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The article discusses the role of the members of Intelligentsia in sharing their perception on general political and social ideas. Topics include forming artistic, social, political vanguard by sharing intellectual views by the intelligentsia members; connection of the members views with ideology and conscious labor of spirit for its own perfection and for ordering everything that surrounds a person.

The article discusses the issue of forming an intellectual community within the society. According to the author, the experiences gained over the past centuries were no longer viable, which oftentimes became an obstacle in the search for sufficient and favorable answer under the new contexts of man's existence. In addition, man today has better ground for confidence than his predecessors since he is in every regard better provided with creativity and essentials of life. The author concludes that intellectual community is one of today's imperative tasks, wherein its object is the integration of all intellectual activities and humanistic civilization.

This essay calls for academics to engage in a more publicly-focused, community-centered intellectualism. Highlighting James Baldwin’s role as a public intellectual in the civil rights movement of the tumultuous 1960s as a model, the essay argues for academics to leverage popular media to reach broader audiences, communicate truthfully but provocatively, and work with and within local communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relation of the eminent Polish historian Władysław Konopczyński (1880-1952) to the newly established communist rule. As president of the Commission of History of the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences, the editor-in-chief of the Polish Biographical Dictionary, and one of the few internationally known Polish historians who survived the war, the old Konopczyński enjoyed much prestige among his colleagues and in the Polish academia in general. For this and the other reasons indicated in the paper, the communist authorities choose him as the symbol of the 'bourgeois' scholarship and decided to discredit him and get rid of his person. The paper presents the ways in which the government exercised pressure on the scholar and his colleagues, causing Konopczyński's resignation from all his posts, and depriving him the opportunities to teach and publish. Finally, the moral and practical results of this campaign on the historian's collaborators and colleagues are analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an analysis of experience related to exile or diaspora conditions developed by non-Communist intellectuals expulsion from Bolshevik republic in 1920. Topics discussed include introduction of the term 'sobornost' for determination of human community that comprises ecclesial community related to Slavophile; information on Aleksei Khomiakov along with his participation in Slavophilism; and consideration of Khomiakov for freedom suppression at Orthodox Church.

The debate about transitional justice in post-communist Romania, though vigorously supported by numerous public intellectuals in the early 1990's, slowly faded away after 2004, for coming at term with a merely symbolic measure, namely officially condemning communism as criminal ideology in 2007. Intellectuals' satisfaction with symbolic measures instead of effective transitional justice is twofold. On the one hand, the condemnation of communism was a long awaited ideological victory for right-wing intellectuals. On the other hand, the public positions that many of them occupied with the support of right-wing parties in government unable them to accuse political elites in power and to keep pushing for more decisive action against former communist repressors. This inability paves the way for the final rehabilitation and legitimation of former repressors as valuable capitalist entrepreneurs, key businessmen and devoted public servants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the theory of the French nouvelle droite (ND; New Right) school of political thought. Emphasis is given to the division of left and right and the modernist metapolitical approach embodied in ND that seeks to transcend such divisions in political change. The author explores the rise of extreme right-wing parties in Europe in relation to the collapse of the communist Soviet Union.

The First World War and its aftermath changed the position of intellectuals in Europe dramatically and politically and culturally reordered the continent. Now, even more than before the war, they attributed a political and societal mission to themselves, or were called upon by others. German intellectuals operated at the centre of these developments. They were confronted with the arrival and clash of new ideologies and moved between reconciliation, dialogue and exclusion. Some of them yielded to the ideological temptations and became 'fellow travellers' of communism or fascism, and contributed to what Julien Benda called the 'treason of the intellectuals'. The rise of fascism and communism, and consequently the search for allies and partners and the expansion of exile communities, prompted national and transnational encounters with other intellectuals, most prominently in France. As a result, discussions about the nature and future of Europe were at the centre of their intellectual exchange. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the meaning of legacy in politics. The author proposes a definition of the concept of legacy in political parties in general, with a particular focus on policies of legacy in the Italian and French communist parties.

