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The notion of justice is a vital element in international negotiation training especially if the participants are from the political and diplomatic realms. This is the case not only because trainees need to be aware of existing judicial organizations, but foremost, because of the role that fairness plays in helping negotiation processes develop and conclude agreements that are then implemented successfully. Unfair outcomes are normally ineffective. This article highlights the role of justice in a training environment of growing complexity. It deals with simple bilateral exercises, as well as negotiations that involve constituencies and mediators, multiparty bargaining situations, and complex multilateral diplomatic conferences. Justice in the training environment touches upon issues like positions and interests, power and influence, strategy and tactics, skills and styles, culture and emotions, and above all, on actors and processes in the context of politics, diplomacy and history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book "Old and New Insights on the History of Intelligence and Diplomacy in the Balkans" is a valuable contribution to the scholarly literature on the Balkan Peninsula's troubled history. The editors explore the intersection of intelligence and diplomacy through carefully selected case studies, shedding light on the role of intelligence in shaping policy and international relations. The book focuses on the Balkans, highlighting the region's rich contributions to the history of intelligence and diplomacy. It also discusses the potential for further research in this field, including a possible second volume on Russian-Soviet operations in the Balkans and the establishment of a "Balkan network for intelligence and diplomatic history." [Extracted from the article]

This work aims to break new ground in the methodology used to study diplomatic relations and actions. On the one hand, this article evokes an initial desire to move away from a simple history of diplomacy towards a history of international relations, including, among other things, an analysis of the political and financial implications and the struggles for influence between the countries involved. Secondly, it sets out a second methodological aim, which is to study the repercussions of views of the Other in French and European diplomacy in Latin America in the nineteenth century: political and diplomatic actors act according to their perceptions, prejudices, respect, or contempt for the countries in which they intervene. Thirdly, this work shows a desire to use press analysis in the study of international relations: to understand when and how news about this distant war arrives, to see what stereotypes about the belligerents in question are represented in French newspapers, and how French and European diplomatic action is evoked in the press. Finally, this exploration of new methodologies for historical research raises several issues: analyzing the perceptions of historical figures without over-interpreting them or sticking prefabricated thought patterns to them, using digital research tools, and not neglecting the study of diplomacy itself [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Numerous studies have documented how American cultural exports are tools of "soft power", or how cultural producers in the US and other Western settings appropriate cultural products from around the world. Jane Goodman's book and its accompanying website amply document the 2016 US State Department-sponsored tour of the Algerian theatre troupe I Istijmam i . [Extracted from the article]

The history of diplomacy, since it was rescued from oblivion and discredit together with the new political history, has been intensively devoted to the study of the international relations of the great European monarchies, ignoring the diplomatic action of other political systems, among them the cities. In this article we aim to contribute to the study of late medieval urban diplomacy in the city of Valencia, capital of the kingdom of the same name, based on the correspondence that its authorities sent to King Martin I between 1398 and 1400. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The disagreements and contests in the global fight against the COVID-19 pandemic have made it clear that science and diplomacy are never two distinct fields with clear boundaries. This special issue has been produced based on the International Symposium on the History of Science Diplomacy in Twentieth-Century China, which was held at Peking University in March 2022. [Extracted from the article]

Helen McCarthy's 2009 article, 'Petticoat Diplomacy: The Admission of Women to the British Foreign Service, c.1919-1946,' challenges the traditional narrative of British diplomacy as an elitist and male-dominated institution. McCarthy reframes the debate over the admission of women to the Foreign Office as a complex intersection of political, gendered, and social forces. Her work has had a significant impact on historical scholarship by encouraging a re-centering of female voices in diplomatic history and highlighting the need for further research on marginalized voices, including race. McCarthy's article also potentially influenced policy by contributing to the diversification of the Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office. The article concludes by noting the progress made in increasing the representation of women in the Foreign Service, but also acknowledges that barriers to gender equality persist. [Extracted from the article]

