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Currently on the rise in archaeology, ontological approaches promise new ways of engaging with alterity of various kinds—different people, different times, different forms, even different worlds. This work promises to aid in critical reflections on the arbitrary nature of the Western gaze and to recognize and incorporate non‐Western knowledge in new manners. There are, however, several challenges to address. First, as noted by several leading thinkers in this area, the present range of ontological approaches include contrasting theoretical underpinnings. Second, these approaches are rarely considered in relation to the practical challenges of specific archaeological cases, particularly contexts of settler colonialism in which practitioners are attuned to the potential colonial nature of their work. I divide ontologically engaged archaeologies into three related but distinct groups and use a small museum assemblage of seventeenth‐century Wendat materials from Ontario to help think through these three theories. In comparing approaches, I outline their respective strengths, weaknesses, and points in need of further clarification. I conclude that the ontological turns offer new and valuable angles of articulation with archaeological materials but that archaeologists must adopt them cautiously if they are to avoid repeating or continuing some of the darkest parts of our (colonial) disciplinary history. [ontology, archaeology, new materialism, archaeological theory, effigies, colonialism, Iroquoian archaeology, Ontario] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mineralogy and bulk chemical compositions of 33 potsherds (14 shell-tempered, 19 grit-tempered) and local sediments (sand and clay, where present) from six pre-contact Mi’kmaw sites across southern mainland Nova Scotia were determined, and are compared to samples from a long-used aboriginal site (BdDk-1) near the mouth of Bear River, in the Annapolis Basin. The immediate area around four of these sites (at Brighton, Port Joli, Wynacht Cove and Frost Fish Cove), all coastal, lack surface clay deposits, but good-quality clay is abundant in areas once overlain by glacial lakes. These include the two inland localities (at Enfield and Melanson) and the Annapolis Basin. Grit temper is dominated by the mineralogical constituents of biotite granodiorite found near Bear River. Muscovite is virtually absent, precluding the use of two-mica monzogranite as temper. The mineralogical criteria linking grit-tempered sherds to the Bear River area are supported by statistical analysis of bulk compositional data for the sample suite. Shell-tempered samples lack granodiorite clasts, so are compositionally distinct except where calcium-poor (i.e., contain little shell material). Those from Bear River overlap the compositions of shell-tempered samples from the sites along the Atlantic coast, suggesting a common origin. We postulate that pottery from the Annapolis Basin was distributed to other sites in the province via navigable waterways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The late sixteenth century Huron- Wendat Benson site in the Balsam Lake area of south-central Ontario has produced substantial quantities of a characteristic 'barred' ceramic motif found virtually nowhere else. In addition, it has produced ceramics that are "hybrids" of Huron-Wendat and St. Lawrence Iroquoian styles. An analysis of these ceramics leads to the interpretation that they are part of a complex process of power brokering by women in the community. In part this entails symbolic resistance on the part of adopted St. Lawrence Iroquoian women. At the same time, it reveals a strategy used by both St. Lawrence Iroquoian and Huron- Wendat women of sending signals of ambiguous political allegiance, either to achieve a degree of political flexibility, or to attempt to mediate between the community's two competing political factions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have recognized the importance of portage routes to Pre-contact Aboriginal people in the Northeast of North America since the late nineteenth century. However, little explicit attention has been paid to identifying and interpreting possible archaeological signatures for portage routes. Here we offer the Mill Brook Stream site as a component of a portage which provided a two-way link to Washademoak Lake, the source for Washademoak Multi-coloured Chert, w'ith New Brunswick's Lower Saint John River Valley. We analyze the site in terms of its geographic criteria, its location in relation to the end of canoe navigability, and through the use of a heat-treating experiment. We draw analogies between Historic period accounts of portages and archaeological evidence at Mill Brook Stream; combined, this information is used to outline a correlate for portage-related sites associated with bulk procurement. To facilitate this discussion, we include a glossary of terms to describe portages and portage-related activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Archaeology assumes itself as a discipline through a practice of boundary-making that merges the past with the present. It is, in this practice, increasingly critiqued for being ethnocentric and separating power from the communities it claims to represent. In response, archaeology is experiencing a turn toward "community". Examining two community archaeology case studies, we assess whether archaeology can be transformed into a discipline that productively participates in the liveliness and messy connectedness of objects, peoples, histories and cultures--in contrast to a conventionally detached practice of objectifying other peoples' lifeways. In both cases, archaeological and descent communities play direct and central decision-making roles in this traditionally "distanced" discipline. They demonstrate means of re-figuring archaeology as a participatory practice. Community-founded archaeology is thus shown to transform methods commonly supporting institutional reproduction into a radically indigenous, emically structured, set of knowledge practices and outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous and ethnocultural communities commonly