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Hate crimes against LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans) individuals have been shown to indirectly impact other members of the community (e.g., Noelle, 2002). However, as the LGBT community is a diverse grouping of individuals with various sexual and gender identities, we examined experimentally whether reactions were enhanced when participants shared specific subidentities with the victim (N = 126). Results indicate that, while subgroup identities may be important, they do not affect the reactions to anti-LGBT hate crimes above and beyond the superordinate LGBT identity. Instead, further correlational analyses revealed that perceived similarity to the targeted characteristic better explains the community impacts of hate crimes. We show that this similarity increases empathy for the victim which, in turn, heightens subsequent emotional reactions and related behavioral responses. The results show the utility of adding intragroup perceptions to Intergroup Emotions Theory (IET; e.g., Mackie & Smith, 2015) to better understand the community impacts of hate crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the history, purpose and significance of the legitimacy of hate crime laws in Australia and New Zealand. It compares the judicial applications and interpretations of hate crime sentencing aggravation provisions in New Zealand with three Australian jurisdictions including Victoria, New South Wales, and the Northern Territory. It discusses three core elements of the statutory definitions of hate crime such as offender sentiment, causation, and predicate grounds.

Hate crime legislation is meant to address discrimination at a community level. The hate crime categorization involves the justice system and the media – who play a key role in the community's understanding of the act. In 2008 in Washington, DC, two separate attacks on gay men – one White, one African-American – were categorized differently. One was a hate crime; the other was not. This paper looks at the social scripts employed within the media and police statements that contextualize these events in terms of neighbourhood as well as the race, gender and sexuality of the victims and perpetrators. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This study examines the influence of the victim's race in reporting hate crimes to the police. Data from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) concentrated incident-level files (1992-2005) were used to (a) analyze how the victim's race influences the likelihood of reporting and (b) explore differences between reporting racial hate crimes and non-racial hate crimes. Controlling for other demographic and incident characteristics, the results indicate that minority victimizations are less likely to be reported for both racial and non- racial hate crimes; however, the magnitude of this effect was greater for racial hate crimes. Failure to report to the police has serious consequences for the victim and the criminal justice system. Implications and suggestions for further research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly, scholars are acknowledging that racial and other forms of animus assume a spatial dimension. Not only does intercultural hostility take different forms depending on location, but so, too, does the concomitant bias-motivated violence imply "places for races." The very intent and motive of hate crimes are grounded in the perceived need of perpetrators to defend carefully crafted boundaries. While these boundaries are largely cultural, they may also take on a real, physical form, at least from the perpetrator's perspective. Nowhere is this more evident than in the geographical imagination of the White Supremacist movement. This paper will trace the ways in which the movement idealizes the appropriate geographical "places for races." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the key conceptual, operational, and empirical challenges facing researchers and policy-makers on studies about hate crimes. It explores the nature of the problems and questions associated with the challenges. It also investigates how to use them to shape contemporary hate crime discourse.

This article investigates the association between past lynchings (1882 to 1930) and contemporary law enforcement responses to hate crimes in the United States. While prior research indicates a positive correlation between past levels of lynching and current social control practices against minority groups, we posit an inverse relationship for facets of social control that are protective of minorities. Specifically, we hypothesize that contemporary hate crime policing and prosecution will be less vigorous where lynching was more prevalent prior to 1930. Analyses show that levels of past lynching are associated with three outcome variables germane to hate crime policing and prosecution, but the effect of lynching is partly contingent on the presence of a minority group threat. That is, past lynching combined with a sizeable black population largely suppresses (1) police compliance with federal hate crime law, (2) police reports of hate crimes that target blacks, and in some analyses (3) the likelihood of prosecuting a hate crime case. Our findings have implications for research on law and intergroup conflict, historical continuity in the exercise of state social control, and theories that emphasize minority group threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On a 2005 summer morning in New York, Nicholas "Fat Nick" Minucci, who is White, beat Glenn Moore, who is Black, with a baseball bat and robbed him. During the assault, Minucci repeatedly screamed the N-word. At trial, Minucci's attorney argued that he had not committed a hate crime. The essence of the defense's argument was that Minucci's use of the N-word while assaulting and robbing Moore was not indicative of any bias or prejudice. The defense went on to indicate that Minucci had Black friends, was immersed in Black culture, and employed the N-word as part of his everyday vocabulary. Two Black men—Gary Jenkins (a hip-hop music producer) and Randall Kennedy (a Harvard Law professor)—testified that the N-word is not necessarily a racial epithet. In this Article, we systematically analyze this assessment of the N-word within hate crimes law. We employ a Critical Race Realist methodology toward this end. In doing so, we (1) systematically analyze Black and White usage of the N-word within popular culture—i.e., comedy, rap music, and spoken word entertainment—and (2) reconcile these findings with research on implicit (subconscious) racial bias. In sum, we argue that whereas the N-Word is used by Blacks in a more race neutral manner within popular culture, its usage among Whites immersed in Black culture is nil. Furthermore, we find that many Whites harbor implicit anti-Black biases, and such biases predict racial hostility and the use of racial epithets. Consequently, within the realm of hate crimes law, courts should presume racial animus where a White person uses the N-word while committing a crime against a Black person. Furthermore, despite high rates of Black usage of the N-word and high rates of implicit anti-Black biases among Blacks, a law of intra-racial hate crimes among Blacks predicated upon their usage of the N-word would be fruitless. This is because the N-word has a different connotation when used intra-racially among Blacks than when directed at Blacks by Whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study was to examine the role of anger in response to gay men within three theoretical models of antigay aggression. Participants were 135 exclusively heterosexual men who completed a structured interview designed to assess sexual prejudice, anger in response to a vignette depicting a nonerotic male–male intimate relationship (i.e. partners saying “I love you”, holding hands, kissing), and past perpetration of antigay aggression. Among identified antigay assailants, motivations for one earlier assault (i.e. sexual prejudice, peer dynamics, thrill seeking) were also assessed. Results indicated that anger fully mediated the relationship between sexual prejudice and antigay aggression, partially mediated the effect of peer dynamics on antigay aggression, and did not account for the relationship between thrill seeking and antigay aggression. These findings indicate that anger in response to gay men facilitates antigay aggression among some, but not all, antigay perpetrators. Aggr. Behav. 34:306–318, 2008. © 2007 Wiley-Liss, Inc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the court case against blogger Savva Terentiev in Syktyvkar, Russia. In his Internet diary, he posted an opinion about the local police. The case was initiated under part 1 of Article 282 of the Criminal Code, incitement of hatred or enmity. Moreover, it is emphasized that the case highlights the need for Internet regulation, specially those who foment extremism.