The extraordinary mission of Lord Fauconberg to some of the Italian states in 1669–1671 took place at a pivotal moment in early modern diplomatic relations, and is a most evocative case-study of the relationship between Restoration England and Europe in the last decades of the seventeenth century. This article will provide a close analysis of the mission and its protagonists, aiming to re-evaluate English diplomacy through cross-referencing English and Italian documentary evidence, but with a special attention to the Italian side of the story. By analysing how the Republic of Venice and the Grand Duchy of Tuscany—the major Italian trade partners of England––perceived and interpreted English trade policy, it provides an original analysis of Caroline diplomacy and trade in the early Restoration era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late nineteenth-century age of empire was also an age of anti-superstition. In China, Western missionaries, diplomats and travellers labelled practices that resisted Western technologies and ideas as 'superstitious'. This article examines how a group of Qing scholar-officials, all members of the diplomatic corps, interpreted and ultimately defended these customs. Conventionally viewed as tragic figures unable to transcend a 'Sinocentric' world view, they were deeply embedded in the global circulations of empire. During their time in Europe and the United States, they compared Western culture and the development of capitalism with the changes they saw in China. For these cosmopolitan actors, Chinese popular cultural practices offered potential sources of anti-imperial resistance to Western presence in China. Yet they also had differing, at times conflicting, visions for how the Chinese state should relate to the 'superstitious'. Some argued that they needed to be kept in place, undisturbed from the onslaught of Western influence; others believed the 'superstitious' could be mobilized as an anti-imperial force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although bound together by geographical location, historic ties, and cultural affinity, Australia and New Zealand have often had a fraught relationship. Participation in a British security framework mitigated the effects of the imbalance in size between the two countries. But New Zealand’s efforts to assert itself within this system encouraged a competition in patriotism with Australia over commitments to wars up to the Korean War. When the British framework weakened, New Zealand hesitated to seek a similar status within its alliance with the United States. Far from competing with Australia, it resisted pressure to commit troops to the U.S.-led effort in South Vietnam, only to find itself increasingly being dragged along by its trans-Tasman neighbor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Servants of Diplomacy: A Domestic History of the Victorian Foreign Office" by Keith Hamilton provides a detailed account of the daily lives and experiences of the clerks, librarians, messengers, and domestic staff who worked in the Victorian Foreign Office. The book explores various aspects of the office, including accommodation and domestic staff, the librarian's department, and messengers, over two time periods. Hamilton's research highlights the challenges faced by the staff, such as dilapidated buildings, malfunctioning lifts, and unsanitary conditions. The book also emphasizes the importance of individual personalities and their impact on the development of the Foreign Office. While some additional context and framing would have been helpful, the book offers an engaging and personal perspective on the inner workings of the Victorian Foreign Office. [Extracted from the article]

Some Details regarding the Layout and Construction of the Romanian House and the Organization of its Activities during the New York World’s Fair (1939–1940). Documents from the National Archives and the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: 1938–1939. The present text is part of a more complex research on Romania’s participation in the New York World’s Fair (1939–1940). The main objective of this research is to reconstruct the representation of Romania’s national identity at a certain point in time (1939), classifying it as one element in a series of this kind. We will also concentrate on how this representation was perceived by the public opinion of the 1930s. As such, it is not only research on cultural history and public diplomacy (external propaganda, as it was called at the time), but also on bilateral Romanian-American relations (economy, politics etc.). Last but not least, it also represents a study in imagology. This paper, the first of a series, aimed at reconstructing some of the events related to the preparations led by the officials in Bucharest charged with the country’s participation in the New York World’s Fair, for the construction of the pavilion known as the Romanian House, designed by the architect Octav Doicescu and erected for this occasion. I have brought forth information referring to the evolution of the works done at this pavilion and the difficulties encountered throughout the process, such as: changes made to the architectural design, the relation between the entrepreneurs and workers, the transportation of construction materials from overseas, the exhibitions, the negotiations for appointment of the restaurant’s manager etc. All this took place between May 1938 and April 1939. Our sources are to be found at the National Historical Archives (SaintGeorge’s fund and Ministry for Commerce and Industry fund) and at the Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Washington fund). To those sources we have added published documents from different public libraries and on-line archives (http://www.cooperativag.ro/, http://octavdoicescu.blogspot.com/ etc.) and details brought forth by specialised literature from 1997–2018 (articles /studies on the subject by Daniel Bogdea, Nicolae Dascălu (Nicolae Ureche), Narcisa Mitu, Raluca Preotu, Zoltan Rostas, Ileana Stanca-Desa, ClaudiuAlexandru Vitanos, Laurențiu Vlad etc.). