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The article outlines important concepts that should guide history teachers in reorganization of their curriculum around movements and how these can help students develop a stronger understanding of the past. Topics include the need for teachers to emphasize the role of people organized in movements and collective action in the past and present, the importance of illuminating the role of intersectionality in movements for justice and the significance of the role of community and school context.

Among the most outstanding repertoires of collective action in the 'revolt' that took place in the spring of 2019 in Chile, were the exercises of dismantlement and the demand for indigenous presence. And this is curious because the official history of Chile has sought, in many ways, to deny 'the Indian' of the total story. The 'other' emerges only as a past fragment, while the bodies and biographies of the elite flood books and cities with their monumental presence. So, what does the dismantlement of this elite history and the vindication of the denied indigenous presence indicate to us? Are we perhaps facing a popular revolt with decolonizing overtones? What initial conclusions about the evolution of national identities can be drawn from these political and aesthetic repertoires? We believe that, after the actions of discarding, scratching or saturating the public monumentality, a deep criticism is projected towards the homogenizing narratives of the nineteenth century nation. Today, 'whiteness', as a cultural script of the nation, is put under tension. Finally, we believe that, along with the criticism of the continuities of a racist story of the nation, there emerges a search for the elaboration of new identitarian and cultural scripts. It emerges, imagined from that erased indigenous condition, as a variegated construction of the political community emerging from silencing of five centuries. This is where the decoloniality of the social outbreak is incubated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The popular radical movement that developed in Great Britain after the Napoleonic wars under the leadership of Henry Hunt made the mass platform its main – and most striking – means of action in the fight for parliamentary reform. Mass demonstrations became a defining feature of the radical agitation, a tradition also followed by the Chartist movement from the late 1830s to the mid-1850s. Chartist processions have been extensively studied by historians, but a certain type of procession has remained largely absent from the discussion: funeral cortèges. Through the study of the funerals of six local or national leaders of the Chartist movement, this article intends to address this issue and to work towards a rapprochement between the political history of popular radicalism and the cultural and social history of death in the Victorian period. The interments of Samuel Holberry, Joseph Williams, Alexander Sharp, Ben Rushton, Feargus O'Connor and Ernest Jones were made public by the radicals in charge of their organization and gathered several thousand people. This work argues that these funerals can be seen as belonging to the radical repertoire of collective action that developed in nineteenth-century Britain. The way they were organized and advertised, the form and appearance they took, and the numbers involved, and debated, identify them as an integral part of the radical tradition of political agitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why some democratic revolutions succeed while others fail? The scholarly community has sought to address this issue from various perspectives, from rational choice approaches to collective action theories. Too little attention, however, has been paid to analyzing the role of the military. By discussing the different types of interactions played by the military in five cases of successful democratic revolutions—the 1910 Portuguese Republican Revolution, the 1958 Venezuelan Revolution, the 1960 April Revolution in South Korea, the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the 2000 Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia—and three cases of failed revolutions, the 1905 bourgeois-liberal revolution in Russia, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in China, and the 2016 Turkey's coup attempt, this study finds out that the key factor in determining their outcome is the army's response and that the military backing is a necessary condition for a democratic revolution to succeed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociohistórica: Cuadernos del CISH is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social work is a core health profession with origins deeply connected to the development of contemporary public health in the United States. Today, many of the nation’s 600 000 social workers practice broadly in public health and in other health settings, drawing on a century of experience in combining clinical, intermediate, and population approaches for greater health impact. Yet, the historic significance of this long-standing interdisciplinary collaboration—and its current implications— remains underexplored in the present era. This article builds on primary and contemporary sources to trace the historic arc of social work in public health, providing examples of successful collaborations. The scope and practices of public health social work practice are explored, and we articulate a rationale for an expanded place for social work in the public health enterprise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a February 23-24, 2017 conference in Munich, Germany on the modern history of collective action among rural Europeans. Topics of presentations delivered include the history of rural preservation in early 20th-century Bucklebury Parish, England, collective agriculture in East Germany, and sociological aspects of rural Polish youth after World War II.

CONTRARY TO CONCEPTIONS of the rural workforce as inherently conservative, tobacco workers and small farmers in Depression-era Ontario frequently organized to protest their socioeconomic conditions and to demand a fairer deal from employers and tobacco companies. Led by Hungarian immigrants, but with significant involvement from other groups, working people in the Tobacco Belt built an "infrastructure of dissent," a constellation of formal organizations and informal networks that allowed for the development of radical ideas and provided a platform from which to launch oppositional efforts, both coordinated and spontaneous. Two key moments of 1930s protest are focused on in this article. In 1937, a dramatic growers' movement saw over 1,000 small farmers, with the support of workers, band together to demand higher prices from the tobacco companies for their crops. In 1939, the local forces of working-class opposition were joined by a massive influx of job-seeking "transients," who brought with them the politics of the Depression-era unemployed, establishing the conditions for what would become the greatest moment of tobacco worker resistance in the decade. In both campaigns, efforts were made to unite workers and small growers, but the evidence suggests that growers benefitted more from these collaborations than did workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the role of committees of correspondence in U.S. colonial history. Emphasis is given to topics such as collective action and resistance to taxation by Great Britain, the search and seizure of vessels under the Sugar Act of 1764, and reaction to the Boston Tea Party resulting in the formation of the First Continental Congress.

