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Police violence shapes the lives of racial and ethnic minorities, and while much has been written about strategic responses to police, missing is an examination of how black women navigate interactions with officers. Based on 32 interviews with black women, we find that they use witnessing, or the mobilization of others as observers to police encounters. Research demonstrates the rising role of videos and smartphones in documenting encounters with officers. We find that black women adapt witnessing techniques based on their surroundings, available resources, and network contacts. Three forms of witnessing are observed: physical witnessing , mobilizing others in close proximity to interactions with officers; virtual witnessing , using cellphone or social media technology to contact others or record interactions with officers; and institutional witnessing , leveraging police or other institutional contacts as interveners to interactions with officers. Black women mobilize witnessing to deescalate violence, gather evidence, and promote accountability. Attuned to both the interactional and structural dynamics of police encounters, black women conceptualize witnessing as a way to survive police encounters and navigate their legal estrangement within the carceral system. We theorize black women's witnessing as a form of resistance as they work to reconfigure short- and long-term power relations between themselves, their communities, and police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines whether rehabilitation delivered to women in prison in Aotearoa New Zealand can be considered trauma-informed. The ability of Corrections departments to implement trauma-informed rehabilitation in prison has been questioned by feminist criminologists. This paper finds there is scope for prison rehabilitation to address the effects of interpersonal violence on women's offending in ways that build women's agency and control. For this to happen in a trauma-informed way that doesn't render women responsible for their trauma, a rethinking of responsibility is needed that is more attuned to the realities of women's lives and the constrained circumstances they're living in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Concurrent with increasing social and legal discussions of coercive control, literary scholars are turning their attention to analyses of an emergent genre labelled 'domestic noir'. Adding to earlier work, particularly that of Deborah Philips (2021), 'Gaslighting: Domestic Noir, the Narratives of Coercive Control', Women: A Cultural Review 32:2, pp. 140–160 and Meg Vann (2019), 'Genre and Gender: Reading Domestic Noir through the Lens of Feminist Criminology', TEXT Special Issue 57, pp. n.p., this paper contributes a therapeutic history of interventions for domestic violence, highlighting the history of the concept of control contextualized by its emergence from second wave feminism. Critical analysis of two novels, Ilsa Evans' Broken (2007) and Kathryn Heyman's Storm and Grace (2017), demonstrate writers centralizing feminist critiques of coercive control in domestic noir in the Australian context. This paper highlights the significance of women's fictional representations of coercive control as sites of discursive sociocultural resistance and temporal political contextualization within the genre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior literature takes for granted that media do not reflect real crime trends, but present sensationalized depictions of girls and crime. A positive correlation exists between violent guilty findings among Canadian girls and the frequency of reporting in national newspapers. Media present simplistic and problematic depictions of girls' involvement in crime with a qualitative content analysis finding two female-specific folk devils: the modern girl devoid of innocence and the girls wanting to attain masculine power. The construction of female folk devils, corresponding with traditional gendered tropes, highlights how moral panics surrounding girls' criminal and violent behaviour are tied to gender inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connecting feminist perspectives to a re-emergent literature on prison society, this study uses a social network perspective to understand the informal social organization of incarcerated women. Data came from the Women's Prison Inmate Network Study, specifically from residents within two of three sampled units (N = 152). Exponential random graph models estimate how self-report and administrative measures predict friendship, paying specific attention to how correlates of incarceration shape peer tie formation. Measures of mental illness, substance misuse, and childhood victimization were associated with sending ties to peers, though these ties were less likely to be reciprocated. In conclusion, incarcerated women with histories of traumatic life events and difficulties may seek out peer support while not providing the same. Social network analysis is an important tool to further understand the experience of women in prison as it considers the social structures and individual perspectives of imprisoned individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pensares em Revista is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Feminist criminology and complicity with criminal justice – A revaluation of alliances in vain: This paper delves into the complex