Search

Reporting—often by ordinary individuals—is the most common means by which authorities become aware of crimes, misconduct, and other types of deviant behavior. In this article, I integrate research across a variety of disciplines and domains to review the role of social influence in the decision to report. Such influences operate at the individual, group, and societal levels to shape reporting behavior, as potential reporters respond to both direct and indirect pressures, along with considering the anticipated reactions of others were a report to be made. Together, these influences can either suppress or promote reporting, which shapes who is identified, investigated, and ultimately punished for deviant behavior within organizations, communities, and states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the Quebec public debate concerning the N-word affair that occurred in 2020 at the University of Ottawa, this article aims to determine how the discourses of racism denial produced by members of dominant groups are maintained within the public space, despite the anti-racist critiques produced by members of dominated groups. By combining critical race theory, the theory of epistemic injustice and ignorance and the speech act theory, this article offers a critical analysis of the Quebec media discourse on the N-word affair. It thus traces the positions denouncing the use of the N-word as a racial insult and a manifestation of systemic racism and those justifying the need to protect academic freedom and freedom of expression in the face of a cancel culture threatening to censor them. The analysis of the Quebec case reveals that the public denial of racism reproduces hermeneutical injustices regarding anti-racist critiques, particularly regarding those expressed by Black communities, and this through a new linguistic mechanism that I call "illocutionary deviations." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario del Instituto de Historia Argentina is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Summoning centuries of resistance to violence and oppression with each drum stroke, the Barrileras del 8M performed the sicá bomba piece "No me va a dar" in front of Puerto Rico's Department of Labor on November 25, 2020, as part of a protest against femicide on the island. Well integrated into Puerto Rican popular culture, this Afro-Puerto Rican music, song, and dance form born from a resistance to slavery logically embodies the Barrileras' denunciation of domestic violence. Yet, until recently, an all-women group playing the barriles was, in itself, a subversive act. Despite its insurgent roots, bomba is a traditionally gendered form. This article traces groundbreaking steps taken by women activists such as Marién Torres López, Julia Caridad Cepeda Martínez, Denise Solís, and María José Montijo to transform bomba's gendered practices. It first describes Marién Torres López's work in Puerto Rico with her Taller Tambuyé, Inc., Grupo Ausuba, Encuentro de Tambores, and the Barrileras del 8M. Moving to the diaspora, this paper then evaluates how Julia Caridad Cepeda Martínez and Denise Solís have queered bomba with their Taller Bombalele in the San Francisco Bay Area, and concludes with an analysis of Oakland-based singer-songwriter María José Montijo's bomba "Huracán," which warns that the femicide crisis on the island has escalated to a critical level. Citing the work of these exemplary women, this article demonstrates how they have resisted patriarchy in bomba and simultaneously used this cultural expression as a medium to denounce gender discrimination and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia 396 is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Valparaiso, Instituto de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Lors d'une expertise, si l'expert « découvre » ou se voit confier des informations concernant une infraction, devrait-il en faire part aux autorités ? L'expert pourrait-il être sanctionné en l'absence de dénonciation d'un fait délictuel ou criminel ? La réponse sera à nuancer au cas par cas. L'expert confronté à une révélation de crime ou de délit, doit décider en conscience de ce qu'il révèle dans son rapport, voire d'effectuer un signalement au parquet. During an expertise, if the expert "discovers" or is entrusted with information concerning an offence, should he report it to the authorities? Could the expert be sanctioned in the absence of denunciation of a tort or criminal act? The answer will be nuanced on a case-by-case basis. The expert confronted with the revelation of a crime or misdemeanor must decide in good conscience what he reveals in his report, or even report it to the prosecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although seventeenth-century Manila has been anointed the birthplace of global trade and its diversity is well-established, how individuals navigated that milieu is only recently coming to light. To elucidate how various persons experienced Manila, this article assembles and analyzes nearly one hundred denunciations of sorcery (hechicería) made to the Philippine branch of the Inquisition between ca. 1620 and 1650. The hexes and spells sold in this period promised material and physical benefits. Individuals purchased or learned about spells primarily from Indigenous Philippine peoples, but also from Manila's Moluccan, Indian, and Japanese residents who either imitated Philippine hexes or marketed their own, distinct spells. This exchange took place outside Manila's city walls, in the sprawling city of Extramuros, where frequent interactions between diverse peoples facilitated exchange and even contributed to the emergence of novel, hybridized hexes mixing Catholic invocations and Philippine rituals. Cumulatively, what these denunciations of a minor crime capture is the everyday interactions between diverse peoples that defined Manila. In the process, they establish how residents