatial logics are used to support contemporary region-building processes, and how these become taken for granted and institutionalized in specific regional settings. These spatial logics are also representative of the spatial logics dominating contemporary regionalism and affect the ways 'spaces' and 'citizens' are treated and valued in regional planning and policy. Few studies have shown how spatial logics are implemented, transformed and turned into policy across a wider set of regions. Exemplified by The Scandinavian 8 Million City project, the paper shows how this regional imaginary was constructed by the project promotors using several representative spatial logics of what constitutes the 'best' region as idealized in planning and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For at least half a century, scholars of the early American Constitution have noted the archival prominence of a doctrine known as the "federal consensus." This doctrine instructed that Congress had no power to interfere with the institution of slavery in the states where it existed. Despite its ubiquity in the records, our understanding of how and why this doctrine emerged is hazy at best. Working from a conceptual map of America's founding that features thirteen local governments coalescing into two feuding sections of North and South, commentators have tended to explain the federal consensus either as a vestige of a much older constitutional tradition rooted in localism or as the result of a brokered political compromise between the sections. Cast as an archaic relic of the colonial era or as a one-off political compromise, the doctrine has appeared in the most recent scholarship as one that by the mid-1800s had devolved into a limp and unpersuasive rhetorical disclaimer. This Essay offers a different origins story for the federal consensus, one that invites us to re-center the doctrine's central importance in the founding constitutional order. Drawing on a model of inquiry that expands the conventional map of America's founding to include the material modes of production and exchange, this Essay allows us to see how the bedrock principle of noninterference emerged not only from the oft cited vestiges of localism and sectionalism but also from the customary practices and exigencies of long-distance maritime trade in the Atlantic world. As economic historians have shown, long before the doctrine appeared in print in 1790, America's merchant class had forged a trading network along the Atlantic coast, creating an interregional economy that spanned from the Massachusetts Bay to the plantation coast and outer-lying islands. Predicated on a rule of noninterference with the underlying modes of enslaved labor on which white wealth depended, these preexisting norms of racialized property ownership and commercial exchange provided a useful starting point for the rules of constitutional union at a time when the concepts and structures of public law constitutional governance in the newly created United States remained inchoate and ill-defined. By recovering this genealogy and expanding our map of the founding, this Essay offers a more complete view of the origins of one of the oldest and most consequential rules of constitutional union. In doing so, it allows us to see the institution of racial slavery not simply as one confined to a single section of the South and upheld by its peculiar doctrine of states' rights but as a fundamentally American institution, one upheld by a rule of federal and state inaction in the face of slavery's systemic taking of Black lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflicts over "sanctuary" cities, minimum wage laws, and genderneutral bathrooms have brought the problematic landscape of contemporary state preemption of local governance to national attention. This Article contends that more covert, although equally robust, state interference can be found in property, with significant consequences for our understanding of takings law. Takings jurisprudence looks to the states to mediate most tensions between individual property rights and community needs, as the takings federalism literature recognizes. Takings challenges, however, often involve local governments. If the doctrine privileges the democratic process to resolve most takings claims, then, that critical process is a largely local one. Despite the centrality of local democracy to takings, state legislatures have restricted local authority on property issues in a range of ways. States have expanded compensatory liability for owners facing local regulations, imposed procedural constraints on local authority, and limited the exercise of foundational local powers. Seen in its entirety, this state intervention--like contemporary "new preemption"--is acontextual and unduly rigid, cutting at the heart of the devolutionary principles underlying takings jurisprudence. This unbalanced state role requires a recalibration of decisionmaking power between state and local government to foster intersystemic dialogue and reflection. States certainly play a crucial role in defining and protecting property interests, but they must justify choices to constrain local discretion when state and local values conflict. The extant state statutory regime dispenses with this justificatory task via a formalistic disregard for the contextualization that legitimates vertical allocations of authority. A corrective to decades of imbalance in state ordering of local authority would thus properly recognize "takings localism". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the enduring connection of localism and place-based roots shared between many elected leaders and their constituents, which previous work has either ignored or improperly specified. I argue that representatives of the U.S. House with these roots—meaning authentic, lived experience in their districts prior to their officeholding—sustain more supportive constituencies in primary election stage. Using an original 7-point index of local biographical characteristics of incumbents seeking renomination from 2002 to 2018, I find that deeply-rooted incumbents are less than half as likely to receive a primary challenge, and on average perform more than 5 percentage points better in their primary elections when they are challenged. These gains take place even after taking district partisanship, national political conditions, incumbent ideology, and other primary factors into account, and should induce scholars to reconsider the importance of local representation even amidst a nationalizing political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'local' has become central to peacebuilding, both in theory and in practice. While there is extensive conceptual literature analysing the 'local', there is much less that looks at how what is often considered local in peacebuilding programmes actually works in practice. The empirical peacebuilding literature that does exist has largely focussed on the international–local interface and those studies that have focussed solely on the 'local' largely rely on discussions with more elite civil society leaders. In contrast, this article empirically analyses 'local–local' dynamics. Using a Sierra Leonean peacebuilding project called Fambul Tok, this article both provides in-depth analysis on how the organisation externally projects itself as 'local' and contrasts this with how the organisation actually works in practice. Externally, Fambul Tok's media materials equate 'local' with Sierra Leonean place and people, as well as notions of culture and tradition. However, by examining the dynamics between different Sierra Leoneans, including staff members and programme participants, a complex picture of the 'local–local' emerges. I argue that by engaging with comprehensive empirical research, we can understand how local peacebuilding is actually experienced and enacted and how the theoretical discussions of the 'local' and 'local–local' in peacebuilding converge with how peacebuilding works in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of key lessons about the governance and leadership of interagency working in multi-level contexts. The article is based on interviews with local and national leaders across Europe. This topic is timely given the complexity of European public sector governance which demands leadership, co-production, and styles of collaboration which promote partnership-working within local contexts. We highlight that localism is central but this still requires national political leadership for localism to be managed and delivered effectively. In other words, empowerment-heavy models of governance, without top-down support, risks interagency ineffectiveness or even failure. We argue that leadership at macro, meso and micro levels of the governance system is required in order for successful interagency working to be delivered. We find that removing the barriers to interagency working requires the identification of an interagency leader (and to even enshrine this within statute), clear roles and lines of accountability for professionals, a breakdown of disciplinary silos, non-tokenistic bottom-up approaches, national public service leadership which promotes capacity building, and the dovetailing of planning and evaluation. The article concludes by proposing strategies for developing effective multi-level interagency working. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term "sanctuary" has long expressed a sympathy for immigrants' rights and resistance to federal immigration enforcement. Recently, the word has become associated with another divisive political topic, as local governments have begun declaring themselves "Second Amendment Sanctuaries" in defiance of statewide gun-control measures they deem unconstitutional. This gun-rights resistance movement not only flips the political script on the nature of sanctuaries, but also presents important and challenging questions about local-state power sharing, the proper scope of "subfederal commandeering," and the role of coordinate branches in constitutional decision-making. This Article provides the first scholarly treatment of Second Amendment Sanctuaries. In doing so, it explores both the unique facets of this new localism and the broader implications for sanctuary movements generally. Most early commentary dismisses Second Amendment Sanctuaries as purely symbolic and presumptively invalid pursuant to state preemption principles and the judicial supremacy model of constitutional interpretation. This Article challenges that narrative and articulates a theory of limited viability for Second Amendment Sanctuaries and other local intrastate resistance movements more broadly. The theory this Article presents proceeds in three parts, with each part presenting a novel approach to local-state governmental conflict that contributes to the existing literature. First, localities can resist broad state preemption in limited circumstances via the state's "home rule" provisions when local regulation of a particular issue is rooted in history and has normative policy appeal. Second, localities may passively resist statewide regulation through a form of "subfederal anticommandeering" analogous to the Tenth Amendment's anticommandeering principles protecting states from federal overreach, so long as the locality takes no affirmative steps to frustrate state enforcement. Third, local enforcement officers may defend their resistance on substantive constitutional grounds when the right at issue is not firmly settled by the judiciary. This "first impression departmentalism" reflects the belief that all coordinate branches of government should play a role in defining the contours of constitutional provisions when emerging doctrine remains in a state of flux. These three principles counsel in favor of the viability of at least some Second Amendment Sanctuaries as currently constructed, as well as possible future "gun control sanctuaries" resisting statewide firearm deregulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Populism is often criticized as a dark political theology as