relationship between feminism and criminology. It questions whether this alliance has hindered the pursuit of feminist and abolitionist goals. In this paper, mainstream criminology is contextualized within a history of governance. However, feminism is discussed as a movement that has historically challenged state authority. However, feminist criminology has aligned feminism with a state-oriented and scientifically realistic stance. The paper addresses the concept of 'complicity' to appoint the role feminist criminology can have played within governance. It suggests that this alliance could compromise feminist political objectives, by scientifically reaching out to governing institutions. The paper concludes by advocating a potential separation of feminism from criminology to better serve contemporary feminist and abolitionist agendas, offering a fresh perspective within critical criminological movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Czech & Slovak Social Work / Sociální Práce / Sociálna Práca is the property of Czech & Slovak Social Work and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The present article seeks to add further empirical nuance and specification to ongoing debates on the androcentric biases of historical and present research on crime. Using a mixed-methods design, it examines gender differences in theorizing and how women are represented in Swedish crime-related research between 1920 and 2015. On the one hand, the quantitative analysis reveals that explanations and proposed solutions to crime are more gender-neutral than previous research tends to suggest. On the other hand, the qualitative analysis uncovers how women are rendered visible almost exclusively in discussions on crime that concern issues linked to the body, sex and sexuality, or victimhood and vulnerability. Generally, in the Swedish context, characterized by the establishment of a strong welfare state, women and women's criminality have primarily been given relevance in the context of larger socio-economic problems and/or reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this text, after focusing the analysis on the incidence of patriarchy in law, we want to trace the basic defining lines of the three currents of feminism that can be differentiated in relation to penal issues: prison feminism, feminist guaranteeism and anti-punitive feminism. Secondly, starting from this last thesis, some key arguments will be developed to deepen in the development of a feminism attentive to the dangers of punitive logic, the creation of frameworks that move away from punitivism as an expression of patriarchy and approach other strategies. On this path, synergies with critical criminology, restorative justice and penal guaranty are necessary. En este texto, luego de centrar el análisis en la incidencia del patriarcado en el derecho, se quieren trazar las líneas definitorias básicas de las tres corrientes del feminismo que se pueden diferenciar en relación a la cuestión penal: el feminismo carcelario, el feminismo garantista y el feminismo antipunitivista. En segundo lugar, partiendo de esta última tesis, se desarrollarán algunas claves para profundizar en el desarrollo de un feminismo atento con los peligros de las lógicas punitivas, la creación de marcos que se alejen del punitivismo como expresión del patriarcado y se acerque a otras estrategias. En este camino las sinergias con la criminología crítica, la justicia restaurativa y el garantismo penal se muestran como necesarias. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1263

Justice-involved women frequently experience victimization histories, mental illness, and substance use disorders, which create challenges with completing probation sentences. Although most justice-involved women are on probation, research focuses on prisoners. Studies on treatment services for the population primarily have samples from prison, creating limited knowledge on programs for women on probation. This study examines the impact of mental health and substance use treatment on the probation outcomes of women with victimization histories. Findings showed those in treatment were more likely to become incarcerated, casting doubt on programs for women on probation with victimization histories, substance use disorders, and mental illness. Implication of these findings include providing accessible and evidence-based mental health and substance use treatment for justice-involved women with victimization histories, in addition to creating more therapeutic and rehabilitative probation supervision that does not penalize people who experience mental health and addiction issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do men and women perceive cybercrime types differently? This article draws on the distinction between socio‐economic and psychosocial cybercrime proposed by Lazarus (2019) to investigate whether men and women hold different perceptions of digital crimes across these two dimensions. Informed by the synergy between feminist theory and the Tripartite Cybercrime Framework (TCF), our survey examined respondents' differential perceptions of socio‐economic cybercrime (online fraud) and psychosocial cybercrime (cyberbullying, revenge porn, cyberstalking, online harassment) among men and women in the United Kingdom. The results revealed that women considered psychosocial cybercrime worse than men. Conversely, we found no differences between men and women with regard to socio‐economic