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Many individuals in Iran continue to fall victim to landmine explosions, even decades after the Iran-Iraq war ended. While the Islamic Republic of Iran has made certain efforts to demine affected areas and establish a compensation system, individuals still suffer injuries from mines that the state has failed to remove or clear and struggle to get compensated following an incident. This research relies on data, case studies, legal analysis, and testimonies to provide a comprehensive assessment of the state's victim compensation system. The findings reveal that the compensation process is lengthy and arduous, with state agencies prioritising the interests of the state over those of the victims and their families. Consequently, victims and their families are left in increasingly dire economic and psychological circumstances, as not all receive compensation, and those who do receive minimal amounts after significant delays. During this time, victims deplete their meagre savings, exacerbating their already precarious situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focuses on the impact of the Islamic Revolution in Iran on Gulf-Iranian relations (1979-1981 AD) and monitors the dimensions of those effects on relations between Iran and the Gulf states and their broad effects on the region, and the fundamental and radical change this revolution represented in its policy, whether on the internal or external level. In the historical analysis of these dimensions, several main elements can be identified as causes of the conflict, namely the clash between Arab and Iranian nationalism, ideological differences, and apprehension of Iranian hegemony. When we review the development of these relations, we find that in the past they passed through various stages of rapprochement and divergence, and after the 1979 Islamic Revolution, relations took a new direction as Iran followed a path aimed at exporting the revolution Objectives of the study 1 Monitoring the impact of the Islamic Revolution in Iran on Gulf-Iranian relations (1979- 1981 AD) 2 Study the dimensions of these effects on relations between Iran and the Gulf states 3 Tracking the development of Iranian-Gulf relations and its impact on the development of regional events Study plan The axes of this study revolve around the following points Introduction 1 Protecting Shiite Muslims in the Arab Gulf countries 2 Exporting the Islamic Revolution and supporting dissident Islamic movements in the region 3 The position of the Islamic Revolution in Iran regarding the formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council 4 The issue of the three islands 5 The outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War 0980 6 List of sources and references Then came the conclusion, appendices, list of sources, and references The approach followed in the study I relied on the historical method, and the research sometimes required the use of the analytical method, as well as the descriptive method, which is based on describing and extrapolating phenomena [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the natural environment during the Kurdish genocide in northern Iraq. The genocide killed between 50,000 and 180,000 people and destroyed some 4,500 Kurdish villages from the 1960s to 1980s, reach peak violence during the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88). The paper uses American, British, and Iraqi archival documents to analyse how the violence affected the natural landscape and how ecological conditions constrained the violence. Iraqi leaders regarded dams and other modes of environmental engineering as levers to facilitate agricultural modernization and social integration. Protecting and projecting hydraulic power justified greater military exertion. Iraqi leaders, frustrated by the lack of progress in development and hostile to the claims of Kurdish nationalism, resorted to more coercive options to combat guerrillas. But the inadequacies of military exertion prompted the government to redouble efforts to tame unruly nature and those who dwelled in it. This escalation contributed significantly to the lethal violence against rural Kurdish society. At a theoretical level, these findings highlight the troubling ways in which policies aimed to improve environmental conditions fold into campaigns of mass violence. The article also adds to understanding of violence in Iraq, showing how Iraq's attempts to use environmental engineering for development intersected with security concerns and ethnic marginalization to create more intensive repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sakarya Journal of Economics / Sakarya Iktisat Dergisi is the property of Sakarya Journal of Economics / Sakarya Iktisat Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A letter to the futurologist FM 2030 written by a young martyr. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Kirkuk University Humanity Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how for seven Iranian paraplegic veterans of the 1980–1988 Iran–Iraq War, the faces of their friends killed during combat evoke awe-inspiring and sorrowful feelings. For them, the faces of the dead are not simply the physical features, but represent infinite possibilities to be with the deceased. The "face" denotes a moral event, where the living recognize and welcome the inexhaustible dead. Imagining the "face" is no longer just a vision but an encounter with the departed, a site where the living respond to the dead. These veterans speak about the faces of their dead friends using concepts filled with Islamic significance: the "radiant" (nūrani) and the "strange" ('jeib). This in-between space fathoms death as both blissful and appalling. The Islamic concept of barzakh ("obstacle" or "separation") is used to examine the radiant-strange feelings the veterans have toward their dead friends. The use of an Islamic perspective contributes to the decolonizing efforts in understanding how these veterans "see," (re)engage and live with the dead based on their Shi'ā and mystical worldviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Although deterrence can be traced back to the military literature and the writings of Carl von Clausewitz, deterrence theory neverthelessflourished in the Post-World War II era and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The deterrence strategy is especially important in some regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia, which are among the most intense conflict zones in the world. Research question: What are the conceptual coordinates of the internationalization of deterrence as a theoretical framework and its application to Iran's deterrence strategy in the peripheral regions? Research hypothesis: In response to the main question of the article, using the case study method, the author proposes the concept of internationalization of deterrence and examines its application first by the great powers of the world and then by Iran in its peripheral regions including the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. The internationalization of deterrence means a situation where the deterrent power provides part of its military and security capabilities including weapons, forces, and allies to other actors who intend to raise the level of deterrence, increase its effectiveness and expands its geographical scope, thereby creating fundamental changes in the strategic calculations of a potential aggressor. Internationalization of deterrence using missile power and paramilitary groups has been a part of Iran's military and security strategy in peripheral regions including he Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. Methodology and theoretical framework: In this research, using Qualitative case study method, the concept of internationalization of deterrence and its application by Iran at the regional and global level has been analyzed. This paper presents the theoretical framework of the internationalization of deterrence. In the framework of this theory, political actors in the field of world politics transfer part of their military and weapons capacity to allied actors with the aim of strengthening deterrence. Results and discussion: Deterrence theory flourished after World War II and after the advent of nuclear weapons. The United States as the first nuclear power, maintained a monopoly on nuclear weapons for four years. During the Cold War, as part of the nuclear sharing policy, the United States deployed tactical nuclear weapons in Europe to counterbalance the conventional superiority of the Warsaw Pact countries. Nuclear sharing was in fact a kind of internationalization of US nuclear deterrence. In addition to nuclear deterrence, world powers internationalized their conventional deterrence at lower levels. The deployment of Jupiter missiles in Turkey, the deployment of Soviet missiles in Cuba, the deployment of the American and Soviet missiles on European soil, and the AUKUS treaty are among the most important examples of internationalization of conventional deterrence after World War II. The collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Cold War and the emergence of new threats such as terrorism, cyber attacks and limited wars, caused a change in the deterrence strategy of countries and more attention to improving conventional deterrence. Iran is one of the countries that has changed its conventional deterrence strategy in the last few decades. The 1979 revolution can be considered as the origin of Iran's proxy deterrence because one of its most important goals was the export of its revolutionary thinking for the freedom of the nations of the region. Although this ideal did not change any country in the region, it aligned some groups in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen, Palestine, Syria, Afghanistan, Pakistan and etc. with Iran's regional doctrine. The 8-year Iran-Iraq war can be considered as the source of Iran's missile deterrence. In the early years after the victory of the revolution, the structure of Iran's military forces was practically in disarray. Saddam Hussein also tried to use this opportunity to achieve his expansionist goals in the oil-rich areas of Iran. During the war, while the Iraqi army had access to many conventional and unconventional weapons from 80 countries, Iran was under arms embargo and in