experienced and navigated the world's first global city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public shaming of private figures in everyday settings is amplified through posting denunciations on social media platforms. The aim of this paper is to understand how the conduct of individuals targeted for online public shaming is not only construed as transgressive, but as warranting public denunciation in the first place through posting denunciations of their conduct on social media platforms. Public incivilities in encounters between strangers in public settings are discursively positioned as denounceable through framing that conduct as morally transgressive, which thereby legitimises public denunciation. However, because framing public conduct as transgressive necessarily involves selecting elements from a particular scene for public inspection and evaluation, public denunciations of public incivilities are always open to contestation. • Public incivilities occur in encounters between strangers in public settings. • Public denunciation of public incivilities can occur in situ or online. • Conduct is framed as morally transgressive through online public denunciations. • Online public denunciations of public incivilities are always open to contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article describes the repression, exploitation and surveillance of German citizens under the rule of the Nazi party NSDAP in the 1900s. It shows the absence of privacy of personal details or the possibility of anonymity due to registration systems, the monitoring and suppression of the German public carried out by the National Security Main Office, Political Police and Security Service, and sufferings of individuals who were the subject of denunciations and informant reports.

Copyright of Procesos Historicos is the property of Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the sociopolitical causes behind the proliferation of the apparatuses of denunciation in Turkey in the 2010s, and the escalation in the number of citizens denouncing their fellow citizens. These developments have taken place within an international context marked with the initiation of similar campaigns in core capitalist countries (e.g., the United States, United Kingdom) in the post-9/11 period mobilizing citizens to watch for suspicious behaviors that potentially signify "terrorist" activities. In Turkey, the Communication Center for the Office of the President, police hotlines/websites, community policing networks, neighborhood heads, the night-guard system, and legal statutes enabling denunciation are parts of these apparatuses. The article argues that the mechanisms of denunciation surfaced as part of the "security states" that emerged in the late 1990s under the dominance of neoliberal governmental rationality that encompasses components creating a fertile sociopolitical fabric both for the materialization of fascist tendencies and a preference for denunciation as a governmental technology. Accordingly, the apparatuses of denunciation in Turkey emerged at a point where the "security state" constructed by the Justice and Development Party government in its second term (2007–11) delivered a fascist turn within the context of the 2008 global financial crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Secuencia: Revista de Historia y Ciencias Sociales is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones - Dr. Jose M. Luis Mora and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The twenty-first century has already seen extensive handwringing over how disinformation, "fake news," and conspiracy theories shape contemporary politics. While social media and new technologies have undoubtedly accelerated the dissemination of such information, the problem of how unauthorized, dubious, or discredited claims shape political subjectivities and historical events is not new. In Latin America and the Caribbean, as elsewhere, conflicts over credibility and truth abound in the historical archive, leaving traces of rumor, denunciation, and even outright forgery that pose interpretative challenges for historians. We argue that dubious or challenged claims, instead of unreliable narratives to be separated out and discarded, are an important constitutive part of the historical record and often altered material realities. Introducing readers to select historical cases from Latin America and the Caribbean, we argue that some especially resonant denunciations, forgeries, rumors, and counter-narratives behave less like plot than like event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1915, the Constitutionalist faction of Venustiano Carranza moved into southern Mexico, promising revolutionary justice and retribution against The Reaction. Unfamiliar with the social topography of the region, Carranza's men depended on information gleaned from dubious sources to make key political decisions. Groups competing for the Constitutionalists' patronage flooded Carranza's correspondence, accentuating their own revolutionary bona fides while exposing their enemies. The result was a political milieu of denunciation, and nowhere was this milieu more acrimonious than in Juchitán, a coveted transportation hub in the isthmus region of Oaxaca. Using the Carranza archive in Mexico City, this essay examines denunciations sent from Juchitán in early 1915. These letters reveal an unmediated "popular voice," unbound from the public sphere, its code of honor, and its recognition of the realm of privacy. The shift of public politics into the private sphere had two important consequences. First, unsubstantiated information—rumors, gossip—gained a prominent position in local politics. Second, it opened the door to political participation to marginalized groups, particularly the working classes and women. This essay examines two letters in detail, one from an "honorable worker" and the other from a prominent