This paper uses Fligstein and Mc Adam's (2012, 2011) theory of the strategic action field, or ' SAF,' to highlight the ways in which individuals can act within cultural and material constraints to shape social processes. It applies these concepts to the Mercer University heresy trial of 1939, in which a group of students backed by fundamentalists from the conservative Protestant movement accused members of the University's faculty of unbelief. By understanding the organization, the social movement, and the higher education industry as ' SAFs,' the theory explains how the trial reached its unusual outcome, and suggests implications for broader understandings of organizational change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rebellious collective action is rare, but it can occur when subordinates are severely discontented and other circumstances are favorable. The possibility of rebellion is a check—sometimes the only check—on authoritarian rule. Although mutinies in which crews seized control of their vessels were rare events, they occurred throughout the Age of Sail. To explain the occurrence of this form of high-risk collective action, this article holds that shipboard grievances were the principal cause of mutiny. However, not all grievances are equal in this respect. We distinguish between structural grievances that flow from incumbency in a subordinate social position and incidental grievances that incumbents have no expectation of suffering. Based on a case-control analysis of incidents of mutiny compared with controls drawn from a unique database of Royal Navy voyages from 1740 to 1820, in addition to a wealth of qualitative evidence, we find that mutiny was most likely to occur when structural grievances were combined with incidental ones. This finding has implications for understanding the causes of rebellion and the attainment of legitimate social order more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article hypothesizes that minority groups are more likely to protect persecuted groups during episodes of mass killing. The author builds a geocoded dataset of Jewish evasion and church communities in the Netherlands during the Holocaust to test this hypothesis. Spatial regression models of 93 percent of all Dutch Jews demonstrate a robust and positive correlation between the proximity to minority churches and evasion. While proximity to Catholic churches increased evasion in dominantly Protestant regions, proximity to Protestant churches had the same effect in Catholic parts of the country. Municipality level fixed effects and the concentric dispersion of Catholicism from missionary hotbed Delft are exploited to disentangle the effect of religious minority groups from local level tolerance and other omitted variables. This suggests that it is the local configuration of civil society that produces collective networks of assistance to threatened neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Do police treat religious-based protest events differently than secular ones? Drawing on data from more than 15,000 protest events in the United States (1960 to 1995) and using quantitative methods, we find that law enforcement agents were less likely to show up at protests when general religious actors, actions, or organizations were present. Rather than reflecting privileged legitimacy, we find that this protective effect is explained by religious protesters’ use of less threatening tactics at events. When religion is disaggregated into different traditions, only mainline and black Protestant groups have lower rates of policing than secular groups. As with the general religion finding, the buffering effect these traditions have on policing is mediated by protester tactics. Moreover, we find that fundamentalist Christians are more likely to be policed than are secular activists when threatening tactics are included. Finally, when actors associated with non-Christian religions engage in extremely confrontational tactics, they are more likely to provoke a police response than are similarly behaving secular groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Injustice is said to be the cornerstone of collective action, but why is it so important, and how does the way in which it is framed for mobilisation affect the outcomes? This paper compares two lengthy disputes in the Australian electricity industry which demonstrate that a sense of injustice and a history of successful industrial action do not guarantee that a dispute will be resolved to employees’ satisfaction when the wider context is unfavourable. Although leaders of both disputes expressed confidence in success predicated on the outcomes of previous industrial activity, there were specific factors within the industrial, economic and political context which provoked determined employer and government counter mobilisation leading to unsuccessful outcomes for the workers in dispute. The reasons for the poor outcomes are discussed within the context of the framing of the injustice by leaders and the effect of the response of a determined government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While historians of women's politics concur that the majority of their activity took place at the local level, the history of political movements is still largely a national one. Women's under-representation has been challenged by research on the twentieth century, but the history of their involvement in fin de siècle politics, especially on the left, remains largely unknown. This article explores organisation among Liverpool's ropemakers in the 1890s with the duel intention of restoring their activity to the historical record while at the same time using a close local focus to suggest some reasons why women's collective action was often short-lived and sporadic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Korean immigrants in the USA rely heavily on ethnic resources to start up small businesses. Ethnic resources include business networks and knowledge, start-up capital and access to labour power, which are embedded in networks of family, friends and co-ethnics. This paper shows how Korean dry-cleaners in Southern California used ethnic resources to mobilize in response to an environmental policy initiated by the South Coast Air Quality Management District (AQMD). While Korean immigrants used ethnic resources to start up dry-cleaning businesses, they found themselves working with a toxic chemical. In 2002, the AQMD required dry-cleaners in Southern California to convert to costly alternative machines by 2020. Korean dry-cleaners used ethnic-based collective action, particularly the Korean Dry Cleaning Association, as a means of fighting for regulatory concessions. They also used ethnic resources to overcome cultural and linguistic barriers to facilitate the adoption of alternative cleaning machines in compliance with the regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An ignored aspect of efforts to save Jewish citizens in occupied Europe during the Second World War is that large-scale rescue arguably constitutes a collective action problem. Due to Nazi occupation, no formal institutions contributed to solving this problem. Exploring the differences in rescue rates across all 30 occupied countries shows that the informal institution of social trust contributed to solving the collective action problem and strongly affected rescue rates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January/ February 2011, the world watched with admiration the Egyptian revolution that toppled President Housni Mubarak. The demonstration in Midan al- Tahrir ( Liberation Square in central Cairo), which was the nucleus of the revolution, highlighted a largely spontaneous, civil and peaceful political performance. However, this performance was temporary, contradicting subsequent bloody conflicts in post-revolutionary Egypt. This article examines the socio-political origins of the Midan performance. It argues that the demonstrators exercised collective restraint, which was temporary but necessary, in order to topple Mubarak. Building on Norbert Elias' civilising process theory and social movements literature, it is argued that the origins of this performance are found in a collective knowledge of regime strategy and narrative, Egyptian socio-political values and existing repertoires of contention. Drawing on primary sources and semi-structured interviews, the article contends that the demonstrators exercised collective restraint to reframe regime narrative and draw public support for the revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between elections and collective action in Liberia from the 1930s to 2014. Several experiments are discussed which revealed that elections can lead to higher levels of collective action within communities. Also explored is the impact of introducing elections to an indigenous institution which use a break in selecting clan chiefs at the end of civil wars. The results revealed that elections have a minimal effect on political participation.

