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This article looks at descriptions of ideophones in Kiranti (Sino-Tibetan, Eastern Nepal) languages. It will do so by first providing a description of the ideophones of Thulung, for which four distinct ideophone types are identified, on the basis of a 10 h narrative corpus. Next, the results of this analysis will be compared to descriptions of ideophonic lexemes in sources on other Kiranti languages. In order to place these topics within an areal perspective, descriptions of the same phenomena in Nepali, the contact language for the linguistic area in question, will also be looked at. The goal of the article is to present data on the ideophonic patterns found in the Kiranti linguistic area and to consider the question of borrowing for ideophones in the Himalayas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Kiranti languages generally show verb agreement with both arguments of a transitive verb, object agreement can also be suspended, resulting in the intransitive inflection of lexically transitive verbs. This paper analyzes suspended object agreement in Puma (Southern Kiranti). Suspended object agreement in this language is accompanied by either (i) the obligatory realization of a caseless object NP, or (ii), limited to human object referents, the prefixation of a morpheme kha-. Semantically, both constructions contrast with transitively inflected forms by entailing that the cardinality of object referents is unknown; they are thus generally used for non-enumerable or generic reference. The construction with an obligatory NP is similar to incorporation but differs from better known instances of incorporation by the fact that the object is an NP rather than a noun stem, that the NP keeps positional freedom, and that it can be relativized on. The construction also bears similarity to optional agreement patterns in other languages but differs from other known cases of optional agreement by the fact that the object looses core NP properties: the properties that are lost in Puma are case marking and optionality in discourse. The construction with kha- is similar to antipassivization but differs from many known instances of antipassivization by the fact that the object cannot be overtly realized, not even as an adjunct.

This paper explores the notion of analyzing cross-linguistically uncommon morphosyntactic structures in terms of their historical development. What may seem extraordinary in the synchronic snapshot of a language can often be clearly accounted for through diachronic considerations. To illustrate this, the current study examines the typologically uncommon phenomenon of multiple exponence, the realization of the same grammatical information in multiple places within an inflected word, in the Kiranti (Tibeto-Burman) languages. Typologically speaking, we do see a strong tendency cross-linguistically towards encoding grammatical information once within an inflected word, and against multiple exponence. Yet the phenomenon of multiple exponence is attested in a number of languages. This paper presents comparative evidence from the Kiranti languages that supports the claim that multiple exponence in synthetic verbs in the modern Kiranti languages comes as a result of the interaction between language(family)-specific typology (multiple agreement in periphrastic verbs) and an uncontroversial language change process (coalescence of periphrastic forms into synthetic forms). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Nachiring language belongs to the Kiranti branch of the Trans-Himalayan language family (a.k.a Tibeto-Burman or Sino-Tibetan) and is spoken in the Himalayan foothills of eastern Nepal. Within the Kiranti branch, Nachiring has been classified as belonging to the Khambu unit of the Central Kiranti subgroup, but no linguistic fieldwork has been undertaken so far and the language remains undocumented and undescribed. The present paper constitutes a first sociolingusitic survey of the Nachiring language, based on an initial field trip, and presents updates on the number of speakers, location, language usage and attitude, as well as a first linguistic inspection of the relationship between Nachiring and the closely related Kulung language. Nachiring is a highly endangered language and thus in severe need of linguistic documentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Kiranti languages, rich alternations in verbal paradigms make internal reconstruction possible, and allow a better understanding of the vowels and codas of the proto-language than is possible for other parts of speech. This paper, using data from four representative languages (Wambule, Khaling, Bantawa, Limbu), proposes a new approach to Proto- Kiranti historical linguis- tics combining the comparative method and internal reconstruction, and taking morphological alternations and analogy into account. It presents a comprehen- sive account of the sound correspondences between the four target languages and reconstructs more than 280 proto-Kiranti verb roots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is shown how Kiranti languages often express a semantically single clausal negation of a declarative verbal main clause with two clausal negators. We conjecture that the second negator has its origin in a copula and that the reinterpretation and integration of the copula into a negative construction follows the scenario known as a "Jespersen Cycle". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Apart from common cases of differential argument marking, referential hierarchies affect argument marking in two ways: (a) through hierarchical marking, where markers compete for a slot and the competition is resolved by a hierarchy, and (b) through co-argument sensitivity, where the marking of one argument depends on the properties of its co-argument. Here we show that while co-argument sensitivity cannot be analyzed in terms of hierarchical marking, hierarchical marking can be analyzed in terms of co-argument sensitivity. Once hierarchical effects on marking are analyzed in terms of co-argument sensitivity, it becomes possible to examine alignment patterns relative to referential categories in exactly the same way as one can examine alignment patterns relative to referential categories in cases of differential argument marking and indeed any other condition on alignment (such as tense or clause type). As a result, instances of hierarchical marking of any kind turn out not to present a special case in the typology of alignment, and there is no need for positing an additional non-basic alignment type such as "hierarchical alignment". While hierarchies are not needed for descriptive and comparative purposes, we also cast doubt on their relevance in diachrony: examining two families for which hierarchical agreement has been postulated, Algonquian and Kiranti, we find only weak and very limited statistical evidence for agreement paradigms to have been shaped by a principled ranking of person categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thulung Rai, an endangered Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Eastern Nepal, presents two derivational suffixes associated with reflexivization: -si and -s. The first, -si, is quite productive, found in complete paradigms, and derives reflexives, reciprocals, antipassives and anticausatives from transitive verbs (and occasionally from intransitive verbs). The second marker, -s, is more difficult to analyze: it has a limited distribution in verb paradigms, only appearing with 1pi and 3sg forms, and appears in a number of different contexts: it is found with the same types of derivations as -si but also — in some cases obligatorily, in others optionally — with verbs that do not have reflexive (or related) functions. It is even found with some transitive verbs. In this presentation, I will propose an analysis of the phenomena above based on elicited and narrative data I have collected in the field. The -s in fact has multiple, albeit related, origins: it is a phonological reduction of -si in certain circumstances, while in others it appears to be an older reflexivizing suffix which has been integrated, to different degrees, into verb morphology. With transitives, it appears to be a trace reflecting the complex derivational history of verbs which are derived from intransitives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Khaling, like other Kiranti languages, has a Reflexive / Middle suffix-si, the main function of which is to reduce the valence of verbs. The present paper describes the complex morphological alternations observed in the reflexive paradigms, and provides a detailed account of the various meanings of the -si derivation in Khaling. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Matisoff (2003) reconstructs an "adjectival prefix" *gV-, based on work by Wolfenden (1929). As a result of surveying grammatical descriptions of more than 90 Tibeto-Burman languages, the present study provides evidence to reconstruct Matisoff's adjectival prefix as a nominalizer whose functional range includes (but is not limited to) the adjectival marking. Evidence for the prefix is found in three major genetic subdivisions. Within Bradley's (2002) Western branch, Baram (Newaric) has a particularly versatile nominalizer ki-~gi-, and Eastern Kiranti languages have *gV-...-pa nominalizing circumfixes. In Bradley's Eastern branch, rGyalrongic languages have velar prefixes that function as the main nominalizers. Further, in DeLancey's (2015) Central branch of Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan), we find reflexes of *gV- in many languages, most notably the versatile nominalizer kV- in Lamkang (Northwest Kuki-Chin). Other languages of the India-Myanmar border with unresolved phylogenetic status within Tibeto-Burman also have reflexes of *gV-, most prominently Karbi and Tangkhul (Konnerth 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a critical overview of previously proposed etymologies involving the initial cluster *sr- between Chinese and other Sino-Tibetan languages. It puts forth one new etymology, which confirms the simplification of the cluster *sr- to 5 - in Kiranti and the preservation of this cluster in Rgyalrong languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows the existence of an auditory demonstrative in Khaling. The use of the demonstrative is illustrated via examples taken from narrative discourse. It is described here within the context of the spatial demonstrative system, in order to demonstrate how it is specifically used to highlight that perception of the referent is attained using the sense of