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The U.S. sale of Trident submarine-launched ballistic missile technology to Britain in 1982 resolved doubts that had emerged in the 1970s about the importance, durability, and strength of the Anglo-American nuclear partnership. But the Trident Sales Agreement did more than bring the "special relationship" out of the doldrums. It became an integral part of an Anglo-American agenda that bolstered North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) unity in the face of Soviet efforts to undermine the alliance's nuclear objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gout was among the most common physical complaints encountered in the dispatches of early modern ambassadors, yet ambassadorial illnesses have received little more than anecdotal asides in the literature on early modern diplomacy and statecraft. This article argues that diplomats' experiences of negotiating gout had profound effects on the conduct and rhetoric of early modern diplomacy. Not only were early modern statesmen believed particularly susceptible to gout, but many diplomats claimed to be afflicted in ways which hindered or prevented them from fulfilling their diplomatic duties. Perhaps most troubling to early modern statesmen, though, was gout's all-too- easy instrumentalization to suit or subvert political purposes. Diplomats' negotiation of their own or interlocutors' gout demonstrates that gout was as much political as medical condition, underlining both the social construction of early modern illness and the rhetorical construction of the era's diplomatic correspondence, where gout emerges as diplomatic disease par excellence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Setting the stage for the special forum, this introduction points to the centrality of science diplomacy activities within many current foreign policy concepts around the world. It also points to the lack of historical perspective within many current academic debates about science diplomacy. Suggesting the value of such a perspective, the introduction then draws attention to a number of fruitful contributions that histories of science diplomacy may make to contemporary history. These include: a better understanding of how entanglements between science, foreign policy, and international relations evolved over the twentieth century; a refined understanding of the workings of foreign relations and diplomacy that sheds light on the role of science as an arena of foreign relations; new insights into the Cold War; a globalizing of perspectives in the writing of contemporary history; a new international focus on widely under-researched actors like universities, science movements, science organizations, and science academies; a focus on new themes that range from global environmental problems to issues like cultural heritage. The remainder of the introduction then delineates some of the shared assumptions and findings of the essays and then briefly introduces each contribution to the special section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As Army chief of staff, secretary of state, and secretary of defense, George C. Marshall played a major role in creating, implementing, and defending the multilateral "Europe-First" global strategy that guided U.S. foreign and military policies through World War II and the Cold War. This lecture explores how and why he did so, emphasizing the decision to defeat Germany before Japan, the postwar European Recovery Program that bears Marshall's name, and the relief of General Douglas MacArthur during the Korean War for his refusal to accept this grand strategy. In the process it analyzes the complex relationship that exists between diplomatic and military history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of Indian diplomacy conceptualises diplomacy racially—as invented by the West—and restrictively—to offence. This is 'analytic-violence' and it explains the berating of Indians for mimicking diplomacy incorrectly or unthinkingly, and the deleting, dismissing, or denigrating, of diplomatic practices contradicting history's conception. To relieve history from these offences, a new method is presented, 'Producer-Centred Research' (PCR). Initiating with abduction, an insight into a problem—in this case Indian diplomacy's compromised historicisation—PCR solves it by converting history's racist rationality into 'rationalities'. The plurality renders rationality one of many, permitting PCR's searching for rationalities not as a function of rationality but robust practices explicable in producer's terms. Doing so is exegesis. It reveals India's nuclear diplomacy as unique, for being organised by defence, not offence. Moreover, offence's premise of security as exceeding opponent's hostility renders it chimerical for such a security is, paradoxically, reliant on expanding arsenals. Additionally, doing so is a response to opponents. This fragments sovereignty and abdicates control for one is dependent on opponent's choices. Defence, however, does not instigate opponents and so really delivers security by minimising arsenals since offence is eschewed. Doing so is not a response to opponents and so maintains sovereignty and retains control by denying others the right to offense. The cost of defence is courage, for instance, choosing to live in the shadow of nuclear annihilation. Exegesis discloses Balakot as a shift from defence to offence, so to relieve the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) leadership of having to be courageous. The intensity of the intention to discard courage is apparent in the price the BJP paid. This included equating India with Pakistan, permitting it to escalate the conflict, and so imperiling all humanity in a manner beyond history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an analytical study of a group of earls in diplomatic processes in the mid fourteenth century, within a wider framework of diplomatic relations and political thinking on the role of the earls as important counsellors of the king. It aims to bridge a historiographical divide between diplomatic history and the history of the nobility in domestic political structures by demonstrating how the traditional role of the earls as the king's foremost counsellors