order to receive a limited number of missiles, it had to enter into tough diplomatic and military negotiations with four countries: Syria, Libya, North Korea, and China. After the end of the war, the development of the missile program became a key to Iran's deterrence strategy. Due to arms embargoes and financial problems after the war, Iran first built its pillars of deterrence on the two bases of proxy and missile deterrence, and in the second stage, it internationalized its deterrence in peripheral regions such as the Middle East, Eurasia and South Asia. Conclusion: The 1979 revolution and the 8-year war with Iraq prompted Iran to use a different deterrence strategy in its peripheral regions in order to internationalize its deterrence. Financial problems after the 8-year war with Iraq, as well as arms embargos, led Iran to internationalize its deterrence using missile power and allied groups. This policy has changed the strategic calculations of possible aggressive powers and has prevented a new large-scale war against Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aim of this research was to explore the personal foundations of marital relationship sustainability in women with veteran spouses. Methods: The current study employed a qualitative interpretative phenomenological research design. Among women with veteran spouses (Iran-Iraq War veterans), 14 individuals from Sardasht city (Iran) were selected purposively and interviewed. The interviews were analyzed using the interpretative phenomenological analysis method. Results: Exploring the lived experiences of these individuals led to the identification of 18 sub-themes and six main themes (love, spirituality, conscientiousness, perception of meaning, social connectedness, and high acceptance). These findings reveal the reality that sustaining a lasting interaction and coping with marital life challenges with a veteran spouse may be achievable through the core elements of love, spirituality, conscientiousness, perception of meaning, social connectedness, and high acceptance. Conclusions: Counselors and psychologists working in the field of marriage and family can foster these dimensions in individuals to facilitate successful entry into marital life and the continuous sustainability of relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1983 Barzani genocide stands as a dark chapter in the history of the Kurdish people in Iraq, marking a brutal campaign that targeted thousands of innocent members of the Barzani community. This tragic event is one of the most catastrophic episodes experienced by the Kurdish people in the late twentieth century. Following the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war, the Ba'athist regime saw an opportunity to suppress the Kurdish movement, particularly the leadership of the Barzani family. The regime aimed to send a chilling message to the entire Kurdish population, warning that similar atrocities could befall them if they continued to pursue their national liberation movement. After the Ba'athist regime was overthrown in 2003, survivors of the genocide began to hope for justice, anticipating that those responsible for the atrocities would be held accountable. The establishment of the Iraqi Supreme Criminal Tribunal (ISCT) was intended to address the mass human rights violations committed by the regime between 1968 and 2003 and to ensure that justice would finally be served. However, despite the high expectations and the profound significance of the Tribunal's mission, the victims' right to reparation was ultimately neglected. This research, employing an analytical qualitative method, investigates the sociopolitical circumstances that led to the creation of the ISCT. It argues that to address the gap left by the failure to provide reparations, an alternative approach is needed. This alternative is reflected in the concept of the state's vicarious liability, which could serve as a means to deliver the justice that has so far eluded the survivors of the Barzani genocide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Overlooked but Not Forgotten' is the first work to examine the 'Jewish Exemption Claim'. In doing so, this article asks two questions. One, is the Jewish Exemption Claim true: did the Islamic Republic exempt Iranian Jews from the 'war fronts' of the Iran-Iraq War ('the War)' from 1980 to 1986? Two, because a clear, definitive answer may be lacking, is there evidence that Jewish Iranians participated in the War at the war fronts as opposed to the home fronts? In addition to examining the original source of the Claim, 'Overlooked but Not Forgotten' analyzes the available empirical data. It also analyzes the digital archives of the Society of Tehran Jews, a civic organization that historically has played a role in Jewish Tehranis' socio-cultural lives. The article also produces oral histories from Tehrani Jews who lived in Iran during the War. Ultimately, 'Overlooked but Not Forgotten' unsettles the Jewish Exemption Claim, helps undo exclusionist representations of how Jewish pasts are archived, narrated, and commemorated, and provides a foundation from which to further pursue research on the Claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Babylon