woman, both dealing in rumor, gossip, and conspiracy. Despite their inherent unreliability, these letters give us a window into the construction of the camarilla , prevailing perceptions about politics and the accumulation of wealth, and the possibilities and limits of women's participation in high politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Practices of denunciation are at once ubiquitous and marginalised in literature on the Guatemalan armed conflict. Meanwhile, ordinary Guatemalans who spontaneously denounced neighbours, former friends and fellow villagers have largely escaped scrutiny in scholarly work on low-level perpetrators. Departing from untapped confidential documents in the Historical Archive of the National Police, this article provides the first archival study of denunciatory behaviour during the Guatemalan Civil War, specifically at the height of the conflict (1970–85). This contribution reveals both the strategic considerations that spurred state intelligence apparatuses to elicit civilian information as well as the broad range of personal, opportunistic and strategic motives that drove civilians to denounce. The case study questions scholarly consensus on the spontaneous and voluntary character of denunciation by arguing that besides providing novel pathways for opportunistic action, denunciations also opened up new strategies for survival in the face of a civil war that structured available choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the analysis of contemporary feminist mobilizations with reference to María Martínez writings since the feminist movement which has social support without precedents. Topics include the hypothesis that can explain its metamorphosis, that the feminist movement is mutating from the denunciation of the situation of women to the possible subversion of gender norms; and role in the construction of the social movement.

Cao Kou (b. 1977) has steadily gained prominence since his literary debut in 2001 and presently enjoys a wide following and literary standing as a prolific author of fiction ranging from full-length novel to flash fiction and short, personal essays. While some call Cao as a "decadent" writer who rejects the status quo, others define his work by its fragmentary quality. This essay argues for Cao's "in-betweenness" in Nanjing literature, citing generational and geographical divides as the reasons. Further, I argue that Cao Kou's self-conscious outsider persona, positioning as part of an "intermediate generation," and caustic and sometimes experimental narrative technique allow him to act as a caustic, insider's eye on down-in-the-mouth Yangtze basin masculinity. Unlike classical outsider literature, the milieu is not outcast but embedded, presenting a critical but resigned view of the Chinese city from the author's home island in the river. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Archives of Criminology / Archiwum Kryminologii is the property of Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Legal Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Le Ps 109 développe dans le Psautier le thème de la malédiction qui y est très peu présent par ailleurs, le Psautier se présentant comme un livre de bénédictions. Il s'agit en fait d'un retournement de malédictions contre celui qui les pratique. De ce point de vue le Ps 109 se situe dans la ligne des dénonciations de Pr 30,11–14, non seulement quant à l'usage de la malédiction et de la bénédiction, mais encore quant aux comportements à l'égard du pauvre et du malheureux 'ny et 'bywn, comme dans le premier psautier davidique Ps 3–41. Voir également les liens plus larges du Ps 18 avec Pr 30,1–14, le Ps 18 comportant une réaffirmation conjointe du pauvre et du messie. Les allusions du Ps 109 quant aux rites de malédictions trouvent quelques parallèles bibliques, mais également extrabibliques quant aux rites liés à l'alliance d'un suzerain avec ses subordonnés. Ps 109 develops the theme of the malediction that is not very present in the Psalter, because the Psalter is a Book of benedictions. This Psalm corresponds to a flipping of maledictions against the man that practices them. In this way Ps 109 is in the line of Prov 30,11–14, not only about the denunciation of the use of the malediction, but also about the bad comportments with the poor and the unhappy 'ny and 'bywn , in the same line that in the first Davidic psalter Ps 3–41. We have also more relations between Prov 30,1–14 and Ps 18 that plays an important part in the redaction of the Psalter. In Ps 18 we have a reaffirmation of the poor in relation to the reaffirmation of the Messiah. The allusions of Ps 109 to the practices of maledictions present some parallels in the Bible, but also in the extra biblical texts, in relation to the rites of the alliance of a suzerain with his subordinates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cet article propose de s'intéresser à l'articulation juridique faite dès la loi de 1832 entre consentement et discernement chez l'enfant. Sujet d'actualité, le consentement du mineur a récemment fait l'objet de nombreux débats politiques et sociétaux, conduisant à un nouveau projet de loi. L'article s'attache à présenter dans un premier temps les fondements historiques du consentement et du discernement ainsi que leurs évolutions dans un contexte théorique impliquant depuis le début du xx e, les nouvelles avancées de la psychanalyse en matière de sexualité infantile. Nous verrons que ces deux termes, consentement et discernement, définis objectivement par la justice au moyen de l'âge, ne disent rien des raisons qui poussent un enfant à consentir. Ces deux principes régulièrement convoqués dans la justice des mineurs sont déterminants pour la recherche d'une responsabilité du sujet. Nous essaierons d'en cerner les contours subjectifs au-delà de l'objectivité attendue par les juges. Car, en effet, la dimension subjective occultée ampute le