The article analyzes the historical episode of the so-called Russian "Diaspora" which occurred following the Bolshevik taking of power and the consequent civil war. According to the author, it is a relatively little examined historical phenomenon that, starting from 1917 and throughout the twentieth century, involved over two million "refugees" who first took shelter in Western Europe and then in the United States. Key moments of this phenomenon are examined and discussed.

Why did otherwise savvy or cautious intellectuals put themselves at risk by attacking the dictatorial Chinese Communist state during the Rectification Campaign of 1957? This essay highlights the critical impact of the postrevolution institution of the united front. A primary tool for acquiring support of non-Party personnel, the official institution featured at the élite level a bundle of exclusive privilege and cultivated exemplary cooperation as well as sentiments of trust, confidence and even admiration toward the regime. Determined to conduct a successful rectification campaign, the regime targeted the élites as usual for support but with augmented privilege. The particular yet familiar approach greatly affected the psychology and calculus of the élites, prompting some to cooperate in criticizing the state. Their publicized opinions set off the dissent of intellectuals and resulted in their own decline. The analysis furthers understanding of the united front and state--society relations in the early Mao years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on "Leben verbinden. Beziehungen als Problem des Biografen," a conference on the problems for biographers that involve information on the families and friendships of biographical subjects. It was held in Munich, Germany from July 14-15, 2011. Topics discussed included the connection between biographies and intellectual histories, how to write a biography about an intellectual couple, and the friendships of communist intellectuals in Germany from 1918 to 1960.

Mihaela Miroiu is a Romanian political theorist and East Europe's most prominent feminist philosopher. She is the author of twelve books published in Romanian, including Road to Autonomy: Feminist Political Theories (Polirom, 2004), Priceless Women (Polirom 2006) and Convenio: On Women, Nature and Morals (Alternative Publishing House, 1996). She has also edited or co-edited nine volumes, most of them on feminism and feminist theory. Born in Romania in 1955, she was raised during the communist era under the Ceausescu regime, and emerged after 1989 as one of the country's leading feminist voices. She founded the country's first gender studies Master's program in 1998, and helped to organize two of its earliest independent women's nongovernmental organizations: AnA. -The Romanian Society for Feminist Analyses and The Center for Gender Studies FILIA. Professor Miroiu is an expert advisor to both UNESCO and the European Union, and has won prestigious international fellowships at Cornell University, Indiana University, Oxford and Manchester Universities, and at the Central European University in Budapest. In 2010, the U.S.-based Association of Women in Slavic Studies awarded Professor Miroiu its Outstanding Achievement Award for her accomplishments as a philosopher and her mentorship of a new generation of young Romanian feminists. The European Institute for Gender Equality also featured her in its "Women Inspiring Europe" 2011 calendar. On May 16, 2010, Kristen Ghodsee, an American scholar of East European women's movements and the John. S. Osterweis Associate Professor of Gender and Women's Studies at Bowdoin College, accompanied her to a public protest in front of the Romanian presidency against a government plan to cut state subsidies to mothers of young children. The following day, Ghodsee interviewed Professor Miroiu in her home in Bucharest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper proposes a Lacanian discourse analysis of 38 private letters addressed to Nicolae Ceausescu, the general secretary of the Romanian Communist Party (RCP), in 1968. Most of the authors of these letters, found in the National Archives of Romania, were inviting the agnostic, openly antireligious, general secretary of the RCP to participate to the baptism of their newborns, to be their godfather, and even to give his name, "Nicolae", to their children. I argue that these requests indicate the transformation of Ceausescu into the Symbolic Father of the newborn children, and by extension, of the future Romanian nation. Moreover, they show the citizens' renunciation of their parental functions on behalf of the state: their children are not theirs anymore, but become "children of the decree" (decreţei in Romanian), as the children born in Romania between 1967 and 1971 were commonly called. Ceausescu, the new "symbolic father", society's source of law and prohibition, is articulated at the most intimate structures of the citizens it governs, becoming "Nicolae", a Symbolic Father, source and custodian of the higher symbolic order of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the travel report of a group of left-wing French intellectuals, part of the inner circle of the journal "Tel Quel," who traveled to China in 1974. The author proposes a different reading of their writings to include elements previously ignored, concentrating on themes of homosexuality, feminism, and the perspective of feminist Julia Kristeva, concerning the figure of the Chinese mother in Maoist society. Writings of the other participants, intellectual Roland Barthes and author François Wahl, are also considered.