Center for Humanities Studies is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The text discusses the ongoing impact of the Iraq War on the Iraqi people and the region. It highlights the assassination of Abu Baqir al Saadi, a high-ranking commander of the Iraqi Islamic militia Kataib Hezbollah, by a US Special Forces operation in Baghdad. The article argues that the Iraq War has led to instability in the region, including the recent Israeli assault on Gaza. It also criticizes US and UK mishandling of the war and occupation, which resulted in chaos, ethnic rivalry, and economic misery for the Iraqi population. The text emphasizes the need to learn from the mistakes of the Iraq War and calls for a better understanding of US foreign policy in the Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

From 1980 to 1988, Iran and Iraq fought the longest conventional war of the 20th century. As combat devolved into trench warfare from 1982 onwards, Iranian propagandists faced a new challenge in mobilizing troops for the front. The propaganda documentary series Revayat-e Fath, produced by the Iranian director Morteza Avini, is a response to these circumstances. In this article, the narratives employed by the series will be conceptualized as myths, and thus, it will be argued that the series uses already existing stories as work on myth, according to philosopher Hans Blumenberg's definition of the term. Specifically, the series employs the Qur'anic myth of Ibrahim and the story of Imam al-Husayn's martyrdom to narrate the necessity of patience, trust in God and self-sacrifice among the soldiers. By doing so, the series not only statically employs these myths but also engages in a process of reception in which certain significant parts are put into the historical context of the Iran-Iraq War. This resulted in the creation of a new myth, referred to in this paper as the Basiji myth, embedding the motifs mentioned above into a new narrative of the meaning of death and sacrifice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the representation and negotiation of gender norms in visual iconography in the Islamic Republic of Iran against the backdrop of the master narrative of the Iran–Iraq War (1980–88), which serves as a prefigurative image repertoire for propaganda and regime messaging in the post-war period. Drawing on images from the war itself and after, the article presents a historical perspective on the dynamics of representing prototypical gender roles, not only in relation to war but labour and industry as well. The article also highlights how gender roles were renegotiated in state propaganda during the COVID-19 pandemic, which includes the depiction of female martyrs defending the nation. However, despite the capability of state propaganda to renegotiate gender norms, this process remains circumscribed by the mechanisms of masculine myth-making and the male archetype of the martyr. In effect, such processes do not connote gender equality but rather unmask discourses on female martyrdom as double-edged: While agency in history is ascribed to women, the logic of the gender hierarchy is reified at the same time. Such observations regarding state-sponsored visual iconography in contemporary Iran contribute to the study of propaganda techniques used by authoritarian regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is growing evidence that the spiritual/religious (S/R) beliefs of war veterans change, even years after the war. Researchers need to explore these changes in different cultures and religions. This study therefore identified S/R changes in Iranian war veterans after three decades of war between Iran and Iraq. The participants were veterans (n = 14), their relatives (n = 5: wives [3] and children [2]), and service providers and decision and policymakers (n = 12) at the Foundation for Martyrs and Veterans' Affairs (N = 31) in Iran. We collected data with semistructured interviews and used an inductive approach to carry out thematic content analysis (Graneheim et al. in Nurse Education Today, 56, 29–34 2017). Two key themes emerged, namely, questioning S/R values and finding new S/R beliefs and concepts. Qualitative assessment of S/R status in Iranian war veterans should assist service providers in making referrals, evaluations, and interventions, which could include spiritual and culture-based care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study conducts a comprehensive survey of the evolving discourse surrounding women's competitive sport in Iran from 1979 to 2020. This research identifies three distinctive discursive sequences delineating the trajectory of women's sport within this timeline. The initial phase, termed 'Suspending Discourse' emerged during the 1980s due to the disruptive effects of the Islamic Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War, resulting in the cessation of women's competitive sport in the country. Subsequently, the 'Modality Discourse' evolved after the late 1980s, characterized by efforts to align women's sport with Islamic regulations. Noteworthy accomplishments during this period include the establishment of the Islamic Women's Games, gender-segregated