cybercrime. The article concludes that psychosocial cybercrimes are more gendered than socio‐economic cybercrime, suggesting problems with the meaning of 'cyber‐enabled crimes', and substantiating the synergy between the TCF and feminist perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While feminist and queer epistemologies in criminology have similar origins, dissimilarities based on key dimensions exist, with significant impacts for qualitative methods and methods education. Our article first explores approaches to qualitative methods that generally overlap between feminist and queer epistemologies, such as social change goals, common research methods, and intersectional analyses. We then focus on two broad examples to demonstrate how queer criminology and second-wave feminism diverge. Several recent incidents have crystallized a distinction between transgender inclusivity within queer criminology and transgender exclusivity motivated by trans-exclusionary radical feminism within feminist criminology. We also highlight sex-positive criminological approaches situated within queer criminology, which advocate broadly for decriminalization and harm reduction, compared to second-wave feminist approaches that view considerations of sex and sexuality differently. Lastly, we discuss topics that represent both convergence and divergence, such as the radical possibilities of both feminist and queer criminologies for abolitionist scholarship and methodology, while noting recent examples of the ways criminologists have or have not explored these possibilities. Throughout, we connect the theoretical and the methodological, illustrating the practical realities these similarities and dissimilarities lead to in qualitative research. Our discussion is rooted in principles of inclusive and intersectional pedagogy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contributes to existing global knowledge on female traffickers by providing data about 43 women punished for human trafficking in Spain between 2015 and 2018. Several factors related to the women's profiles, methods and roles performed in the criminal enterprise are analyzed, based on information obtained from 39 court judgments. The results highlight the similarity between victims' and perpetrators' personal circumstances, and show that women's involvement in trafficking can vary substantially, illustrating the complex dynamics behind this crime. Overall, the paper underlines the need to develop gender-appropriate policies to prevent human trafficking and guarantee proportionality in criminal justice responses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gisella Lopes Gomes Pinto Ferreira reviews Criminologia Feminista: Teoria Feminista e Críticas às Criminologias [Feminist Criminology: Feminist Theory and Critiques of Criminologies]

Since the 1970s, there has been an increase in the number of studies focused on women offenders. However, those associated with organized crime are still rare, despite the evidence of cases of women actively involved in criminal groups and playing particularly prominent roles. This article aims to present an integrated review of the known literature that emphasizes the presence of women as offenders in organized crime groups. To this end, we (i) discuss how academia evolved from an androcentric perspective to a feminist criminology approach, and (ii) outline the role played by women offenders in the context of organized crime and their functions inside the group.

Feminist scholars from various social science disciplines posit that gender inequality (GI) is harmful to women's well-being. Feminist criminologists argue that GI is criminogenic, especially of sexual violence. I apply this framework to a specific form of sexual violence: child sexual abuse (CSA). Using multilevel generalized linear modeling to analyze the responses of 10,106 women from 27 countries in the International Dating Violence Study, I test for significant associations between national-level GI and self-reported retrospective reports of CSA. While controlling for other risk factors, I find that GI is significantly associated with increased odds of having experienced CSA among women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This issue of Oñati Socio-Legal Series, entitled The Gender of Juvenile Criminal Systems: Necessary Debates, is the result of the communications and exchanges held at a interdisciplinary workshop that took place in 2018. It is composed of eleven articles that discuss experiences in juvenile criminal justice aimed at adolescent women and other related issues, based on the presentation of the results of research and interventions carried out in Latin America (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Uruguay) and the Spanish State (Catalonia, Madrid, Basque Country, Zaragoza). The discussions held in this space and the articles published are one more example of the global punitive expansion that contemporary capitalist societies are experiencing and that we can observe in the different contexts through the extension of the forms of control and scope of the penal systems that are produced on the adult, young and adolescent population. In this framework, it is interesting to contextualize how the transits of younger women through the penal systems are, emphasizing the necessary inclusion of a gender perspective that can understand the singularities that are part of the treatment of women in these systems.

