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In recent years, one of the most popular concepts in Turkish foreign policy has been public diplomacy, which refers to government activities to increase the country's image among foreign societies. While the concept is important, the problem is that a similar emphasis and attention is not given to personal diplomacy, another state practice of modern diplomacy. This article illustrates that personal diplomacy is most effective in crisis periods, when there is dominant leadership, and when the political leader is confident about his/her ability to shape policies. As all these factors exist in Turkish foreign policy today, it is not surprising to see that Ankara increasingly relies on personal diplomacy in its relations with foreign countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Systematic review of a total of 74 journal articles in 18 journals as well as three monographs is conducted. • Corporate diplomacy and political CSR are redefined in a distinctive and comprehensive manner. • An integrative theoretical framework to study CD is presented. • Need for further developed theory on corporate diplomacy and increased empirical analyses. The purpose of this study is to systematically review the body of knowledge on corporate diplomacy (CD) and political corporate social responsibility (PCSR) in journals from the fields of public relations, public diplomacy, general management and business ethics. By applying an interdisciplinary approach our study aims to (1) examine what definitions of CD and PCSR exist, (2) explore what theories have been applied to CD and PCSR and, (3) find differences and commonalities between the underlying concepts of CD and PCSR. Building on the results of our review, we redefine each construct and develop a theoretical framework of CD, which integrates PCSR, international public relations and public diplomacy. Our results serve as a foundation for an operationalization of the constructs in order to conduct empirical analyses and contribute to current research on the political role of multinational corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

观察国际和外交问题的视角与观念变化，是中华人民共和国外交史研究中尚需探讨和梳理的课题。在新中国成立后的前30年，中国外交深受在革命过程中形成的外交观念的影响。其基本诉求是建立新型外交关系，核心观念是独立自主与和平，外交政策的基石是和平共处五项原则；此外，国际统一战线策略，对现实世界的战略划分，以及对战争、和平与革命的思考亦对这一时期的外交政策具有重大影响。自20世纪70年代末实行改革开放以来，中国外交转以发展为视角，配合国家经济建设这一中心任务，做出一系列战略和政策调整。中国对国际形势作出和平与发展的新判断，对独立自主的和平外交政策作了新诠释，致力于建立均衡的对外关系，主张以渐进方式推动国际秩序的改进，决心走和平发展道路。中国由此成为现存国际秩序的参与者和建设者。进入21世纪，中国成为令世界瞩目的新兴大国，外交观念也在继承以往的基础上与时俱进。中国强调当代世界是命运共同体，谋求与各国的合作、共赢 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan has been playing a steady and pivotal role in Central Asia since the fall of the Soviet Union, but to presume Tokyo's engagement is predicted on strategic interests that compete with other powers such as Russia and China in the so-called “New Great Game” is naïve to the activities occurring on the ground. Newly independent and largely unaffected by Japanese past aggression, the five Central Asian states present a unique “petri dish” for Japan's values-based diplomacy in Asia. This study analyzes significant Japanese foreign policy measures with the Central Asian republics since independence, and—through examination of speech acts by the political elites, practices on the ground, and within the institutional framework of the Central Asia Plus Japan dialogue—draws out the normativity evident in Tokyo's Central Asian policy. Using a symbiotic framework for foreign policy analysis of geopolitics, geo-economics, and geoculture, this study isolates geoculture from the two other dynamics in order to illustrate how norms operate independently from strategic interests in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

There seems to be a consensus within both Russian and European analytic communities as to the ultimate reason behind the dramatic deterioration of Russia-EU relations over the last three years. This reason boils down to a single word: Ukraine. This essay intends to investigate a two-pronged question: 1) how the differing, quasi-imperial natures of Russia and the EU make it hard for them to find an accommodation in their shared neighborhood and 2) how the recent EU-Russia dynamics prompted Moscow’s policy elite to re-conceptualize Russia as a distinct civilization, apart from Europe. While exploring these issues, the essay will maintain a special focus on Ukraine whose role in the Russia-Europe relationship has historically been and continues to be pivotal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald J. Trump’s rhetorical shift from ‘leadership’ to ‘greatness’ made possible some sort of rapprochement between the U.S. and Russia, after a period when relations had seriously deteriorated. Trump did not plan to give up American primacy, but ‘greatness’ was to be based on transactional relationships, the repudiation of democracy promotion and regime change. However, charges of Russian interference in the U.S. presidential election of 2016 constrained Trump’s freedom of maneuver, and in the end relations worsened, although some practical cooperation remains. The situation remains open, with direct conflict not to be excluded, although a continued period of strained relations and the onset of elements of a new Cold War is more likely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study deals with Taiwan's engagement in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities. It is stressed that Taiwan's foreign activities may be divided by their nature into two basic groups: the official diplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to those foreign states with which it has established diplomatic relations, and unofficial quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to the