competitions, and increased international participation due to the acceptance of Islamic veils for Muslim female athletes by some international sports federations. Lastly, the 'Discourse of Conditional Growth' signifies the remarkable advancements in women's sports, notably in national team championships and the development of semi-professional sports leagues since the 1990s, despite persisting challenges. This study unveils the transformative phases of discourse, illustrating the progression of women's competitive sports in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores the significance of a series of posthumously discovered, staged, colour photographs of twin boys holding rifles, as well as a short screenplay entitled 'Tulips Bloom', that the internationally-recognized artist Sadegh Tirafkan (1965–2013) created as a youth in Ahwaz, Iran, in 1982. Taking into consideration the context of the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988) and the related culture of martyrdom that so strongly affected the region and the artist's imagination reveals a subtext of trauma that may – the author proposes – explain the prominence of visual motifs, symbols and themes that recur throughout the artist's subsequent 30-year career. The author relies upon visual analysis of the artist's photographic art, published interviews, comparative visual analysis involving Iranian visual culture from the era (Balaghi; Chelkowski and Dabashi; Saramifar; Varzi); art history (Daneshvari; Foster; Keshmirshekan; Nazari; Porter); and theories of trauma from psychology (Herman), literary theory (Caruth) and sociology (Alexander; Erikson), in order to provide a new understanding of the artist's work throughout his career, from 1982 to 2013, and how the Iran-Iraq War shaped notions of Iranian post-Revolutionary identity in terms of military sacrifice and death. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the military cooperation between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, highlighting their close relationship since the mid-sixties based on shared Islamic identity and strategic perceptions. Saudi Arabia, rich in oil wealth but lacking manpower, receives military training and assistance from Pakistan, while providing financial aid for Pakistan's military re-equipment plans. Recent reports suggest talks of stationing Pakistani combat troops in Saudi Arabia in exchange for economic and military aid, reflecting the mutual support and cooperation needed by both countries in the face of common threats. [Extracted from the article]

"A Stranger in Your Own City: Travels in the Middle East's Long War" is a book by Ghaith Abdul-Ahad, an Iraqi writer and journalist. The book provides a semi-autobiographical account of Iraq and its wars, with a focus on the battle for Mosul in 2016. Abdul-Ahad explores the cycle of violence and political ineptitude in Iraq, touching on topics such as life under Saddam Hussein, the Iran-Iraq war, the Gulf War, and the US-led invasion in 2003. The book also delves into themes of strong men, humiliation, patronage, and corruption, and highlights the author's perspective on the US occupation and the rise of ISIS. The narrative ends with the 2019 protests in Tishreen Square, offering a glimmer of hope for a more united Iraq. [Extracted from the article]

"Representing Iran in East Germany: Ideology and the Media in the German Democratic Republic" is a book that examines the representation of Iran in East German newspapers and news agencies from 1949 to 1990. The author, Edgar Klüsener, analyzes the coverage of Iran in the context of the GDR's political and social history, using methodologies of media analysis. The book highlights the use of Western news agencies in the GDR's press coverage, indicating the limits of the GDR's projection abroad and its failure to provide a fully alternative perspective. The relationship between foreign policy and press coverage is also explored, showing how coverage of Iran mirrored changes in Berlin's foreign policy. The book provides valuable insights for political historians, historians of international relations, and those interested in East-South relations. [Extracted from the article]

Beginning in 2016 Iran's naval posture in the Persian Gulf changed from a defensive-offensive strategy, which had been in effect since 2001, to an offensive one. This was reinforced in 2019–2020, when, in response to the Trump administration, Iranian military strategists determined that any potential confrontation with the country's adversaries is likely to take place at sea rather than on land or in the air. After the end of the Iran–Iraq war, Iran's naval strategies can be divided into three, each coinciding with different periods: defensive (1988–2001), defensive-offensive (2001–2016) and offensive (since 2016). The intensification of the US military presence in the Persian Gulf and issuing threats against Iran have played a central role Tehran's adoption of an offensive naval strategy. Features of this new strategy include the development of ballistic and cruise missile programmes; development and deployment of drones in naval manoeuvres; the use of air defence in supporting naval