caractère singulier de toute action du sujet. Elle est pourtant essentielle à considérer dans l'acte posé par un mineur. Pour éviter cela, le juge peut demander une expertise psychologique, seule capable dans le système judiciaire actuel d'en déterminer les coordonnées subjectives. À partir de l'expertise de Lucie ordonnée en raison de dénonciation d'actes sexuels, nous souhaitons mettre en lumière les déterminants d'une causalité psychique et rendre compte des raisons singulières pour lesquelles un enfant consent à dire « oui », selon le mot de Lucie. This article proposes to take an interest in the legal articulation of the law of 1832 between consent and discernment in children. Topical subject, the minor's consent has recently been the subject of many political and societal debates, leading to a new bill. Soon, in fact, the determination of a threshold, 15 years, will prevent the responsibility of a child is engaged. In the course of history, consent has been amended several times. Involving issues related to sexuality, it sparked lively discussions especially for some movements questioning the decriminalization of sexual relations for minors. We will first approach the consent while bringing it closer to the discernment since the law of 1832 brings them together. Our purpose attempts to demonstrate that consent in addition to its objective dimension offers the possibilité of a subjective approach based on the subject's word as the new law authorizes it. Would not these two principles lead the minor to greater responsibility, that is, to try to say at best what he or she was caught up in? To give a place to the word of the child to his relation to language is this not an opportunity to bring out a subjective dimension to the events lived by the subject? It is therefore a question of following him, of going to meet what he has agreed to, of accompanying him to a word where he can say something of the way he let himself be taken by what has arisen, beyond the description of the traumatic scene. This will require us secondarily to consider the relationship of the minor subject to sexuality as Freud showed us. Very early maternal stimulations awaken in him some sensations related to sexuality. But there is a distinction between the fantasmatic part of the child taken in his relationship with the Other and the reality at play in acts of sexual aggression. It is first through the drive game that the child is caught in the desire to respond to the request of another and most often experiences some difficulty in expressing a refusal. The challenge of the expertise will be to find out what the child consents because his behavior alone can not explain the substance. The latter appears rather as a symptom that speaks for him. Finally, since the law of 1945, the judge seeks to individualize his decision from consent and discernment. In order to better understand them, he uses the expertise to give a subjective dimension to the word of the child and establish it at the heart of an educational system rather than repressive. However, the wide opening of the use by the judges of discernment from its objective valence risks provoking in the long term a shift, a porosity between the rights of the child and the adult right, a confusion where everything would be possible in a generational indifference. If discernment opens rights to the child, it also entails risks whose effects must be measured. This is not without questioning the responsibility of the minor from the subjective reasons that led to the consent. More than a policy of the choice of discernment on the basis of objective facts, it is advisable to orient the debates on the subjective roots, that is to say that which governs the choice of the subject. The article tends to show that there is an ambiguity between consent and discernment insofar as the two involve a presence of the objectivity of the facts as much as a subject of the unconscious, ie subjective issues, because our actions can be clearly influenced by formations of the unconscious. By way of conclusion is proposed the expertise of Lucie, young minor victim of an assault by a boy of his entourage, ordered by the judge because of a denunciation of sexual acts. This example tries to hightlight the determinants of psychic causality from the subject's words by reflecting on the subject of consent and discernment. Lucie testifies to the way she consents to the will of the other without appealing to her critical judgment. Guilty of having said yes to the boy who took him to a place where he abused her, unable to discern where it was going to lead her, she spreads her truth by showing how by opting most often for the sense of Other against herself, she finds herself a victim of sexual abuse. Going to the meeting of what represents the subject from his enunciation gives him the opportunity to become the author of his word in what made him the victim of another and thus to bring out also what could allow him to defend yourself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay turns to John Cassavetes's 1974 film, A Woman under the Influence , in order to explore what remains unrepresentable about the complex eventfulness of 1970s US feminism. By reading the film through its emphasis on performance and gesture, I look to A Woman under the Influence both as an artifact of the shifting political and cultural logics of "women" as a category of collective experience in the 1970s and also as a generator of affect that tells us something about the historical complexity of 1970s feminism beyond its material, ideological, or directly political manifestations. The focus of the essay is on how we might historicize the production of 1970s US feminism as a mass-mediated event that exceeds our ability to fully represent it. That is, the essay looks to cinema as a means for making the polytemporal multiplicity of 1970s US feminism available as a historiographical question for feminist