this article focuses on the relationship between two Czech communist intellectuals whose ideas it attempts to situate in the broader history of twentieth-century Czechoslovakia: Karel Teige (1900-1951), a leading member of the European avant-garde; and Ladislav Štoll (1902-1981), a prominent journalist in the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. Standard historical accounts have used morally simplistic categories to create a stark opposition between Teige and Štoll: After the communist seizure of power in 1948, the former suffered intense repression for his heretical support of the avant-garde, whereas the latter became a leading architect of Zhdanovite socialist realism. The goal of this article, however, is to problematize such oppositions by focusing instead on the many intellectual and political commonalties both men shared. In doing so it undermines the Cold War myth of a communist monolith imposed from above that separated the ideologically loyal from those who refused to tow the official line. Drawing upon a range of archival and secondary sources, the article demonstrates that until 1950, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia never had a monolithic "line" on art and culture, making it anachronistic to impose concrete boundaries between "true believers" and intellectual "heretics." To the contrary, Teige insisted throughout his life that his avant-garde aesthetics (which he based on French Surrealism and Russian Constructivism) were consistent with the Soviet doctrine of socialist realism. At the same time, Party functionaries such as Štoll largely tolerated, if not agreed with such opinions--despite how greatly such opinions deviated from the Soviet norm after 1937. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History of Communism in Europe is the property of Zeta Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History of Communism in Europe is the property of Zeta Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper is both a description and an analysis of some of the most interesting cases of French intellectuals seduced by the communist project at the end of the First World War. While the major objective of this paper was to present the manner in which the communist ideology and the regimes inspired by this one afterwards were imagined and conceived by widely known intellectuals at that time, its secondary objective was to bring into debate a salient and, at the same time, somehow neglected issue in the academic literature -- the intellectual attachment to the totalitarian ideas in Western Europe. The First World War made it possible that the utopian philosophies meet the political will of recreating a new social order and, also, it gave birth to a mass intellectual movement that, for the first time in the European history, has burst in the East side of the continent and influenced famous western intellectuals' outlooks on culture, society and politics. Among the French intellectuals fascinated by Communism at the end of the First World War, we distinguished several types, any of them finding its sap in different sources of attraction. The first profile belongs to the «nostalgic intellectual», who has a particular admiration for the great events from the historical past, especially for the French Revolution of 1789. Alphonse Aulard is one French intellectual we considered as being attached to Communism due to its nostalgy. The «idealists», most of them Slavophile, form the second group of intellectuals. Pierre Pascal, as well as the other French Slavophiles, developed a sincere admiration, sometimes even naïve, for the old Russian society, perceived as the cradle of the orhodox religion and of the traditional community life. Thirdly, it is the «nonconformist» intellectual's portrait that draws our attention. Both nonconformist and idealist intellectuals are conservative, rejecting certain modern phenomena. Nevertheless, unlike the idealist, the nonconformist intellectual does not oppose modernity per se; he only wants to recreate it as peaceful and tolerant. An outstanding nonconformist intellectual to be mentioned here is Romain Rolland. Finally, the fourth profile identified in this paper is the «modernist» or the «surrealist» Michel Winock wrote about. André Breton is one of the most renowned surrealist