operations; deepening Iran's military presence in Persian Gulf islands; ensuring the ability to disrupt the flow of energy; conducting naval manoeuvres in collaboration with trans-regional powers and continued use of proxy warfare. Tehran believes the new strategy will help it better prepare for international threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The production of petroleum substances has a long historical tradition in Iran. Glance (1970) reported that the "first man‐made oil well was dug" in the ancient city of Susa (present‐day Shush), about 40 km northwest of Ahwaz, in 500 BC during the reign of the Achaemenid emperor Darius I. Writing in the fifth century BC, Herodotus described petroleum production near a place called Ardericca, probably present‐day Masjed Soleyman, located 210 furlongs from Susa (Lees, 1950). The petroleum substances produced included bitumen which was used in construction and the waterproofing of ships. Sorkhabi (2005) detailed the petroleum history in Iran during ancient and medieval times. The modern quest for oil in Iran dates from the second half of the 19th century. From a historical perspective, this modern period can be divided into six distinct phases: (i) The early years, 1872–1900; (ii) The Anglo‐Persian years, 1901–1932; (iii) The Anglo‐Iranian Years and Nationalization, 1933–1953; (iv) The second Pahlavi years, 1954–1978 including the rise of OPEC; (v) The Islamic Revolution and Iran‐Iraq War, 1979–1989; and (vi) Buyback Contracts and US Sanctions, 1990–Present. The search for oil was singularly unsuccessful during the first of these phases and the early years of the second phase. However, after a difficult six‐year exploration campaign, oil in commercial quantities was struck in the early hours of 26 May, 1908 at Maidan‐e Naftun, which in later years achieved world fame as the Masjed Soleyman oil field. Since then, more than 120 oil and gas field discoveries have been made in Iran's onshore areas and its territorial waters in the Persian Gulf. The story of oil has always been an emotive and politically charged issue in Iran and has been the focus of great national interest and debate for over a century. Certainly, the discovery in 1908 marked a milestone in Iran's 20th century history: it ushered in a new era – an era not only of progress and prosperity, but also of social and political upheaval and turmoil that has not yet ended (Ala, 2007). In this paper, important events in each of the historical phases identified above are briefly reviewed. Emphasis is placed on the emergence of the modern petroleum industry in Iran, and the early phases are covered in particular detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a book review of "Iraq: Power, Institutions, and Identities" by Andrew J. Flibbert. The book examines Iraqi politics from different dimensions, focusing on power, institutions, and identities. It explores the early nation-building attempts in Iraq after World War I, the unstable period between 1958-1968, the events between 1988-2022 including the Gulf War and the 2003 Iraqi War, Iraq's foreign relations, and the political economy of Iraq. The author emphasizes the effects of weak institutionalism and poor nation-building efforts as the core reasons for Iraq's deep-rooted problems. The book provides a thought-provoking analysis of Iraqi politics and is recommended for those studying the history of Iraq and the politics of the Middle East. [Extracted from the article]

This article redefines sectarianism as sectarian thinking via an ethnography of Shi'i militia fighters in Iraq and their relationships with the past. I explain this redefinition by tracing memories and histories that motivated Iraqi Shi'i veterans of the Iran-Iraq War to join the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF). Accordingly, I argue that everyday sectarian thinking in Iraq is less ideologically grounded than commonly presumed and rather feeds on memories, histories, and socialization in violence. I highlight how acts of non-remembrance and a lack of engagement with memories of the Iran-Iraq War fuel sectarian thinking and justify sectarian inhumanities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thus far, the literature around the Iran-Iraq War (1980 – 88) has not adequately attended to local histories, including the demographic and commercial changes in war-torn towns and their neighboring provinces, which accommodated an influx of refugees and evacuees. This article addresses this gap in the historiography and suggests new lines of inquiry and sources. By bringing together two historical events that are often described separately, the Iran-Iraq War and the Iraqi Intifada (1991), the piece centers the story of migrants and border dwellers, particularly in Khuzistan, the southwestern Iranian province bordering Iraq that Saddam Hussein invaded in 1980. I argue that through the 1980s-90s, Iran's Islamic Republic struggled to fund organizations supporting internal and external refugees. Nevertheless, despite the pressure to stabilize Khuzistan, migrants and border dwellers continued to exert tremendous agency by building their own communities and assessing the feasibility of relocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the artwork of Azadeh Akhlaghi, a visual artist from Iran. Akhlaghi's series, titled "By an Eye-Witness," explores the documentation of past deaths in Iran's history, focusing on violent and traumatic events. The artist stages scenes depicting the deaths of poets, journalists, students, intellectuals, and political activists, imagining how these events would have been captured if mobile phone cameras had existed at the time. Akhlaghi's work challenges the official version of national history and invites viewers to consider the impact of photography on our understanding of historical events. [Extracted from the article]