studies in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the Thermidorian Reaction in France (1794–5), a period when the country and its inhabitants were struggling to deal with the violent legacy of the Terror of the preceding eighteen months. Beginning with the immediate aftermath of the fall of Maximilien Robespierre on 9 Thermidor Year II/27 July 1794, it offers a fresh perspective on this troubled period by focusing on victims of the Terror (both the dead and the living). A lively print culture emerged in which both individual victims and affected communities sought to reframe their past experiences to their own benefit, in particular via campaigns of rehabilitation. They also engaged in acts of denunciation which provided another link back into the Terrorist past. Collectively, these printed outputs and the methods by which they were constructed provide a useful parallel to more well‐known developments on the national stage, where politicians were also grappling with the challenges left by the Terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the workshop "Performing Witches" presented at the 2017 conference "Thinking with Stories in Times of Crisis" in Detroit. In recognition of the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 African American uprising in Detroit, the author, who grew up there, used the workshop format to reflect with fairy-tale studies colleagues on her upbringing during those turbulent times. Our brief time together explored the author's personal experience of race, gender, and sexuality issues by using the lens of fairy-tale plots and motifs, especially that of the witch, the hero, and the curious girl, to open further the discourse between history, story, and memory. Ideas flowing from the workshop are further explored and expanded here, including revisionist thinking about ATU 334 (Household of the Witch). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the Roman inquisition in Malta during the eighteenth century when much of its severity had declined. It presents evidence from primary sources in Malta's inquisitorial archives [...]

If a state withdraws from a treaty in a manner that violates its own domestic law, will this withdrawal take effect in international law? The decisions to join and withdraw from treaties are both aspects of the state's treaty-making capacity. Logically, international law must therefore consider the relationship between domestic and international rules on states' treaty consent both in relation to treaty entry and exit. However, while international law provides a role for domestic legal requirements in the international validity of a state's consent when joining a treaty, it is silent on this question in relation to treaty withdrawal. Further, there has been little scholarly or judicial consideration of this question. This contribution addresses this gap. Given recent controversies concerning treaty withdrawal – including the United Kingdom's exit from the European Union, South Africa's possible withdrawal from the International Criminal Court, and the threatened US denunciation of the Paris Agreement – and the principles underlying this body of law, it is proposed that the law of treaties should be interpreted so as to develop international legal recognition for domestic rules on treaty withdrawal equivalent to that when states join treaties, such that a manifest violation of domestic law may invalidate a state's treaty withdrawal in international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The initiation of criminal prosecution is an important criminal procedural institution that marks the initial moment of criminal prosecution, the moment when the criminal trial starts, representing the birth of the legal framework for exercising the procedural rights and obligations. The criminal trial has four stages: criminal prosecution (which focuses on the deed immediately after the referral, and then on the person), the pre-trial chamber, the trial (in the first instance and, possibly, by appeal) and the execution of the final legal decision. Prosecution is the first phase of criminal trial and is meant to prepare and ensure the smooth conduct of criminal proceedings in the trial phase, by detecting the offenses, identifying and apprehending the perpetrators, gathering evidence regarding the offense and the offender, so that the offense committed and the person to be tried, as well as other persons who may have a procedural capacity in the case, are known at the time the court is referred. According to the current regulation, criminal prosecution is a judicial function (art. 3), which is exercised ex officio, unless otherwise stipulated by law, and in its exercise the prosecutor and the criminal investigation bodies collect the necessary evidence to determine whether or not there are grounds for referral. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Punishment is the intentional infliction of harm, and, when a state reverses its normal role in protecting its citizens and instead punishes them, it must offer some convincing grounds for doing so. Utilitarian penology offers one ground for imposing punishment. Its central tenets are that punishment can provide a net benefit to society as a whole and that punishment should be used in a way that maximizes that benefit. However, utilitarian penology is commonly criticized because it seems to oblige the state to punish innocent citizens whenever doing so would provide society a net benefit. So far, proponents of utilitarian penology have proved unable to come up with a reason not to punish innocent citizens when such punishment would inure to society's benefit. This Article seeks to show that the denunciation function of punishment offers at least one utilitarian reason a state official should choose not to punish innocent citizens. To do so, Part I digresses from typical scholastic analysis and instead delves into history and legend, unfolding