states with which it does not have diplomatic relations. In the study, the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan are compared, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance. It is concluded that the differences between the diplomatic and paradiplomatic dimensions of Taiwan's foreign activities are rooted mainly in their formal and protocolar aspects, whereas from the viewpoint of their organization and practical performance, these differences are minimal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whether they know it or not, countries are viewed through the lens of branding. Their brand equity lies in the norms and ideas that they project, as well as the actors (leaders) who champion such ideas and norms. Countries embody signs, beliefs, values, and imageries about what they stand for in the global system, and it is this that has an effect upon the imagery and preferences of others rather than merely marketing techniques. As such, countries carry -- or project -- a 'persona' that expresses their identity, ideas, values, and norms. This article focuses on the regional dimensions of South Africa's brand value and leadership. This is precisely because regions are crucial platforms through which countries project their ideas, norms, and leadership. It is also here that they build their brand equity. As such, this article examines the kinds of norms that South Africa projects through the region, and understands how these are perceived. Further, it analyses the predominant ideas that South Africa articulates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Australian Football League's (AFL) diplo-matic efforts to bring about recognition and reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous players, and to make a broader contribution to inter-communal relations. The AFL's primary diplomacy has focused on classical racism, dealing with instances of on-field abuse of players by other players and with spectator education about racism and Indigenous culture in Australia. Despite successes in these areas, the AFL has notably failed to acknowledge structural, institutionalised modes of discrimination and exclusion, with the result that the sport remains deeply influenced by colonial thought and discourse concerning Indigenous Australians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politique Étrangère is the property of Institut Francais des Relations Internationales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the navy as an instrument of the policy of states in the light of international law and the law of the sea. Although traditionally associated with the term “gunboat diplomacy,” naval diplomacy today is not intended to lead to war, but rather to signal to the allies and rivals one’s political intentions as well as military power. Maritime diplomacy remains a unique and useful tool for governments and their navies, so it continues to be used to advance state interests. While the army and air force are only occasionally used in diplomacy, the navy is exceptionally well equipped to be used for reassurance or coercion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Internet revolution has affected all aspects of life, including International relations. Diplomacy as a tool of foreign policy has also being transformed by this revolution. This paper examines the concept of digital diplomacy, focusing on the use of digital media in the field of diplomacy and how countries are utilizing these tools in the pursuit of their foreign policies. It examines the opportunities and challenges these media offer for diplomatic activities, and argues that countries cannot afford to be left behind in this era of digital diplomacy as they can greatly benefit from these emerging diplomatic trends. Digital diplomacy and Internet activities as a whole can greatly assist in projecting a state's foreign policy positions to domestic and foreign audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The image of a nation is crucial in the conduct of international relations. As a rising power, China is increasingly concerned about its image, due to which it is increasingly investing into its public diplomacy. Public diplomacy, broadly understood as a country's engagement and communication with foreign publics, has become one important part of China's overall diplomacy in recent years. This article introduces the Chinese debates on public diplomacy. In doing so, it helps to better understand how China sees itself in the world (mainly misunderstood), how China perceives the international environment (potentially hostile), and how China wants to be seen by the outside world (as a friendly, peaceful, and reliable partner). Furthermore, this article demonstrates that in China, public diplomacy is understood more as an instrument to fulfill strategic and functional purposes and less as an instrument of mutuality. Although the non-Chinese discourse focuses on mutuality, exchange, and reciprocal communication, China is more concerned with getting its message out and convincing the world of its benign intentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the incorporation of American ethics and ideology as a diplomatic soft power method to address 21st century U.S. national security threats, including in facing terrorist threat from radical Sunni Islamists. An overview of national security threats posed by China to the U.S. is provided.

The article explores on the direction of justice for both men and women under the administration of the U.S. President Barack Obama. It highlights the application of national power from diplomacy, military operations, and economic policy to humanitarian aid and development. It also cites the impact of financial crisis to the U.S. economy.