In the present study, identity has been examined in two Arabic and Persian young adult novels based on Erik Erikson''s theory of psychosocial development. According to this theory, adolescence is the fifth stage of development, and the primary challene of this stage is the identity crisis, although not in its critical sense. The two novels studied are 'Faten' by Lebanese writer Fatima Sharafeddin and 'Hasti' by Iranian writer Farhad Hassanzadeh. 'Faten' is set during the Lebanese civil war, while 'Hasti' takes place at the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war, with young girls as the main characters in both stories. Sharafeddin''s young adult novels primarily focus on analyzing and critiquing the social situation in Lebanon, while Hassanzadeh''s approach in young adult novels is to empower and inform girls. This study highlights the significance of the adolescent stage and stresses the importance of establishing a successful identity during this faiod, pointing out literary researchers'' neglect of this stage. Therefore, this study aims to explore these two literary works using Erikson''s theory, a descriptive-analytical method, and a comparative literature approach.The research findings indicate that characteristics of adolescence in both novels can be categorized into three groups based on Erikson''s theory: Identity crisis; Identity-seeking, which includes identification, societal support, adolescents'' resistance to adult value systems, and love during adolescence; and Fidelity. By examining the role of identity and challenes faced by adolescents in these novels, it can be concluded that their main objective is to encourage young readers to develop a successful identity through education, learning, and interacting with knowledgeable individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Diagnosis of small airway disease on computed tomography (CT) scans is challenging in patients with a history of chemical warfare exposure. We developed a software package based on different methodologies to identify and quantify small airway disease in CT images. The primary aim was to identify the best automatic methodology for detecting small airway disease in CT scans of Iran-Iraq War victims of chemical warfare. Methods: This retrospective case–control study enrolled 46 patients with a history of chemical warfare exposure and 27 controls with inspiratory/expiratory (I/E) CT scans and spirometry tests. Image data were automatically segmented, and inspiratory images were registered into the expiratory images' frame using the locally developed software. Parametric response mapping (PRM) and air trapping index (ATI) mapping were performed on the CT images. Conventional QCT methods, including expiratory/inspiratory mean lung attenuation (E/I MLA) ratio, normal density E/I (ND E/I) MLA ratio, attenuation volume Index (AVI), %low attenuation areas (LAA) < -856 in exhale scans, and %LAA < -950 in inhale scans were also computed. QCT measurements were correlated with spirometry results and compared across the two study groups. Results: The correlation analysis showed a significant negative relationship between three air trapping (AT) measurements (PRM, ATI, and %LAAExp < -856) and spirometry parameters (Fev1, Fvc, Fev1/Fvc, and MMEF). Moreover, %LAAExp < -856 had the highest significant negative correlation with Fev1/Fvc (r = -0.643, P-value < 0.001). Three AT measurements demonstrated a significant difference between the study groups. The E/I ratio was also significantly different between the two groups (P-value < 0.001). Binary logistic regression models showed PRMFsad, %LAAExp < -856, and ATI as significant and strong predictors of the study outcome. Optimal cut-points for PRMFsad = 19%, %LAAExp < -856 = 23%, and ATI = 27% were identified to classify the participants into two groups with high accuracy. Conclusion: QCT methods, including PRM, ATI, and %LAAExp < -856 can greatly advance the identification and quantification of SAD in chemical warfare victims. The results should be verified in well-designed prospective studies involving a large population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Narratives, stories and memories of pasts mutate through times, politics and sociocultural practices. The mute-ability of past is a visible trend in post-war societies like Iran, where the state apparatus operates incessantly as a memory machine. However, muting the past cannot be limited to the state as a political actor. I have explored the role of social actors in sociocultural