was integrated into the diplomatic processes which accompanied the onset of the Hundred Years' War. It explores a pivotal aspect of the public lives of the fourteenth-century nobility, integrates their diplomatic service into the history of medieval diplomacy and highlights the middle years of the fourteenth century as a crucial period of intensifying aristocratic diplomatic service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The establishment of formal diplomatic relations between the EU and DPRK in May 2001 was an important event in the history of international diplomacy. There are four main reasons for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EU and DPRK. First, the accelerated development of political and economic globalization after the end of the Cold War has forced the EU and DPRK to develop bilateral relations. Second, the political and economic ties of the EU with ROK require it to develop its relations with DPRK. Third, EU food and humanitarian aid has strengthened its ties with DPRK. Forth, it is the need for further economic and political development between the EU and ROK. After the establishment of diplomatic relations, the EU and DPRK have reached cooperation intentions in many fields. However, the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue in the following year seriously hindered the development of bilateral relations and cast a shadow over the development of bilateral relations in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Cold War constituted a major challenge for small neutral states forced to justify their political positioning. Neutrality, criticized or misunderstood, became a major issue for diplomats. Comparing the case of Switzerland with that of Sweden, Finland and Austria shows the immediate post-war period to be a key moment during which the original mechanisms of public diplomacy to justify their neutrality were developed. Presented as a political weapon, neutrality was also integrated within discourse on national identity. There are enough similarities with regard to public diplomacy in these small neutral states to identify a model that is specific to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first term of Grand National Assembly is perhaps the most important assembly in the history of the Turkish Parliament. In the elections held for the 1st term of the Turkish Parliament, which established the new Turkish State, Tevfik Rüştü Bey (Aras) was elected on June 17, 1920 in the place of Staff Lieutenant Colonel Mahmut Bey, who was martyred in Düzce by insurgents. Tevfik Bey, also known as Atatürk's Foreign Minister, left deep traces in the history of Turkish diplomacy, especially with the foreign policy he pursued before the World War II. With the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the World War I, Tevfik Bey came to Eskişehir-Afyon region and joined the national struggle. Playing an active role, he assumed important tasks in the assembly and during the establishment of the country. During the period, he gave 130 speeches on the bench, 32 of which were in secret sessions. In this study, the biography of Tevfik Bey and his activities in the 1st Term Turkish Grand National Assembly will be discussed using the minutes of the first term Turkish Grand National Assembly's open and secret session meetings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Turkey's wartime diplomacy between the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact and Hitler's unleashing of Operation Barbarossa. Rather than a survey of Turkish foreign policy as a whole, it takes a critical episode from July 1940 as a case study that – when put in context – reveals how fear of Nazi power and even greater fear of the Soviet Union created in Turkey a complex view of a desired outcome from the Second World War. Juxtaposing archival materials in Turkish, Russian, German, and English, I draw heavily on the hitherto untapped holdings of the Turkish Diplomatic Archives (TDA). Overall, this article demonstrates both the breadth and limits of Nazi Germany's sweeping efforts to orchestrate anti-Soviet propaganda in Turkey; efforts that helped end interwar Soviet-Turkish cooperation. Against previously established notions in historiography that depict Soviet-Turkish relations as naturally hostile and inherently destabilizing, this article documents how the Nazi–Soviet Pact played a key role in their worsening bilateral affairs between 1939 and 1941. The argument, then, is in keeping with newer literature on the Second World War that has begun to compensate for earlier accounts that overlooked neutral powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how officials from the U.S., Australia, and Canada represented Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru's psychology in diplomatic contexts between 1947 and 1964. Nehru was the representative of a newly sovereign state, whose people were often stereotyped as mystical, spiritual, and irrational. In this article, we show how Nehru was constructed as "irrational," "primitive," "effeminate," and racially resentful by Western diplomats. He was, conversely, also seen as a "Harrovian realist" or "transplanted Englishman" with an attendant air of "superiority." Cold War imperatives gave these ambivalent cultural and psychological projections a special salience, particularly as each confronted the implications of Nehru's non-alignment and his global profile as a proponent of Third World nationalism. The ambivalent representations of Nehru that we trace within U.S., Australian, and Canadian foreign policy-making also reveal a shared belief in the "Anglosphere"--the purported transnational unity of white, English-speaking nations--was sustained beyond the decline of the British Empire. Nehru's "Britishness" demonstrates how he could be tethered to the English-speaking world while simultaneously being seen as its irrational, non-white Other. This ambivalent connection helped to re-draw the boundaries of the transnational