Diplomacy is in trouble. With globalization come global problems. While we live in a twenty-first-century world of interdependence, we face seventeenth-century Westphalian political institutions with defined boundaries and separated responsibilities of nation-states. When we think of diplomacy, we are thinking of state-to-state relations; however, with sovereign obligation and national interest obsession, state-to-state negotiations often fall into “gridlocks”; international policy-making also suffers from “democratic deficits”. David Held offered cosmopolitan democracy as the answer, but his “world government” thesis provides no realistic policy implications. In very recent years, city-to-city (“trans-municipal”) networks have received significant international recognition as cities are able to cooperate, with concrete actions, on a range of global issues. Surprisingly, scholars of international relations have largely neglected the role of cities in global governance. This paper argues for city diplomacy and “glocal” governance to fill the theoretical gap. It has two purposes: (1) to break the “conceptual jail” of regarding nation-states asthelegitimate subject to manage world affairs, and open the door for cities and (2) to revisit theconditionof cosmopolitan democracy, and offer a realistic model to revitalize the concept while bypassing the infeasibility of world government. In Part I, as I revisit Confucian philosophyda-tong(great unity), Rosenau's “sovereignty-free” actors and Athenian democracy, I argue that cities are our best hope to transcend nationality for the common well-being of humanity, connect local citizens to global public policy, and move towards cosmopolitan democracy. In Part II, drawing on Dahl's democratic criteria and DeBúrca's “democratic-striving approach”, I will develop two “building blocks” of democracy at the global level – —equal participation and popular control. In Part III, with reference to the “building blocks”, I will conduct a qualitative analysis to evaluate the cosmopolitan characteristics of C40 and develop political justifications for “trans-municipal networks”. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The aim of this paper is to bring into conversation two apparently disparate debates in the fields of politics and International Relations. The first is a debate over celebrity humanitarianism that is divided between optimistic scholars, who see in it an enhancement of democracy, and pessimistic scholars, who link it to capitalist imperialism or a throwback to older colonial tropes. The second is a debate over a (new) American empire which has prompted scholars in IR to redress IR’s historic ‘elision’ of empire and to offer new network theories of empire. The paper argues that these two debates each address the shortcomings in the other and offers speculation on what celebrity humanitarianism might have to do with empire by bridging the connections between structuralist political theories of empire and the cultural accounts offered by postcolonial theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines how acrobatics was imbued with multiple meanings through the practices of nation-state building and international diplomacy. More specifically, the author discusses why the Chinese government chose acrobatics to facilitate the Sino-US rapprochement and the implications of this cultural diplomacy for the governments as well as the acrobats. Drawing on oral history interviews and archival data, this study demonstrates how the relationship between acrobatics and the ideas of ‘Chinese revolution’ was established, strengthened, disrupted, and finally re-modified to facilitate China’s relations with the West. This historical investigation advances the literature on performing arts and politics by exposing the political logics in the North-South exchange. As important, the analysis of acrobats’ engagement with Cold War politics evades state-centric narratives and contributes to an understanding of international diplomacy from a bottom-up perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Between 1945 and 1966, Belgian public diplomacy operatives turned Africa into their principal target area. Scholars have alternately seen Belgian foreign policy as driven by the quest to safeguard economic interests while also emphasizing the skill with which Belgian foreign ministers increased the influence of Belgium within the Transatlantic partnership. As a result, the use of public diplomacy and the impact of colonialism on foreign policy is under-researched. However, the study of the archives of Inforcongo, Inbel and the Belgian Information Centre in New York allows for a better understanding of the close connections between Belgian public diplomacy and the changing views on development which shifted in the course of the 1950s and 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What is there new to say on the Low Countries and transatlantic relations during the Cold War? How do recent trends in Cold War research open up uncharted areas to explore these relations from new angles and perspectives? With attention shifting to cultural, global, transnational and multi-centric approaches to the international history of the twentieth century, it would seem that the transatlantic is long passé as a primary frame of reference. As the first special issue in this series claimed (The Low Countries and Eastern Europe during the Cold War), existing scholarship on the Benelux nations has tended to emphasise the ‘loyal ally’ thesis, the uniqueness of small states among larger powers and the importance of traditional diplomacy. With this special issue, a set of articles has been brought together that open up new ways to consider the changing relations both within and between the Benelux nations and their Western allies during the Cold War. As a starting point, it takes the dual approach of the Benelux nations as both actors in the Cold War and as sites where Cold War dynamics were played out and influenced local political and social outcomes. By applying such a structure-agency approach, new perspectives on the importance of the Cold War for Benelux history, and the relevance of the Benelux for Cold War history, can be mapped out. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Public diplomacy is an effective, steadily evolving foreign policy tool used all over the world. In the context of current global trends promoting one's own values and the way of thinking as an objective of public diplomacy is of special interest. Democracy and human rights are among the main values of the Western countries and are promoted by them through a wide range of measures aimed at foreign country's authorities as well as foreign public including different target audiences. This paper addresses the foundations of public diplomacy activity aimed at democracy promotion abroad. It states that the value of democracy is advantageous to public diplomacy of the West and allows it to hold leading positions offering an attractive model of development for the rest of the world. Democratization measures in conditions of gradual development of democratic institutions as well as in crisis situations are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The bargaining for a new role in world politics presents a rising power with a strategic dilemma, as the new role entails a new power position in the system and a new social status in international society. China's assertiveness in diplomacy after 2008 can be seen as a 'role bargaining' process between China and the outside world, such as China's bargaining for a new role in the global financial system through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). This article aims to examine how a rising power can bargain for the new role in a peaceful way. Based on rational bargaining theory and on role theory, we suggest four strategies whereby a rising power bargains for a new role: costly signalling, self-restraint, role-diversification, and alter-casting. Through focusing on China's World Trade Organization accession and integration into the global economy after the Cold War, we examine the utilities and limitations of these four role-bargaining strategies for a rising power in the international system. The first two strategies aim to address the information and commitment problems concomitant with rationalism that a rising power faces in negotiating a new power position, and the last two strategies focus on how a rising power can bargain for a new social role by balancing the self's role conception and the role expectations of others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The declassification of communist state security archives allows for a comparison between the common imagination of intelligence during the Cold War and historical reality. This case study of the Polish secret services in Belgium between 1975 and 1989 shows that some views are accurate. Embassies were the headquarters of espionage activity and all residents — i.e. the coordinators of the ‘Belgian’ cell — and intelligence officers worked under diplomatic cover. Many other images, however, appear to be far from the truth. The Polish state security was not omnipresent and efficient. It failed to obtain relevant information, gathered everything that randomly fell into its hands, and mainly based its analyses on published sources. Nevertheless, its self-assessments of its activities and results are very positive. They demonstrate that this weakness was the norm rather than the exception. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

To date, accounts of international solidarity movements with an orientation towards the Third World have remained strongly embedded in 1968 historiography and largely unconnected to Cold War history. This article aims to position these solidarity movements within the broader history of the Cold War and to explore their relevance to efforts at globalizing and entangling the history of North-South and East-West relations. Building on arguments developed by Cold War historians, and examples drawn from Belgium, it identifies three themes which have been largely unexamined in mainstream accounts of international solidarity movements, yet serve as toeholds for challenging traditional premises of 1968 historiography. First, it argues that East-West networks and communist movements constituted a space for North-South encounters and campaigns. Second, it assesses the role of Third World agency, which reveals a little known side of international solidarity campaigns that brings us to sectors and ideas beyond the radical new left and to diplomacy, human rights, and North-South networks. Third, this article analyzes how solidarity with the Third World was a source of détente and East-West cooperation. What is revealed from this analysis is a Europeanization of the Third World that became a projection screen for ideas of Europe’s past and future and united East-West and North-South campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article I identify and analyse the legal instruments that allow international courts to contribute to the development of international law. I explain how these contributions are linked to a process that I call ‘autonomisation’, the process by which international courts form and sustain an autonomous interpretation of what the law is within their jurisdiction. The aim of this analysis is to be able to identify the legal format that international courts use to respond doctrinally to the overall socio-political context of the legal disputes they aim to settle through their decisions. I claim it is in this cross-field between law and politics that courts unfold a specific form of diplomacy that has been referred to as ‘legal diplomacy’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional diplomacy in the context of current political realities and the structural weaknesses of the Palestinian diplomatic apparatus having demonstrated its failure to resolve the Palestinian issue on equitable terms, a new approach is called for. This paper proposes public diplomacy as that alternative. We present an overview of the evolution and definition of the concept of public diplomacy, analyze the elements and tools around which a Palestinian strategy may be structured, and discuss political steps and alternatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role that U.S. diplomacy and diplomats play in international organization and international relations, commenting on the alleged future importance of American diplomacy. An overview of the impact that globalization has on international relations and diplomacy, including in regard to global trends in governance, politics and building international coalitions and diplomats' having of expert global knowledge on cultural and religious identity, regional and informal authority, is provided.