The article gives an overview of legislation on hate crime, the analysis of such legislation in the U.S. courts, and a review of related academic discussion. It defines hate crime and hate speech. It also offers a summary of federal hate crime regulation, including an analysis of four categories of hate regulation, continue with pending federal legislation, and close with a look at the role of the Federal Bureau of Investigation in investigating hate crimes. Further, it will review state hate crime regulation. Finally, it discusses challenges to hate crime legislation and case history, including First Amendment.

Masters level statistics is often not a course of choice for social work students. Teaching it in such a way that students' anxiety is reduced while facilitating their recognition of the importance of empirical knowledge in their social work practice and their need to have fundamental research skills, can be quite challenging. The purpose of this paper is to introduce a pedagogical tool used in a course on bivariate statistics that involves students throughout the semester in the process of developing and testing their own hypotheses regarding fluctuations in reported hate crimes/capita by states (as reported by the Federal Bureau of Investigation). This technique provides continuity throughout the semester and is easily adapted to other issues equally important to social work. The data's unintuitive findings that disagree with most students' hypotheses also challenges students to consider methodological issues and the validity of the data. Because most students do not have a strong knowledge base of hate crimes, students often have to grapple with how their own preconceptions might bias their understanding of an issue and potentially their work with a client or client system. From an instructional standpoint, the method is contained and manageable, and the data are easily accessible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investigates the criminal histories and violent risk of a hate crime offenders in the U.S. Use of HCR-20 and Cornier-Lang scales to record review of offender's criminal history; Ratings for the severity of the bias offense on the Victim Functional Impact scale and the offender's targeting of outgroup victims; Indications that half of the offenders had prior criminal convictions; Correlation of HCR-20 ratings with the severity of the hate crime; Significant factors that found higher for offenders who targeted racial minority victims.

As passed in 1990, the U.S. Hate Crimes Statistics Act compels the Attorney General to acquire data about crimes that "manifest evidence of prejudice based on race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity. The Act requires the Attorney General to compile data about crimes motivated by bias based on many characteristics, including sexual orientation, but not based on sex." Meanwhile, the Hate Crime Sentencing Enhancement Act directs the U.S. Sentencing Commission to provide a sentence enhancement for offenses occurring on federal property determined beyond a reasonable doubt to be hate crimes. The Act defines "hate crimes" as incidents "in which the defendant intentionally selects a victim, or in the case of a property crime, the property that is the object of the crime, because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, ethnicity, gender, disability, or sexual orientation of any person." The 1998 Federal Sentencing Guidelines, promulgated in response to the Hate Crime Sentencing Act, provides for an increase of three sentencing levels "if the finder of fact at trial or, in the case of a plea of guilty or nolo contendere, the court at sentencing determines beyond a reasonable doubt that the defendant intentionally selected any victim or any property as the object of the offense of conviction because of the actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, ethnicity, gender, disability, or sexual orientation of any person."

This article presents a descriptive profile of race-bias hate crimes in Los Angeles County using primarily law enforcement data collected during 1994-1997. Geographic information systems technology is used to map 1,837 reported bias incidents. Maps are created to locate clusters where hate crimes occur in relatively high density. Interviews and archival research were conducted in two "cluster" areas. Findings include the location of clusters and the racial characteristics of victims and suspects involved in the incidents located within clusters. While previous research has shown that hate crimes are usually perpetrated by individuals who are not members of organized hate groups, this preliminary study suggests we may find more frequent membership of perpetrators in gangs where hate crimes cluster. Related to this, there is strong evidence of race-bias hate crime among racial minority group-based gangs in which the major motive is not the defense of territorial boundaries against other gangs, but hatred towards a group defined by racial identification regardless of any gang-related territorial threat. The article concludes with a discussion of the uses of hate crime data in the study of race relations and outlines directions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses a study which examined the social forces that affect law enforcement participation in hate crime data collection initiatives in the United States (U.S.). Rate of law enforcement participation in hate crime reporting to the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation from 1991 to 1994; Police agency and individual officer variables that affect law enforcement participation in hate crime recording; Recommendations for departmental hate crime policies and procedures.