Anglosphere in the era of decolonization and to define Cold War assumptions about race, rationality, and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During World War II, when Axis theories of racial supremacy became purported antonyms to Allied values, leaders of "non-white" countries gained a new framework for challenging a global order grounded in racialized notions of fitness for self-government. But the story is more complex than a sole focus on the international sphere allows, as those leaders who adopted anti-racist rhetoric to challenge their disadvantaged position in international politics were sometimes architects of racial hierarchy at home. This article examines how anti-racist struggles within Panama and the Canal Zone mapped onto the anti-imperialist project of a racist Panamanian state. Scholars of race and international relations have highlighted the challenges that anti-imperialist struggles posed to racialized criteria for international legitimacy, on the one hand, and the impact of geopolitical conflict on domestic struggles for racial equality, on the other. The view from the Canal Zone reveals the interplay between those two phenomena. Foregrounding Latin America in a history of the global politics of anti-racism precludes escape into binary visions of a world divided between colonizers and colonized, a racist Global North and an anti-racist Global South, or a tidy color line that splits humanity in two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines one aspect of the turn away from methodological nationalism which is the assumption that the nation-state is the natural frame for the history and is often describes as the emergence of a new international history. Topics covered include the genealogy of the new international history, the debates over crisis and renewal in the field of diplomatic/international history, and a proposal for redefining and refocusing in the field of international history as the history of international society comprising actors and institutions of numerous types, both state and non-state.

The article briefly presents the US National Archives, where a number of documents important for the history of the Lithuanian diplomacy, as well as a document significant for the history of the Lithuanian diaspora and its political organizations, are preserved. One of them is Memorandum of Conversation dated 2 February 1949 and prepared by John D. Hickerson, an official of the US Department of State. It extensively describes his meeting and conversations with members of the Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania, the Prelate Mykolas Krupavičius and Vaclovas Sidzikauskas, who for the first time visited the US and were accompanied to the meeting by the then Lithuanian Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary Povilas Žadeikis. Memorandum of Conversation is introduced into scientific circulation through methods of archival document monitoring and case analysis, as well as additional tools (such as periodicals and memoirs, archival documents) and based on the principles of document publication. The document published for the first time, as a primary source, supplements the data of Lithuanian historiography, gives a broader content to the known fact, reinforces the scientific research base on the history of Lithuanian diplomacy, the history of the Lithuanian diaspora's political organizations and separately - the history of Lithuanian-the US bilateral diplomatic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses changes in diplomatic practices brought by twenty-first century communications technologies. There exists a close relationship between communications technologies and diplomatic practices. Since the invention of the telegraph at the end of the nineteenth century, diplomacy has been conducted at a progressively faster pace. The most recent technological developments associated with Internet have increased the speed and reach of communications, with consequences in international politics that International Relations scholars have yet to understand. Building on existing scholarship in diplomatic studies, the analysis adopts a historical perspective on the use of technology in diplomacy, examines the impact of digitalisation on diplomatic practices, and suggests new research questions that scholars need to answer. All this shows that International Relations scholars would be well-served by looking at the transformative impact of new communications technologies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis suggests nation branding" as a useful category for the study of international relations and international history. In the past 15 years, entrepreneurs have invented nation branding as something new and modern, and governments the world over have signed up for cost-intensive campaigns to brand their countries' images abroad. However, practices of nation branding have been around much longer. Indeed, the history of nation branding avant la lettre needs writing. That history provides a major encasement for the multitude of individual studies dedicated to soft power, public diplomacy, and cultural relations across time and space. This analysis looks first the at current experts and discourses on nation branding. Second, it sketches nation branding's emergence from the end of the early modern period to the present. Third, it suggests a number of historical examples to inspire future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the sixteenth century Genoa became a significant ally of the Habsburg Empire. Shared political, commercial, financial, and strategic factors tied the Genoese patricians firmly to Spain. However, their alliance was by no means permanent. The relations between the Genoese and the Spanish crown were not without tensions and conflict. In the mid-sixteenth century, the combination of various factors set the stage for Genoa to reconfigure its alliances in the Mediterranean. Having fallen victim to the Habsburg