Despite the difficulty of communicating with adversaries, scholars have described a variety of signaling mechanisms that relate to bilateral negotiations between states. This article demonstrates that when more than two states are involved, states have additional, costless means of communicating their intentions. In particular, statements of a third party to a dispute on behalf of a "protégé" are credible because of the effect these statements have on the protégé's conduct. Protégés that are emboldened by support will sometimes be more likely to take actions that risk conflict, causing the third party to be more likely to have to intervene. Thus, commitments to fight on behalf of other states can convey information to potential adversaries. This form of signaling requires that the interests of the third party and protégé be sufficiently aligned and that the third party be powerful enough, but also not too powerful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses African American elites' referencing of the U.S.'s diplomatic relations with Japan during the 1850s so as to advocate for their own civil rights and equality. An overview of the 1860 Japanese delegation that traveled across the eastern U.S., including the impact it had on African Americans' conception of their racial identity as people of color like Japanese, is provided.

This article argues that copies distributed as part of the political communication in northern Europe were more than a substitute for the originals or simply an efficient way of spreading information. The case of the Hanseatic towns shows that copies could be refined instruments of diplomacy: they could be a way to express inclusion, support, or openness and impartiality, to give a favour, or show willingness to resolve a conflict. Equally, a copy could exclude, put under pressure, obscure, or manipulate, and even lead to serious conflicts. Circulating copies – or deciding not to circulate them – was a conscious, complex choice made by town councils, individuals, and also rulers. In this analysis a distinction is made between diachronic and synchronic copies, since there were differences in their form and intended functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict from February 16-May 15, 2014, including in regard to diplomacy, peace negotiations, violence in Gaza, Israeli settlers in the West Bank and the peace process. The role that U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry played in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, including in regard to the Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas' requirement of the release of Palestinian prisoners to continue negotiations, is discussed.

The article discusses Japanese Prime Minister Abe Shinzo's reported efforts to show that Japan is a first-tier nation as of April 2014, focusing on Shinzo's defense policies and his Abenomics program which is designed to spark an economic rejuvenation in Japan. According to the article, Japan's economy has rebounded and defense spending has increased as of 2014. Japanese diplomacy, the Bank of Japan, and the country's gross domestic product (GDP) are also assessed. Japan's relationships with China and South Korea are also examined.

International sporting competition has played a rôle in diplomacy since at least the ancient Olympiad. Competitors in international sporting events have always possessed the capacity to represent their governments and peoples—and, more latterly, sponsoring firms—not only to foreign governments but also to foreign populations and the global public more broadly. The rapid increase in the number and variety of international sporting competitions over the past 50 years has seen “the increase in people-to-people exchanges, both virtual and personal, across national borders.” The communicative power of international sport has increased dramatically by the information and communications technologies revolution over the past several decades, enabling the audience for major sporting events to expand to hundreds of million people. Yet, little study on how international sport relates to public diplomacy has occurred and remains not well understood. This analysis fills in this lacuna. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As China’s economic and political presence in Africa increases, so does the need for its government to maintain a favorable image with African publics. Borrowing theories of soft power diplomacy and language planning, this paper analyzes, from the perspectives of African and Chinese policymakers, the impact of the Confucius Institutes on higher education in Africa and its intersections with language planning and cultural diplomacy. An empirical case study at the University of Nairobi Confucius Institute shows that policymakers and administrators anticipate that a competent group of Kenyans with Mandarin language skills will be able to engage with Chinese people and Chinese-owned companies on the ground in Kenya. However, Chinese diplomats are more concerned with China’s image and achieving its political and economic interests in Kenya than with effective cultural exchange and language instruction. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The initial results from implementing the foreign policy of the fifth generation of PRC leaders are analyzed. Signs of "continuity and innovation" in the foreign policy efforts of Xi Jinping and his team are delineated. It is shown that Beijing is taking special pains to point out the innovative character of today's Chinese diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most important changes in the history of codecision has been the steep increase in early agreements since 1999. Early agreements have enhanced the efficiency of European Union legislation, but they have been criticized for giving a subset of actors disproportionate control over the legislative agenda and negotiation process. Yet, no study has systematically shown whether and how early agreements have indeed redistributed influence between actors within the European Parliament and the Council of Ministers. Our contribution fills this gap by comparing actors’ bargaining success across readings under codecision in a dataset of salient files. Contrary to our theoretical predictions, we do not find evidence of distributional consequences when controlling for inter-institutional conflict and file characteristics. Where codecision is concluded early, the final legislative outcomes are not located closer to the policy positions held by the party group