processes that mute the pasts. I draw from my ethnographic encounters and fieldwork among Iranian revolutionary youth who display commitment to political Islam and armed resistance to explain how social actors consume memories of past conflicts and contribute to muting/mutating histories. I argue the mute-ability of a past is not about changes and transformation of the past but about what social actors do with the past and how they render it mute to manage the present era. An exploration of mute-ability and how pasts are rendered silent is required, via an anthropology of history/past to show agency in compliance and agentive capacities of people in shaping the past from the present era. This article explores how remembering works when forgetting is not an option and the remembrance of martyrdom is the standard of civic piety in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Iraqi-Gulf relations witnessed significant political, social, and economic changes in the 1980s and early 1990s in the twentieth century. This study aims to understand these relations during the Iraq-Iran war and the fundamental interests that guided this relationship. Its goal was to restore security and stability to this region, making Iraq a protective tool at the expense of its people, culture, and economic repercussions on the region's countries. This study also focused on the changes in the relationship after it had been positive but became strained due to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990. However, we see it fluctuating and varying in the post-invasion era, especially among some Gulf countries, after the economic blockade imposed with the assistance of the United States and Britain. The study also aims to understand the circumstances of the Gulf region during the 1980s and 1990s, which were marked by regional crises that had an impact on Iraqi-Gulf relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brandon J. Weichert's book, 'The Shadow War: Iran's Quest for Supremacy,' provides a comprehensive analysis of the geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East, with a focus on Iran's influence. The book covers historical events, political developments, and strategic maneuvers, highlighting Iran's ambitions and the implications of U.S. foreign policy decisions. Weichert emphasizes the need for a proactive strategy to contain Iran's influence and safeguard the interests of the U.S. and its allies. The book warns that failing to address Iran's tactics could have significant consequences for global security. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the situation in West Asia, with a focus on the importance of oil in the Gulf region. It highlights the significant crude oil reserves in the Gulf, particularly in Saudi Arabia. The article also discusses the reliance of OECD economies on Gulf oil and the potential consequences of a disruption in supply. It examines the Iranian Revolution, the Iraq-Iran war, and the new alliances in the Gulf, which have led to changes in threat perceptions and highlighted tensions between Arabs and Iranians. The formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) in 1981 by six Gulf States is also discussed, as well as the region's uncertainties regarding stability, recovery from war, and the influence of Islamic fundamentalism. [Extracted from the article]

Chemical warfare agents (CWAs) have been classified as fatal weapons of mass destruction because of their toxicity and deadly consequences. Among other CWAs, sulfur mustards (HDs) were employed during the Iraq–Iran war (1984–1988), causing significant fatal effects for 100 000 military and civilian Iranians, and around 45000 people are still suffering from long-term health repercussions. Hence, the detection and detoxification of these acutely dangerous chemicals are critical for protecting ourselves and have thus sparked much scientific interest around the globe. In this regard, studies show that various photoresponsive porous organic materials like activated metal–organic-frameworks (MOFs), porous organic polymers (POPs), covalent organic frameworks (COFs), and TiO2-derived materials are highly effective for the photochemical detoxification of HDs. Given this context, we have traversed through the history of developing various photoresponsive porous materials and their efficacy in detoxifying CWAs, notably HDs. Moreover, we highlighted the numerous research methodologies reported to detect and modulate the excitonic effects in photoporous materials, which can tune the in situ-generated reactive oxygen species (ROS) responsible for HD detoxification. Lastly, we have listed the hurdles in creating photoactive porous materials and functionalizing them for large-scale HD detoxification. Although most of the described porous photocatalysts demonstrated good lab-scale performance, relatively few are accessible for large-scale industrial use. We have also addressed the future needs and potential for employing photoporous materials for efficient detoxification of HDs on an industrial scale to alleviate the issue of CWA/HD stockpiling and their potential use as a weapon of mass destruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]