and Valois conflict and being torn between the two, Genoa was forced to resort to an alternative imperial power, the Ottoman Empire, to protect its integrity and independence, as well as to engage in the Levant trade. This article focuses on this moment of crisis in Genoa and analyzes how it led the Genoese to consider shifting their alliance from the Habsburgs to the Ottomans, who were the former's most compelling rival in the Mediterranean. Although the Genoese endeavor ultimately ended in failure, the idea of a potential alliance with the Ottomans and the efforts Genoa invested in its diplomatic negotiations provides insight into the strategies a small state used to survive at a time when imperial rivalry over the Mediterranean was escalating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the second half of the seventeenth century, there were at least three embassies between the Spaniards of Manila and the Fujian based Zheng regime. The first embassy took place in 1656 ordered by the Spanish governor in Manila. The ambassadors were two captains of the city, and its aim was to re-establish trade relations, which had been severed many months before. In response, Zheng Chenggong sent his cousin to the Philippine islands to settle several business arrangements regarding Fujianese trade. In 1662, Zheng Chenggong took the initiative of sending the Dominican Victorio Riccio, who worked as missionary in the Catholic mission at Xiamen, as emissary to the Governor of the Philippines, don Sabiniano Manrique de Lara. The third embassy took place in 1663. Thereupon, Zheng Jing, Zheng Chenggong's successor, sent Riccio to Manila for signing a peace pact and for re-establishing trade. The three embassies were related to the Zheng's purpose of gaining economic and political supremacy over the Philippines and the South China Seas. In all three cases, the actors, the diplomatic correspondence, the material aspects and the results differed profoundly. The article analyzes the role of individuals as intermediaries and translators while considering the social and cultural effects that these embassies had on the Sino-Spanish relations in Manila. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, a comparison is made between the journalism and writing styles of Simeon Radev and Ernest Hemingway. Their journalism is a point of reference for their work. For both authors, books were their personal destiny. Radev the journalist, a master of “the art of conversation”, helped Radev the historiographer; similarly, Hemingway the correspondent helped Hemingway the novelist. Hemingway's compass had one direction - from journalism to literature, while Radev’s went from journalism through diplomacy to history. Their style of writing was drawn from their journalistic experience. The compass of these “feverish slaves of the moment” was the same during their travels through Europe, even though Hemingway lingers in the memory of readers with his cap and sailor’s T-shirt, while Radev, with his diplomat’s top hat and walking stick. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the diplomatic and cultural dimensions of Algerian family migration to France in the decade following Algerian independence in 1962. During the ‘Thirty Glorious Years’ of economic growth (1945–73), French industries came to rely on Algerian (male) labour, and successive administrations welcomed their wives and children. After Algerian independence, however, this welcome shifted. As French and Algerian diplomats circumscribed family migration to prevent permanent migration, so too did social workers and French administrators emphasise the family unit as the primary locus of integration (or, in contrast, maladaptation). The paper illuminates how the idea of family stability proved incapable of easing the minds of French and Algerian administrators who, for their own reasons, saw families as a particular problem. The paper then investigates the role social aid associations for Algerian wives and families played in accentuating families’ perceived failures to acculturate. Algerian families found themselves caught in legislative loopholes for resettlement, and, once in France, measured against a colonial-era definition of integration designed to prevent their inclusion. In this account, families (and not single male workers) and cultural exclusion (and not economic contraction) furnished the logic for limiting Algerian migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights the historical diplomatic efforts of the Religious Society of Friends, known as Quakers, in helping Germans during the Weimar Republic. The Quakers' American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) was responsible for carrying out civilian relief near the end of the Great War without U.S. government support. The Quaker feeding program is cited by political scientist Michael Barnett as an example of interwar transitional period in humanitarianism. The Quakers worked with the German Central Committee for Foreign Relief (DZA) for the oversight of cooking and distribution of food and they established centers where feeding took place. The AFSC also administered the Allen committee's funds for child feeding in Germany when the French occupied the Rurh Valley in the Rhineland.

The article explores U.S. humanitarianism as a diplomatic approach following the 1923 Great Kanto earthquake in Japan. The American Red Cross (ARC) Japan Relief Fund received 11.8 million dollars in donation. Aside from humanitarianism and altruistic sympathy, another cited reason behind the giving was to further relations and advance the cause of peace between the U.S. and Japan. Commentators and citizens described the U.S. aid as an opportunistic insurance policy. It was Cyrus Woods, a diplomat who was then working at the U.S. embassy, who managed the deployment of U.S. humanitarian aid and disaster relief to Japan. It is believed that this humanitarian act changed attitudes of Americans towards Japan after years of conflict.