the story of Boston Corbett, whose life serves to illustrate the power of denunciation as a function of punishment. Part II more fully describes the common criticism of utilitarian penology as well as its proponents' ineffectual responses to this criticism. Part III posits that denunciation theory might offer a utilitarian-based solution that persuasively responds to the criticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to apply the theory of games to a crisis situation within a political organization. It aims more specifically at the study of the strategic interactions of actors in the crisis with the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI). Indeed, the conflict opposes the conservatives (camp Sangaré) to the reformers (camp Affi). This research focuses on the rhetoric of the two factions via the dailies Le temps et Notre Voie. The clarification of the discursive behavior of the players was made by the mobilization of the tools of the theory of the games. In this internal crisis, each interactant has appropriated "denunciation" as the dominant strategy. The choice of this option has put the players in a prisoner's dilemma which is based on maximizing personal gain at the expense of satisfaction of the collective gain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pervasiveness of suspicion throughout society has become a central theme in the literature, especially with the importance of suspicious activity reporting in counterterrorism policies. Yet, little is known about the ‘suspicion-in-the-making’. The article aims to shed light on the production of suspicion as routine work for people and businesses invited to be the ‘eyes and ears’ of the State in the name of security. The fight against money laundering and terrorist financing is the paradigmatic example of how suspicious activity reporting serves as the backbone of policing practices. Drawing on empirical research in Canada, the focus on financial policing provides an opportunity to reflect upon the formalization of the suspicion-in-the-making in general, outside police and intelligence organizations in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the shifting views among Argentina's leaders on political informing during the civil wars of the early nineteenth century. During the late 1830s and early 1840s, several Unitarian rebellions threatened Juan Manuel de Rosas, the governor of Buenos Aires, and his Federal allies within the interior of the country. One of the most significant of these occurred in Córdoba, Argentina's second largest province, in late 1840. The Federals defeated the Unitarian uprising and unleashed local campaigns of repression, or what some scholars have called the Terror. Federals actively encouraged communities under their jurisdictions to assist their efforts in pursuing Unitarian suspects by accepting political denunciations. However, problems began to emerge as jurists realized that personal motives more often crept into allegations of political misconduct. In addition, some of the accused fought back and challenged their accusers' claims. These problems cast doubt on the idea of relying on communities for political information, and Federals eventually sought to regulate and even discourage denunciations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shaming in a social context is necessarily assembled, as it depends on a loosely and often spontaneously arranged network of actors to convey denunciation. Digital tools further the expansion of such networks, a development that is of particular concern for surveillance scholars. This paper seeks to advance an account of user-led surveillance of peers that is centred on the enactment and experience of shame, notably as such practices can mobilise and be mobilised by press and state-led initiatives. Drawing on literature that considers shaming in criminological, journalistic, and digital media contexts, it considers tensions and other developments among a range of social actors who perform shaming. Recent examples in the Dutch context support an understanding of shaming as a process that enrols a set of social actors to stigmatise and exclude (categories of) individuals under scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses the work of Mexican photographer Mayra Martell — particularly her seriesEnsayo de la identidad. Desaparición de mujeres en Ciudad Juárez, México 2005–2010(Identity Essay. Disappearance of women in Ciudad Juarez, Mexico 2005–2010) — focusing on the visual strategies chosen to represent the absence of those women. this work is particularly interesting, considering both its points of contact and its distance from the strategies used for the representation of desaparecidos (victims of forced disappearance) in contemporary Argentine photography. Special attention is paid to the visual device proposed by Martell to represent these absent bodies and the strategies chosen to denounce these increasingly occurring individual stories with two biographical elements in common: being female and being young. Further, the relationships with previous productions from the Argentine photographic context are discussed in order to reflect on the specific procedures that can induce a tension on the naturalized link between photography and memory, between absence and representation, and between image and denunciation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I draw on both Aristotle and William Ian Miller to analyse hatred as a belief in the desirability of the non-existence of the other to inquire into the relationship between hatred as an emotion and hate crime as a social phenomenon. I examine the particular difficulties hatred as an emotion may bring to the restorative process. I note that while some legal scholars object on grounds of freedom of belief to the notion that crimes motivated by hate should attract more severe punishment than those motivated by other intentions