audition, regardless of the visibility of the object in question. Khaling appears to be unique in having a true auditory demonstrative and it is hoped that this description will prompt field linguists to refine the description of the contrasts found within the demonstrative systems of languages around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Yakkha (Kiranti language family, Nepal) has several constructions where speech act participants (SAP) and third persons are not treated alike. Such effects are found in the treatment of agents and patients of two-participant constructions, but also in the treatment of theme and goal arguments of three-participant constructions. This paper explores the referentiality effects on case marking and verbal agreement of theme and goal arguments. Crucially, most effects are scenario-based, i.e. they are conditioned not only by the properties of one argument, but by the relation between theme and goal. Besides the distinction between SAP and third person, the animacy of arguments can play a role, so that the argument realization in one construction is often conditioned by an interplay of several factors. Apart from alternations in case and agreement, Yakkha exhibits a serialization pattern that is related to an atypically high animacy of theme arguments. After analyzing these alternations and their conditions, the paper discusses how the findings match predictions that have been made about argument realization in three-participant constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous grammars have been published on Kiranti and Central Himalayish languages in recent years and though nominalization has been a pervasive feature in most of them, it is not always clear from the nomenclature that we are dealing with nominalizations at all. Nominalization is used in many of these languages not only in converting finite clauses into relative and complement structures, but also in converting verbs and other word classes into adjectivals, participles, and demonstrative-like elements. Less well understood is the use of nominalization in 'free-standing' predications. Such nominalizations have been defined in various ways by different authors. I hope to demonstrate, however, that we are dealing primarily with equivalent structures and that their various functions can be distinguished, not only by their pragmatic contexts, but also by the syntactic structures in which they occur. Not all of them occur in every language, but the ones that do occur can be seen as forming different parts of a multi-functional instrument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bantawa language is not only a central Kiranti language in the geographical sense: Bantawa is also linguistically central and showcases many participle and converbal constructions known from related Kiranti languages, and the general nominalization procedure that is found across the region. This paper is an attempt at an overview description of nominalization and, for the sake of comprehensiveness, other deverbal forms in the Bantawa dialect of Sindrang, Bhojpur, Nepal. Bantawa has a set of participles that reflect all major verb roles: the verb subject or agent (active participle), patient or object (passive participle), the infinitive and locative/ purposive nominalizer. Three more deverbal forms (supine, simultaneous and negative perfect converb) are not nominal but complete the picture of non-finite deverbals. The other means of nominalizing verbs is by suffixation of Bantawa's most versatile operator, the general nominalizer - ˀo (NOM). By nominalization verbal forms can be embedded in other grammatical constructs. The latter construct is also used to form 'free-standing' nominalizations. Free-standing nominalizations have a factitive function in sentences, representing 'background knowledge,' and are used to mark mirative clauses, questions, and assertions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aissen (1999, 2003) argues that prominence hierarchy effects in morphosyntax are governed by fixed rankings of markedness constraints related to the hierarchies themselves by harmonic alignment (Prince and Smolensky 1993). In this article, I analyze the effects of prominence hierarchies on agreement in Dumi, an endangered Kiranti language spoken in Eastern Nepal (van Driem 1993), and argue that the empirical facts can be captured best if hierarchy effects follow from freely rankable binary preference and markedness constraints, not from the fixed ranking of markedness constraints. The analysis further reveals the relevance of number hierarchies for agreement, which are largely neglected in the literature. Thus Dumi resorts to the hierarchy plural > dual > singular that competes with the parallel effects of the more standard person hierarchy (1st > 2nd > 3rd person) on agreement control and also triggers an as yet undocumented number inverse marking, which indicates if one argument of a verb is more prominent for number than the other, but less prominent for person. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an autobiographical account of the author's life as an anthropologist. Information on the author's family history; Studies on Thulung language and mythology; Contribution to understanding human origins; Initiations that originally dramatise intergenerational exchange.