intellectuals who were fascinated by Communism in France. The surrealist intellectuals defended the idea of a new régime de l'esprit, proposing new aesthetic categories (the dream, the unconscious, the illogicality) and, thereby, getting closer to an aesthetic definition of the revolution and of a modern political project. Being based on a theoretical assertion resulting from François Furet's writings, according to whom intellectuals' enthusiasm for Communism had a double nature (ideological/ rational and aesthetic/ emotional), our analysis has taken into consideration both objective and subjective variables, such as: the profession, the way of perceiving modernity, the attachment to the communist cause, the political interests, the communist affiliation, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explanations for the relative silence of Romanian intellectuals between 1945 and 1989 vary, though all centre upon the regime's ability to coerce and control intellectual circles through its repressive and manipulative tools, such as its political police (the Securitate), a nationalist discourse that equated opposition with betrayal and an incentive-based approach (economic and social benefits). While structural constraints as well as a particular nationalistic culture, explain the limited dissent, they do not account for why dissent happened at all. This article focuses on agency as well as context examining not just the factors that influenced dissent but also analyzing the various forms of dissent which occurred during communism. It takes a historical analysis approach and relies upon a dataset obtained through original, open-ended interviews with leading Romanian intellectuals and primary sources (i.e. memoirs, open letters) to explain and analyze intellectual dissent. The article argues that individual acts of dissent show that despite the sophisticated mechanisms of indoctrination, propaganda and control, the party's ability to atomize society was not absolute. Such Quijotic acts provided society with reference points outside the sphere of the Party itself and the grey zone of ethical minimalism. Keywords: public intellectuals, dissent, Romania, ethical minimalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History of Communism in Europe is the property of Zeta Books and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article looks at the relations between Macedonian and Albanian intellectuals and the communist party in the Republic of Macedonia. More specifically, it focuses on the creation and development of national program by Macedonian intellectuals within state structure. The article argues that during the socialist period the party policies and the socialist Macedonian intellectuals were supporting each other in the realization of their common goals: the establishment and consolidation of the Macedonian national program. It looks at intellectual production created by members of the Macedonian Academy of Arts and Sciences (MANU) to show how historiography and linguistics became the battlefields for the development of national ideology in Macedonia. Based on the establishment of these "invented" traditions, Macedonian scholars and socialist politicians made claims within Yugoslavia, but also internationally that Macedonians are a separate nation and that they have the right to an independent state after socialism. I show that Albanian intellectuals also developed an Albanian national program, only quietly and in the background. Simultaneously, the article argues that the Yugoslav policies of national determination, decentralization and self-expression reinforced ethnic differences in the country and assisted in the development of Albanian and Macedonian parallel national projects. The processes of inclusion and national consolidation, while excluding 'the others' from the national project, were legitimized and institutionalized by the creation of a national culture and politics by the intellectuals within the socialist state structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to this special issue which focuses on topics related to the history of intellectuals and communism in Europe is presented which includes articles on French communists during the interwar period, art and communism in Romania, and the field of sociology in communist Romania.