The British island of Tristan da Cunha in the mid-south Atlantic has long found a place in the scholarly literature on mass hysteria on the basis of an epidemic of "fainting spells" that afflicted women on the island in 1937-38. This prominence is due to the coincidental presence of a Norwegian scientific expedition on the island at the time. The paper draws on the published and private accounts of the Norwegian expedition to offer a re-reading of the epidemic as an indigenous political response to both the subsistence crisis afflicting the island and the exacerbation of that crisis by the missionary regime of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts. Young women were the most vulnerable to both the subsistence crisis and missionary regime and took the lead in forcing the pace of their economic independence by performing a "fighting spell" that challenge the new missionary imposed economic and moral order on the island and their elders acquiescence to the new regime. The pathologisation of this female youth politics through the hysteria diagnosis is shown to be driven by metropolitan observers' duel commitments to a romantic notion of island society and the maintenance of patriarchy. While the natives were diagnosed as suffering from a psychopathology, the psycho- pathologies of the resident Englishmen on the island were written out of the record to create the illusion of a rule of reason. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beyond the repression of the national waves of food rioting during the subsistence crises of the 1790s, workers in the English countryside lost the will and ability to mobilize. Or so the historical orthodoxy goes. Such a conceptualization necessarily positions the ‘Bread or Blood’ riots of 1816, the Swing rising of 1830, and, in particular, the agrarian trade unionism practised at Tolpuddle in 1834 as exceptional events. This article offers a departure by placing Tolpuddle into its wider regional context. The unionists at Tolpuddle, it is shown, were not making it up as they went along but instead acted in ways consistent with shared understandings and experiences of collective action and unionism practised throughout the English west. In so doing, it pays particular attention to the forms of collective action – and judicial responses – that extended between different locales and communities and which joined farmworkers, artisans, and industrial workers together. So conceived, Tolpuddle was not an exception. Rather, it can be more usefully understood as a manifestation of deeply entrenched cultures, an episode that assumes its historical potency because of its subsequent politicized representations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Formal models of revolutionary collective action suggest that ‘informational cascades’ play a crucial role in overcoming collective action problems. These models highlight how information about the aggregate level of participation in collective action conveys information about others’ political preferences, and how such informational cues allow potential participants to update their beliefs about the value of participating in antiregime collective action. In authoritarian regimes, foreign mass media are often the only credible source of information about antiregime protests. However, limited robust evidence exists on whether foreign media can indeed serve as a coordination device for collective action. This article makes use of a detailed dataset on protest events during the 1989 East German revolution and exploits the fact that West German television broadcasts could be received in most but not all parts of East Germany. Across a wide range of Cox proportional hazards models and conditional on a rich set of observables, it finds that the availability of West German television did not affect the probability of protest events occurring. The evidence presented here does not support the widely accepted ‘fact’ that West German television served as a coordination device for antiregime protests during the East German revolution. More broadly, it also calls into question strong claims about the effects of communication technology on revolutionary collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An interview with José Mariano Gago, a former president of the Associação de Estudantes do Instituto Superior Técnico (AEIST) student association at the University of Lisbon's Instituto Superior Técnico (IST) school of engineering in Portugal, is presented. Topics discussed include student activism and involvement in social movements, the response of the association to the floods of 1976, and collective action.