or emotions, others view the state's role in denouncing the beliefs behind hate crime as fundamental to the justification for hate crime laws. I argue that despite the many benefits that restorative justice may have in healing the harms and causes of hate crime, restorative justice, because it decentres the state in its response to crime, cannot fulfill the expressive role of authoritative state repudiation of prejudiced belief. This drawback of restorative justice may be problematic in the current political climate where it is increasingly unclear as to whether states repudiate or endorse beliefs in the desirability of the non-existence of minorities who are the victims of hate crime. I conclude, however, by outlining one set of cases were the availability of a restorative alternative is highly desirable: that is those public order kinds of offences which, though in some respects are "low level" kinds of violations, when motivated by hate can carry the full message of the desire for the non-existence of the other. Because restorative options embolden police and prosecutors to do something rather than nothing about such crimes, restorative alternatives in this context do, in a round about sort of way, fulfill the desirable goal of treating hate crimes more seriously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under the Salazar regime many Portuguese citizens wrote spontaneous letters of denunciation to the authorities. The phenomenon has been overlooked by historians of the Estado Novo. This article discusses a particular set of denunciation letters written during the final decade of the regime, held in a single file at the pide Archives (antt). It establishes a typology of denunciations and evaluates the role of social self-policing in the Estado Novo. It argues that society's relationship with the secret police was multi-faceted and not reducible to the status of "passive victim" commonly ascribed to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While discussions of religious activity during the First World War have commonly stressed the development of ecumenical relationships and much has been made of theAppeal to All Christian Peoplemade by the 1920 Lambeth Conference of Anglican bishops, little attempt has been made to examine the reality of local ecumenical activity in the opening decades of the 20thcentury. Some evidence, such as that referenced in the title, has suggested that the animosity of the previous century continued. Conversely, much anecdotal war-time evidence from both military and civilian contexts indicates a thawing of previous attitudes. This article closely examines the evidence from the east midlands, drawing the conclusion that ecumenical relationships were generally neither antagonistic nor genuinely friendly. Rather, Anglicanism and nonconformity largely existed in separate social and cultural worlds, and there is little evidence indicative of significant local ecumenical progress in that period. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Through a close reading of hitherto untapped archival sources, this article looks at the 1939 Turkish elections and argues that through extensive denunciation, petitioning, and an unofficial pre-election procedure, provincial urbanites had local candidates selected as MPs while discarding candidates proposed by Ankara. Petitioning and clandestine but extensive mobilization from below had an impact on state-society relations, state policies, and politics. Petitions, denunciations, and their processing constituted a communicative and essentially political space that facilitated state-society interaction and served as a means of empowerment of social actors at the local level to negotiate and modify the policies of an authoritarian single-party regime. In turn, the state appeared pragmatic in its attempt to boost its legitimacy through considering societal demands, although, in doing so, it demonstrated class, ethnic, educational, and religious biases. Nevertheless, in this way the regime became more amenable to popular participation and its policies to manipulation by society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues concerning the temporal scope of jurisdiction of international investment arbitration tribunals are attracting increased attention due to recent events, such as the denunciation of the ICSID Convention by some states, the denunciation of bilateral investment treaties from which the tribunals draw their jurisdiction, or the provisional application of other treaties concerning investment protection. The solutions offered by most arbitral tribunals are in line with international customary rules on the law of treaties, a point which deserves attention as further proof of the cohesiveness of international investment law with public international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has long been observed that centralized social control requires some level of cooperation from the populace. Without such assistance, control agents are unable to acquire the local knowledge necessary to locate and prosecute deviants. Yet why citizens cooperate with authorities, especially in the most repressive regimes, remains a puzzle. This article develops two models of such cooperation: in the first, authorities actively use incentives to elicit denunciations from the populace, through either coercion or the promise of rewards. In the second, authorities passively gain access to local negative networks, as individuals denounce to harm others whom they dislike and to gain relative to them. Using internal variation in the early years of the Spanish Inquisition (1486 to 1502) and Romanov Russia (1613 to 1649), I demonstrate the differing effects of each model on patterns of denunciations. Paradoxically, social control is most effective when authorities provide individuals maximum freedom to direct its coercive power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]