The article focuses on the role of intellectuals in 21st-century society. The author remarks that during times of political crisis, such as the presence of communism and totalitarianism in the 20th century, the ideas and books of intellectuals are deeply appreciated by the public. In the 21st century, however, with the rise of the Internet, the role of intellectuals and free thinkers in society is more complicated. Topics discussed include Polish thinker Bronislaw Geremek, political and social conditions in Poland in the 20th century, and the ideologies of Czechoslovakian dissident Václav Havel.

Mikhail Lifšic (1905-1983) is one of the most contradictory and to this date poorly understood authors of the Soviet era. He represented an independent Marxist position, but one internally characterized by the tense relationship between Marxism and the philosophy of Hegel. This relationship, concerning historical philosophical questions, is the subject of this essay. In the 1930s, as 'historical materialism' was canonized in the USSR, a development that Soviet civilization understood as the 'beginning of the end of (universal) history', Lifšic drafted a different, skeptical summary of the revolutionary era. However, he remained loyal to both the concept of universal history and the examination of Russian-Soviet cultural history within the framework of this concept. With the help of a text from Lifšic from the 1930s as well as his later (early 1980s) reflection and remembrance of the ideological debates of the 1930s, this essay will show that Lifšic' reconstruction of idealism in Marxism was no accident, but rather a necessary movement in thought. This, in turn, enabled him to give a new account of the historical experience of the October Revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper traces interpersonal utility comparisons and bargaining in the work of John Harsanyi from the 1950s to the mid-1960s. As his preoccupation with how theorists can obtain information about agents moved from an approach centered on empathetic understanding to the more distanced perspective associated with game theory, Harsanyi shifted emphasis from the social scientist's lack of information vis-à-vis agents to agents' lack of information about each other. In the process, he provided economists with an analytical framework they could use to study problems related to the distribution of information among agents while consolidating the perspective of a distant observer whose knowledge can replace that of real people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the sense of self exhibited early in his political career by Ioseb "Soso" Jughashvili (later Joseph Stalin), during his time as an activist with the Russian Social-Democratic Workers Party based in Tiflis (Tbilisi), Georgia. In particular, Jughashvili's identification with the intelligentsia is discussed, as are the ways that self-identification related to Enlightenment ideas of the centrality of knowledge and science. Also discussed are historical debates about whether Jughashvili identified more with intellectuals or with workers (the proletariat).

Through an analysis of Third Sister Liu, a popular musical of the early 1960s, this article illustrates how the Chinese Communist Party mobilized state and society to express disparaging ideas about the intellectual during the Great Leap Forward. The Chinese intellectual was not any specific social type, group, or individual, but a substrate upon which the party organized and promoted its vision and division of society. Official representations, organization, and the threat of punishment underpinned the party's efforts and produced local resistance toward the party's understanding of the intellectual. The author's analytical approach stresses the social work of construction that reproduced the intellectual as a major political subject, an official classification, and an embodied identity in socialist China. The analysis illuminates heretofore obscured dimensions of Communist Party rule and experiences of those affected by the classification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the thought of conservative intellectual Whittaker Chambers, focusing on his nuanced views on communism during the Cold War. The author highlights the influence of Chambers' conversion to Christianity, fatalist historians Arnold Toynbee, Henry Adams, and Oswald Spengler, and the perjury trial of lawyer Alger Hiss on Chambers' pessimistic historical determinism. Existentialist elements of Chambers' thought are noted, and special attention is paid to his analysis of the connection between faith, science, and politics. The author argues that conservatives misapplied Chambers' views on communism and liberal criticisms of Chambers' historical theory are noted.

Written during the 1940's, Rodolfo Puiggros' historical account allows us to investigate a way to deal with the national problem through a Marxist vernacular reflection as well as the relation between the historical work and the invention of legitimacy of the intellectual work Puiggros undertook a revision of the Argentine past under the Stalinist perspective with a double purpose: to develop a historical narration that supported the thesis of an incomplete transition to capitalism and to depict a genealogy of the communist project to consummate the «democratic-bourgeois revolution». However, that narration also built an image of the «revolutionary intellectual» sustained by the organic commitment with the Argentine Communist Party as a working class' organization, the ascription to Marxist materialism against other social readings, and the appropriation of the intellectual and political concept of vanguard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research has largely overlooked the reification of the intellectual (zhishifenzi) after the 1949 Communist revolution. Studying this major feature of Chinese socialism can illuminate the workings of the Chinese Communist Party, statesociety relations, and the experience of so-called intellectuals. This article explores the social and ideological contexts that first nurtured the party's concept of intellectuals. It focuses on the debate about the intellectual class (zhishi jieji) in political and literary circles from the late 1910s to the mid- 1920s. During the May Fourth era, socialists, anarchists, and other activists regarded the intellectual class as a distinct social category with internal cleavages based on age and political consciousness. Under the influence of the Comintern, the Chinese Communists recast the intellectual class as the primary ideological enemy. The debate about the intellectual class profoundly affected the party's understanding of the intellectual. The article concludes by suggesting new directions for research on the reification of the intellectual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an investigation into the variety of social perspectives adopted by the Polish intelligentsia during the Stalinist regime between 1945 and 1956. A wide spectrum of responses by the educated class to socialism is discussed. Dominant attitudes profiled include intellectual opposition through underground social resistance, "unenthusiastic passiveness" mixed with opportunism and pragmatism, and acceptance of the new socio-economic regime. The concurrent developments and interactions of the different political camps are also analyzed. A time line is also given identifying the different peaks of each ideology's prominence throughout the era.