of the Parliament's rapporteur or by the Council Presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The European interwar period became famous for its radical socio-political phenomena and most importantly for the emergence of colliding ideological visions. This paper attempts to investigate the impact and consequences of Nazi-propaganda in interwar Romania and the key role played by the German diplomatic mission as ideological transmitter. The main goal of this analysis is to highlight how the German diplomatic structures in Romania became ideologically entangled, contributing therefore to the process of planning and supervising the Nazi propaganda campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates Peter Paul Rubens’s diplomatic mission to the court of Charles I of England by order of Philip IV of Spain. Bringing together arguments from diplomatic history, anthropology and art theory, it revises the traditional view of Rubens as a heroic figure who brought peace to England and Spain, and honour to himself. Rubens’s mission to London should be considered instead as a gift sent by Philip IV to Charles I. The diplomatic culture of the early seventeenth century, which underscored the importance of painting as a means of communication and in which reciprocity was regarded as a fundamental mechanism, profoundly influenced the favourable outcomes of both Rubens’s and the Spanish court’s diplomatic strategies. It was not just Rubens’s personality and genius that brought about political change. Rather, it was the symbolic action of the gift and its subsequent materialization in a painting that Rubens donated to Charles I. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The international society's lack of leadership is often blamed for many of the shortcomings in addressing global challenges. Yet this focus might have been on the wrong kind of leaders: rather than heads of state and diplomats, effective international responses might be better situated with the ordinary influence of city leaders. While capable of reaching beyond urban politics and developing transnational networks, mayors might represent a key hinge for the effective response to important challenges like climate change or sustainability. Against this scholarly oversight, this article demonstrates how mayors have a catalytic influence in global governance. Providing evidence of that role, it summarizes this agency through five nonexclusive features: regime promotion, governance hybridization, diplomatic entrepreneurship, normative mediation, and everyday international influence. Relying on the vast variety of city-led initiatives spawned in the past few decades, this article demands greater attention for the pivotal positioning of city leaders in global governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the role that diplomacy-especially at the highest levels-can play in transforming adversarial relationships. Building on Martin Wight's exploration of these issues, in particular the question of how two adversaries can convince each other that they are serious negotiating partners, the article contends that achieving a significant de-escalation of a conflict depends upon the growth of trust. In contrast to Wight's limited conception of what diplomacy could achieve in terms of ending conflicts, the argument made here is that particular types of communicative encounters between diplomats, and especially leaders, can build a level of trust at the interpersonal level which can lead policy-makers to make conciliatory frame-breaking moves. To make good on this claim, the article employs a case-study of the summitry between US President Ronald Reagan and his Soviet counterpart, Mikhail Gorbachev. The key contention here is that the face-to-face encounters between Reagan and Gorbachev promoted a level of trust between them that made possible the fundamental de-escalation of the Cold War that took place in the second half of the 1980s. Rival explanations focusing on nuclear weapons and Soviet economic decline are analysed, but while these were enabling conditions in the transformation of relations, the article argues that it is necessary to recognize the critical role that interpersonal trust between US and Soviet leaders played in achieving this diplomatic transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews influences leading to extreme violence between groups. It then describes principles and practices of prevention, especially early prevention, and reconciliation: addressing difficult life conditions in ways that include everyone in society; diplomacy that addresses crises and prevents conflicts from becoming intractable; developing constructive visions and groups which make destructive ideological movements less likely; generating positive orientation to previously devalued others; moderating respect for authority in part by encouraging individual judgment; fostering healing by groups from past victimization and psychological woundedness. The socialization of children for inclusive caring and moral courage, developing societal values of cooperation and community, and active bystandership by citizens, leaders, and the media to resist influences leading to violence and create positive institutions that help fulfill basic psychological needs are all important for a world without genocide. The article also describes interventions promoting reconciliation in Rwanda and neighboring countries and research evaluating their effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia was an active member of the Colombo Plan for aid to South and Southeast Asia, beginning in 1951 as a loosely organized umbrella of multiple bilateral aid agreements between Commonwealth countries and quickly expanding in geographical reach and membership. Towards the end of the 1950s, as members of this ‘plan’ geared up for a new wave of aid projects, they also attached new importance to information activities associated with aid. In this Australian case study, journalists were thrust to the fore of story-generation relating to Australia’s involvement in the Colombo Plan. These written stories, and also still and moving images, were aimed at both domestic Australian audiences and also overseas audiences. Thus began some of the first important steps in what today is called ‘public diplomacy’, and what, at the time, was a new experiment in foreign policy and reputation-making. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Sosyologca is the property of Sosyologca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)