invoke a sense of community and heritage through the memory and practice of specific culturally-valued, land- and sea-based activities. Two ways in which these vital connections between people and activities are manifested is through the sharing of stories and the making and use of objects. We view both narratives and objects as storehouses of cultural memory: they enable individuals to generate and share remembered experiences; and to create and hold onto the connections, relations, and belonging that constitute community. We explore the idea of community through four "tellings" drawn from narratives and objects. The first two tellings are a sequence of memories about trapping and hunting shared by two Inuvialuit Elders of the Canadian Western Arctic. The second two tellings are stories from a series of whaling amulets made by and for Maori of New Zealand/Aotearoa. Our approach works to problematize how we define archaeological "objects" and moves towards an understanding of how memory evokes cultural practices that create and sustain communities of the past and present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite paradigmatic statements arguing for a collaborative archaeology, little agreement exists concerning how it should be practiced. In our experience, the relationships between archaeologists and the communities we serve are multi-faceted, and often develop under significant constraints concerning project goals and methodologies. Recognizing this, here we focus on the nature of relationships on the ground between archaeologists and indigenous communities. We argue that two principles should guide our practices. First, archaeologists should pursue horizontal relationships with First Nations that build and expand egalitarian contexts within the otherwise hierarchical political structures of modern nation states. Second, it is through building long-term relationships with communities, and the negotiations these require, that horizontal relations can best be established. Both can help improve archaeological practice. We outline two cases of collaboration involving Coast Salish and Interior Salish groups to illustrate our approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of Indigenous, collaborative, and community-oriented approaches in archaeological research and practice is promoted by many archaeologists as the path to the decolonization of archaeology. Collaborative archaeology, however, may inadvertently cause harm because it can produce certain interpretations of the past that can effectively promote the Indigenous rights of one descendant community over other communities or silence the political voices of certain members within the same community. This paper presents two case studies of attempted community-oriented archaeology with different Indigenous groups in Canada, each of which encountered barriers and complications in the collaborative process. The authors conclude that community-based archaeology, despite its good intentions, has the potential to do harm to Indigenous rights and self-determination. For archaeologists who are intent on decolonizing archaeology in solidarity with Indigenous peoples, there may be situations where archaeologists should refrain from doing archaeology, support archaeology carried out by Indigenous archaeologists in their own communities and, where appropriate, become active politically in advocating for Indigenous rights and the decolonization of Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Incorporating community involvement and collaboration in archaeological research is difficult in the best of situations, but is it even possible from within large corporate Cultural Resource Management (CRM) firms? Can archaeologists draw from established community-based participatory research (CBPR) and apply its principles to CRM archaeology? Given that commercial archaeology involves potentially multiple conflicting stakeholders, time and budget constraints, narrow work parameters, and many other intricacies, those of us seeking a more equitable approach have found the application of collaborative practices much more challenging. Using lessons learned during a major excavation project in British Columbia's Lower Mainland, we suggest methods and techniques for bridging the gap between the academic model of community-based participatory research and the more practical considerations required of consulting archaeology. These examples represent small steps in moving towards a future where CRM helps facilitate the development of sustainable community partnerships through collaborative praxis transforming archaeology (Atalay etal. 2014). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This report describes a project to reproduce four Dorset Culture osseous (bone and antler) tools common at the Phillip's Garden site (EeBi-1), northwestern Newfoundland. Replicas of Dorset lithic tools were used to manufacture a needle, a barbed point, a harpoon head and a foreshaft-like tool. The characteristic traces generated on the osseous tools in the manufacture process were documented and compared, under low-power magnification, to archaeological examples of the same tools. There were some differences, but many similarities were noted in the comparisons. The project outcomes suggest the tentative identification of possible manufacture traces on archaeological material associated with the use of particular lithic tools, and include an evaluation of the capacities of some Dorset lithics in tool making. These results present tangible traces of Dorset tool making that suggest some conventional practices at Phillip's Garden, and demonstrate potential for expanding this enquiry to understand change and endurance in practices throughout the broader Dorset region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a series of letters and artworks addressed to Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper from young First Nations members of the Shannen's Dream Club in the Pierre Elliot Trudeau Elementary School (PETES). Topics focus on how Canada should address the inequitable treatment of First Nations children by giving them equal treatment and helping them maintain their cultural heritage and traditions.