inscrutable as a religion to which one doesn't belong – a messianic craze incompatible with rational government. This article suggests that populisms, left and right, draw from the very historico-cultural background that grounds the societies in which they occur. They are not in revolt against this background but of it. Being grounded in this longstanding background and its cultural repetition, Judith Butler notes, gives populism appeal – what makes it "feel right" and sound true to its audience. In a case study of American populism, including the role of evangelicals, I make a three-part argument. Beginning with a rubric allowing us to identify a movement as populist, I look at (i) religion's contribution to America's historico-cultural background, (ii) how that background funds understandings of society and government, (iii) how these understandings play out in populisms on the left, right, and among evangelicals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With growing levels of homelessness, many municipalities in western jurisdictions are increasing social control of public displays of poverty through criminalisation, marginalisation and banishment. This has recently been apparent in England with the introduction of public spaces protection orders. Based on notions of localism, these grant local government significantly enhanced powers to regulate public space. This article uses the English example to provide a critical, empirically informed, exploration of how populist neo-liberal rationalisations about the street poor are finding increasing favour among local authorities. It charts how in a period of austerity, with municipalities struggling to fulfil welfare obligations to the homeless and other poor, banishment provides a cheaper solution to citizens' concerns about visible displays of poverty in public space. The article investigates the troubling ways in which municipalities endorse a neo-liberal authoritarian approach to public consultations to claim legitimacy for introducing measures that target vulnerable minorities. It also examines how opponents, with limited success, have challenged such measures and the predominant neo-liberal–populist narrative associated with them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

-oriented education (local-oriented education) flourished in Imperial Japan of the 1930s, inspired by Heimatkunde (local studies) in Germany's elementary schools. This paper explores the rhetoric which naturalised the shift from love of Heimat to love of nation in Heimat-oriented education in Imperial Japan of the 1930s, focusing on Heimat-oriented education in peripheral regions to which Japanese identity and non-Japanese identity were attributed. Heimat-oriented education in peripheral regions was conducted mostly in accordance with the official rhetoric "similar but not equal", yet also partially putting a spin on it. The spin had the effect of strengthening the naturalisation of the shift from love of Heimat to love of nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores to what extent the new localism has effectively empowered local enterprise partnerships (LEPs) and local communities to deliver localized, place-based enterprise policy at the subnational level. It identifies externally imposed constraints on local enterprise policy-making that have seen this reoriented towards the support of high-growth potential businesses. However, the scope and focus of enterprise policy at the LEP level contrast with heterogeneous local realities and needs, highlighting a pronounced rhetoric–reality gap. With little evidence of local knowledge transcending policy boundaries, the paper reveals that the current arrangements constrain local agency and reduce the effectiveness of enterprise policy-making at the local level. It concludes that the power to develop localized, place-based enterprise policy exists only in rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Local government in England faces unprecedented challenges, with ten years of austerity adding to longer-term concerns over its waning influence. Responses so far have involved dismissing local government for more radical alternatives or re-iterating increasingly shaky defences. I argue that resetting the debate around local government requires firstly addressing the meanings we have assigned to the local, which are at presentconstrained by the 'Local Trap', and that looking at the English case gives a particularly insightful view of its consequences. I set out the 'Local Trap' and identify three ways in which local government discourse is trapped; by assumptions about the 'naturalness' of the local; assumptions about its democratic qualities; and an adherence to scaler representations. I then argue that as a consequenceattention is diverted to either local government past or an elusive one to come, before setting out potential pathways out of the trap via engaging more robustly with practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of austerity, some of the taken for granted territorial boundaries of local government are being stretched and questioned. Here, these issues are explored with the help of two bodies of evidence: the creation of sets of interlocking arrangements on the edge of the London City region (most recently expressed in proposals for development along what has been identified as the Oxford-Milton Keynes-Cambridge Arc); and the experience of a Mayoral development corporation in the West of London, seeking to take advantage of the possibilities arising from major national and metropolitan investments in transport infrastructure. In both cases, project-based governance coupled with the promise of infrastructural investment, sub-regional visions and plans offer the basis on which new spaces of governance are being put together to fit with shifting economic geographies and changing political priorities. Instead of being institutionally fixed, the spaces of government themselves turn out to be malleable and contested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]