The article presents an examination into the history of the Polish intelligentsia in the second half of the 20th century, particularly focusing on the social dynamics between the intellectuals and the middle class under the communist regime. Discussion is given regarding the changes within the intellectual social structure during the period, the shift in the social role of the elite class, and the degree to which the communist government facilitated the rise of the middle class. Further comments are also given investigating the status of contemporary relations between the intelligentsia and the middle class and its origins from this earlier period.

The article discusses the historic role of public intellectuals as the conscience of society in China and the treatment of those who have openly criticized communist party policy in the post-Mao era. It is argued that intellectuals remain under Chinese Communist Party control and that there are still no laws to protect political and civil rights. The continued contraction of public space for political discourse under the 4th generation of state leaders who came to power in 2002 is examined. The ability of intellectuals who have lost their jobs in academia to find employment and outlets for their political views within China's expanding market economy is assessed.

The review article reconstructs the reception of Gramsci's writings in Italy from the postwar-period to the present. Compared to the Italian debate that has given little attention to Gramsci's writings, except for in some periods such as the 1970s, Gramsci's fortune has continued to grow internationally. Recent Italian contributions, such as the book of Alberto Bugio, Grasmci storico, criticised in this review, remain indebted to an historicist approach that does not allow a use of Gramscian categories as an optic for interpreting and enacting the transformation of the present. The analysis concentrates on concepts such as 'passive revolution', 'fascism', 'Taylorism' and 'bureaucracy'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author responds to articles in the journal by Kevin Gaines and Patricia Saunders concerning her book "Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones." Particular focus is given to the notion of outsiderness regarding the status of black women and Caribbean women within radical and intellectual traditions. Lessons from the life and political career of political activist Claudia Jones are explored.

The article explores changes to the scholarly journal "The Czech Historical Review" in relation to the changing political atmosphere connected with the rise of communism in Czechoslovakia following World War II. A brief history of the periodical is presented, noting the cessation of publication during World War II. Particular focus is given to ideological conflicts between democratic historians and Marxist-Leninist historians when the journal resumed publication in 1946, following the end of World War II. The suspension of the publication in 1949 following a Marxist attempt to take control of the editorial board is also discussed.

The key issue of this essay is to look at Antonio Gramsci's writings as centered on the theme of public intellectual within the Communist experience in the years 1920s and 1930s. The essay also deals with the present significance of what Gramsci said about the organic intellectual regarding the existence of the general intellect in the current capitalist relations of production and reproduction of society. It is important to bear in mind that Marx is the first one to write about the general intellect in the Grundrisse. Later on, the extra parliamentary movement Autonomia theorized on the mass intellectuality in Italy during the 1960s and 1970s. Today Antonio Negri, Paolo Virno and Maurizio Lazzarato are the main authors who are working the theory of the general intellect and immaterial labor in the dynamics of the society of information and global capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work reviews the differences between radical and colonized thought, carries out a brief analysis of the spread of radical thought in Costa Rica, and attempts to show that Communism "a la Tica" is a version directed towards the popular sectors of metaphyical ethnic nationalism, the principal form claimed by colonized thought in Costa Rica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]