This collection of 11 papers on relations between Taiwan and Latin America was presented at an international symposium held in Taiwan in October 2020. This book describes the rise of China and its rivalry with the United States through the window of Taiwan-Latin American relations. [Extracted from the article]

Emotions shouldn`t be neglected, but rather taken seriously in order to understand better the complexity of political, and socio-cultural processes that they have generated. The study of emotions in the field of diplomacy is particularly promising, but requires precise definition of the term, explanation of the methodological approach and qualifications concerning the research possibilities that depend upon the nature of the archival sources. The goal of this article is to analyze how words used to signify emotions, which could be signified as negative, shaped practical decisions within certain socio-political and cultural contexts; in other words to demonstrate an active role of emotions in shaping and conducting practical diplomatic decisions. The study aims to underpin the reciprocal relations between emotions and actions illustrated by two case studies from the late medieval Ragusan history. The sources of an interest are preserved in the State archive in Dubrovnik, in the archival seria Lettere di Levante, which, among others, contains the instructions written by the city authorities to their envoys. Despite the fact that the instructions were a product of a long and sober-minded discussions, and therefore they aren`t usually abundant with words used to express certain emotions in them, places where those expressions appear are quite significant and can tell us more about how emotions were used as a tool of cognitive processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interdependence altered power relations between the European great powers between 1871 and 1914 in ways that both sustained the conditions for peace and, after 1911, made a European war more likely. Interdependence accelerated the development of international financial and commercial networks. Transnational social and cultural exchanges raised the costs of a general war, offered multiple channels for states and societies to exercise influence over each other, and altered power relations. The great powers pursued their interests through not only military force but also trade deals, financial loans, expert missions (teams sent to smaller states ostensibly to aid in modernization), and cultural diplomacy. They competed for influence in smaller states. Many of the crises that pockmarked this era derived from their contested interests in such strategically vital areas in Europe as the Balkans, the Ottoman Empire, and the Low Countries, as well as elsewhere in the world. States that lost out in this transformation, notably Austria-Hungary and Russia, saw the militarization of their foreign policies as a way to compensate for weaknesses in other forms of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on expeditionary diaries, official correspondence, Indigenousauthored petitions, and incident reports, this article argues that between 1771 and 1783, the Quechán and "Maricopa" alliance networks controlling the Lower Colorado and Gila Rivers compelled Spanish officials to seek diplomatic entry points into a riverine "native ground." Contemporary studies of late Bourbon Indian policy foreground colonial officials' negotiations and treaty making with the Native populations that dominated northern New Spain. However, this scholarship has never systematically engaged with Spanish mediation between Indigenous peoples. As this article demonstrates, missionaries and soldiers brokered Indigenous peace agreements to protect overland communication between Sonora and Alta California and stake out a role for the empire in the river region. In turn, Native peoples recruited Spanish mediation to ameliorate the negative effects of the colonial captive trade. Across the eighteenth century, the river peoples had accessed Spanish trade networks by raiding their rivals to furnish colonists with captive labor. Captive raiding exacerbated intra-Native competition and profoundly disrupted daily life. The river peoples consequently used Spanish peace brokering to renegotiate regional hierarchies and stabilize their communities while retaining access to colonial markets. Centering this history of violence and mediation reorients the literature in two important ways. First, it highlights Native geopolitical dominance on the Colorado and Gila Rivers, which endured until the mid-nineteenth century. Second, it reveals that Indigenous mediation constituted one dimension of late Bourbon Indian policy on "native ground." Future studies may uncover similar practices across the Spanish Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1953, the Brazilian government decided to advance a plan for the demilitarisation and internationalisation of Jerusalem within a 50-kilometre radius. After consultations, the Holy See initially perceived the Brazilian initiative as agreeable. Also approached, the United States and Britain distrusted the plan, thinking they were dealing with a Papal overture. Israel suspected the Holy See to be behind the initiative and distrusted its intentions. For a few months, rumours stirred concern in the interested parties. After confusing mutual consultations, the Holy See did not really support the initiative and finally rejected and abandoned it. The fate of Brazil's plan is relevant to understand the stalemate about the fate of Jerusalem, divided by Israel and Jordan, in the early years of the Cold War. Washington and London had already abandoned efforts to solve the issue through the United Nations but were unable to produce an alternative. Although attached to the prospect of internationalisation, the Holy See did not entertain the possibility of negotiating the city's future. Brazil was making its initial foray into a more universalistic foreign policy and experimenting with different possible identities—Catholic, Western, peaceful—to substantiate its interest in making a broader contribution to international politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]