This paper examines the tradition of interdisciplinary research developed in the 40-year history of the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis. In the late 1960s, Vincent and Elinor Ostrom began to plant the seeds for a teaching and research environment that would promote deliberation, contestation, and collaboration among their colleagues and students at Indiana University, Bloomington. Based on their experiences of working with a master woodworker in Bloomington, they envisioned a 'workshop' setting. From a simple tradition of voluntarily organized weekly colloquia with their colleagues across campus, they crafted an academic environment in which students, visiting scholars, and colleagues from diverse disciplines interacted daily, studying issues of institutional analysis and collective action. This paper examines the historical foundations of the research center created by the Ostroms. Particular focus is placed on the evolution of inquiry that led to the path-breaking research on collective action in the 'commons.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the impact of Feminism on one of the most popular left-wing youth groups in Greece, the Eurocommunist Rigas Feraios (RF), in the mid-to-late 1970s. It indicates that, rather than a shift to (depoliticised) individualisation, which scholars claim that emerged elsewhere in Western Europe during the 1970s, post-dictatorship Greece witnessed intense politicisation and experimentations in mass-mobilisation models, a facet of which was the reconfiguration of the relationship between Eurocommunist organisations and Feminism. It demonstrates that the spread of Feminist ideas in RF led to the sexualisation of feminine representations in its language. Still, it argues that Feminist activity within RF had broader repercussions: it stirred reflection on masculinities and contributed to the reshaping of the collective memory of left-wing activity in Greece endorsed by this organisation. Finally, the article shows that the Feminist members of RF formed women's committees, which functioned as a test-bed for novel conceptualisations of collective action that RF tried to develop in the mid-to-late 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Urban History Review / Revue d'Histoire Urbaine is the property of University of Toronto Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the role of missionaries in the indigenous movement in Brazil between 1967 and 1988. The author discusses the history of the Indigenist Missionary Council or Conselho Indigenista Missionario (CIMI) as part of the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops, explores the relationship between CIMI and pan-Indian collective action, and examines the role of Jesuits within the movement.

This essay sketches an array of cultural, political, and bureaucratic mechanisms that mediate the Chinese Communist state's relationship with the major types of social protests, in the process exploring how governance and contention have transformed each other in the past six decades. In particular, it spotlights a noteworthy development in recent years: the increasingly salient market nexus between state and protest. While the regime response of making economic concessions to protesters is hardly unique in the context of China's own past, the transition from top-down mandated concession to pervasive bargaining between the state and protesters is a significant break with past patterns. The negotiability of cash and material rewards insinuates a market logic of governance that is made all the more poignant by the singularly formidable fiscal and infrastructural capacities of the current Chinese regime among its authoritarian counterparts worldwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how Louise Tilly's examination of nonstate actors, collective action, and transnationalism remains relevant to scholars today. More specifically, I address how her scholarship has influenced the conceptualization of my first book project, which investigates how Italian and Jewish immigration reform advocates in the United States mobilized against restrictive immigration laws within a transnational framework. Tilly's work has helped me complicate the story of immigration restriction in the United States by looking at how grassroots ethnic organizations took advantage of their members’ ability to naturalize to challenge the legitimacy of draconian immigration laws that marked them as undesirable. In addition to the influence that her scholarly agenda still has on the field, this article contends that Louise Tilly's commitment to interdisciplinarity and collaboration with other scholars is a model to emulate and represents another major aspect of her legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

It is commonly accepted that leaders play a crucial role in collective action. Existing literature has suggested a number of factors that contribute to the emergence of leaders including, among others, personality, sense of moral responsibility, community pressure, self-interest and institutional exclusion. However, current research tends to suggest that activists are driven by a particular reason to become leaders and that their motivation is static. Based on intensive fieldwork in residential communities in Beijing, this article illustrates that leaders' motivations can be mixed or multiple and that leaders may re-prioritize or adjust their objectives over the course of collective action. The re-prioritizing tends to alter the leaders' behaviour and affect group solidarity and interactions with other group members. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

An introduction is presented to the article within the issue titled "Performing the Egyptian Revolution," by Adham Saouli on the 2011 Egyptian Revolution in Midan al-Tahrir (Tahrir Square), Cairo, Egypt on topics, including the former Egyptian leader Hosni Mubarak, collection action and the restraint of the protesters.