First two years of implementation of the Law on prevention of family violence is a just an occasion to try to bring together results of its effects. Starting point for this analysis was presumption that the radical feminism and its counterpart in criminology, radical school of feminist criminology, shaped the Law. According to it family violence is a product of alleged male wish to control female sexuality. This control is conducted through social institutions such as family and marriage. As long as these institutions persist violence is repeated. Consequently, recidivism must be present as a rule. So, these institutions are to be destroyed. Some other personal factors of criminal behaviour within family do not exist. Other forms of family violence are not acknowledged and distinction between them is not made. At the beginning author gives detailed description of a numerous methodological obstacles which hamper analyses. In the next part basic presumptions originating from radical school of feminist criminology was summarily proved by brief analysis of a several provisions of the Law itself. In the third part author summarize effects of a Law by using 9 individual surveys of practice of a 9 different police departments in Republic of Serbia. Despite serious methodological obstacles and relatively scarcity of a survey sample, author's assessment of a practice shows that basic presumptions of the radical school of feminist criminology are not proved in context of a Serbian society. If this presumption were, proven violence between partners must have been dominant in comparison with violence between relatives in analysis. In reality, violence between relatives exists in almost one-half of all cases: 43%. Furthermore, a division between three possible partner relations, a marriage, extramarital relations and a simple romance (and then on existing ones and former) shows that more formal and more stable type of relations are more represented in analysis: 51% of all cases happened in existing marriages, further 19% in existing extramarital relations and 8% in existing romances. Likewise, all existing relations are more represented in analysis in relation to former ones: 20% of cases happened in former marriages and former extramarital relations and a simple romance are represented in analysis with only 1% of all cases respectively. It is quite possible that people, educated and raised in Serbian culture, are more violent in relations in which they "invested" more. Their "investment" is a spiritual and material energy spent in relation. Those who want to have kids, raise family and acquire property and the other way round choose more formal and stabile types of relations. When faced with deprivation of these investments (kids and property) or when these are endangered, it is quite possible for people to become violent. In relations that are temporary, ephemeral or lightly perceived there is no such a kind of "investment", and, it seems, no violence. Other possible personal factors of violent criminality are present in analysis. Perpetrators of violence are in 37% of cases unemployed. On the other hand, only 18% of them are repeated offenders, so recidivism is not high. When it comes to so called "urgent measures" as a specific type of sanctions for family violence they are issued in 2/3 of all cases. Restrain of approach and communication with victim is more frequent in comparison with eviction from home. This is understandable. With so broad definition of a member of a family, Law offers protection to persons who are in such a type of relations in which joint living is not an option. Therefore, there is not a joint accommodation from which a perpetrator should be evicted. The same applies for all former relationships, which also enjoy protections of the Law although former partners, by definition, do not live jointly any more. Ratio between measures is 35% eviction orders to 65% restrain orders. In all cases where eviction order is issued, the other measure is also issued. Out of these two facts it is possible to draw conclusion that eviction order is only measure necessary in Serbia. In Serbian culture, the notion family comprises only of relationships in which people share "table, bad and roof". Author argues that only this type of a relation is a family, which, as a case may be, needs protection. This is one proof more that radical school of feminist criminology shaped the Law. Its teaching tries to force all relations between man and a woman, existing and former, within the notion of a family. However, concludes the author, results of implementations of the Law in Serbia speaks, on the contrary, that such a teaching is a strange body in Serbian culture, society and, consequently, legal practice.

COVID-19 has magnified intersecting inequalities that are central to the functioning of capitalism. At the height of the crisis, the value of an economy based on the exchange of goods and services faded away to expose the importance of care across the public and private spheres. Undervalued and underpaid labour suddenly became critical to the survival of many. Drawing on Abolition Feminism, we argue for the need to seize this revaluation of labour to centre nurture and pleasure within our post-pandemic recovery. We apply an Abolition Feminist framework that conceptualises the prison as part of a network of violence that deflects attention from the root causes of harm. We reflect on the development of our Abolition Feminist web platform, Read and Resist!, a space where theory meets reflection on praxis. We consider how activist strategies within Abolition Feminism may support us in reimagining our relationships with law and justice post-COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asparkía. Investigació Feminista is the property of Instituto Universitario de Estudios Feministas y de Genero Purificacion Escribano and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)