On September 14, 2013, the human remains from twelve Huron-Wendat ancestral archaeological sites, the skeletons of over 1,700 people, were re-buried at the Thonnakona Ossuary, Kleinburg, Ontario. This achievement followed years of discussion and planning between the Huron-Wendat Nation and the University of Toronto. In Canada, this kind of institutional transfer of authority is necessarily an iterative process. This brief document describes the context of this event, and confirms our shared intention to continue a strong relationship through which we will all learn new things about the ancestors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rock-art research offers to archaeology a problem-oriented approach. A case study is presented on the interpretation of rock-art from informed ethnographic and formal archaeological perspectives regarding the origins of the Midewiwin, or ‘Grand Medicine Society’. The evidence is twofold. First, some of the rock-paintings that are found over a wide range of the southern Canadian Shield appear to be representative of the Midewiwin. Second, the most probable age estimation of those rock-paintings indicates that the antiquity of Midewiwin is greater than generally presumed by the key anthropological reference literature of the region. Rather than a relatively recent ‘revitalization movement’, the origins of the Midewiwin began in remote antiquity. Broad theoretical and methodological issues of cognitive archaeology and the crisis of representation are addressed, particularly classification, colonialism and cultural linguistics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the historical significance of the inclusion of First Nations artwork as art rather than as artifacts in Canadian museums. It highlights the 2008 construction of gallery halls for First Nations art at the Art Gallery of Ontario (AGO) in Toronto, Ontario. Topics include the role of art in the history of European interactions with First Nations peoples, the role of the Thomson Collection of art in diversifying the AGO's holdings, and the role of Aboriginal art in Canadian national identity.

Local governments are in a position to act as bridges between the publics they represent and the management of archaeological heritage. Since First Nations and municipal councillors in the Fraser Valley, British Columbia, make decisions on behalf of their communities, we focus this paper on their perspectives of archaeology. We surveyed and interviewed local government representatives on seven themes relating to archaeological heritage: Knowledge, Interest and Exposure, Relevance, Value, Protection Issues, Management Responsibility, and Working Together. First Nations and municipal councillors' perspectives reveal areas of divergence on the relevance, protection, and management of archaeological heritage, and convergence on the values of archaeology and working together on heritage issues. Although local governments uniquely situate archaeology through distinct views, they can bridge this disconnect through dialogue on shared perspectives. We provide recommendations to encourage this process of communication between First Nations and municipal governments, and their publics, on the management of archaeological heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines technological characteristics of the pottery recovered from Antrex (AjGv-38), a Middle Ontario Iroquoian village site located in present-day Mississauga, west of Toronto, which dates to the mid-thirteenth century AD. Four different vessel types were identified at the Antrex site, each with a distinct set of manufacturing characteristics and patterns of use alteration. They include: small and medium-sized pots that were used for boiling stews, porridges or soups by placing them on stone supports directly over a small, hot fire; large pots, used in conjunction with hot rocks or "boiling stones," ideal for the extraction of fats and oils; and juvenile vessels, which were not used for food processing but appear to have been carefully curated. Overall, the choices made by Antrex site potters indicate a technologically sophisticated knowledge of ceramic manufacture. They also suggest that the practice of this technology was informed by both functional and social concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the act of enclaving areas that were Native communities in Ontario in the 19th century. The author addresses the role of archaeological researcher Michael Spence in research on material culture, architecture, osteology, burial practices, and other rituals of past civilizations. The archaeological excavation and research of the native Ojibwa community of 19th-century southwestern Ontario is discussed. The article also discusses the Six Nations Iroquois communities in Ontario and the group's experiences with European colonies in the area in the 19th century.

The article discusses items recovered at the Praying Mantis archaeological site in Byron, southwest London, Ontario. The author examines the unique aspects of the site, which was an Iroquoian village, and addresses the site's location, village organization, and the people's ceremonial behaviors, including burial practices. Ceramic assemblages, motifs used on ceramic vessels, and the site's settlement pattern are explored. Other topics include the excavation of human remains from burial sites, the cultural modification of human mandibles, and the burial of animals such as dogs at the site. The article also explores the recovery of items for rites and ceremonies, including copper beads, stone pendants, and stone human effigy amulets.

The Canadian federal government is directly responsible for vast tracts of land found throughout Canada. However, most of the archaeological resources in Canada are under the jurisdiction of the provincial or territorial governments. The lack of a public perception of a risk to archaeological resources found in the patchwork of federal lands has led to little impetus to pass legislation at the federal level to protect these resources which have not been systematically inventoried. A new attempt to undertake such protection is currently in progress and its success depends upon a shared vision between aboriginal and archaeological communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]