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The article discusses the history of the participation of African American Northerners in the Gettysburg Campaign and their efforts to turn military service into citizenship at the state level. It describes the African American companies from Harrisburg that joined the state militia and the enlistment of many members in the U.S. Colored Troops after the companies disbanded. It examines the reluctance of African American Northerners to serve in regiments in other states.

As of this writing, the twentieth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks and a capstone edited book that defines the narrative tradition of libraries and democracy have come and gone. They are related. There is cause for reassessment in light of those two decades and widespread worry about democracy, with parallels in libraries. The library and information science field must deepen its understanding of democracy, but do so in a way that does not abandon the historic commitments characterized in the capstone book. I propose a switch in perspective to libraries in the life of democracy, from democracy in the life of libraries. This article describes the defining narrative and then explores the idea of civic republican (active) citizenship, on which the defining narrative draws heavily, revealing a democracy-within-the-life-of-libraries perspective. "Actually existing democracy" is sketched in contrast, which fosters a libraries-within-the-life-of-democracy approach. Factors working against and for democracy in libraries in the past two decades are presented in the conclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociological Institutionalists of education suggest that the first quarter of the 21st century has seen a paradigm shift in moral education worldwide toward depicting global citizenship as rooted in social diversity and common humanity, going beyond the locally focused interests of nation-states. Within the context of the ongoing nation building process in the self-governing territory of Taiwan in the past two decades, this study offers a telling example of the dynamics between the cosmopolitan turn in curriculum reforms and the parallel socio-political realities. Drawing on a large group of university students (N = 1,020) from Taiwan, this paper offers an empirical perspective regarding how multiculturalism promotes civic and political participation as a process of global citizenship making. The indirect effects through the mediating variables of political self-efficacy and trust in the democratic system have also shed some light on how the process works on certain individual and social conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the first films made by a female director, Kangdrun (T: Gangs sgron, གངས་ྒྲསྒྲོན་, Gangzhen, 岗珍, b. 1995) belonging to the Post-2000s Inland Tibet Class (ITC) generation. Following the experience of the Sinophone-Tibetan filmmaker Kangdrun in a Chinese language education environment, her films, and Tibetan cultural communities, this study discusses Kangdrun’s visual strategies for telling stories from the perspectives of children and youth through a feminine camera eye. The Chinese language education and Tibetan cultural community relations have reshaped the ethnic awareness of the post-2000s ITC generation regarding what can be called ‘a safe Chinese Tibetan citizenship’. This study contributes to a new understanding of modern Tibetan authors’ generational relationships, the expressive styles of the female Sinophone-Tibetan filmmaker, and how affective visuality mediates the cultural, political, and gender identity formation of female artists of the post-2000s ITC generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks “who cares” in the precarious city when the state fails. In Los Angeles, one of the largest immigrant-based economies in the United States, the COVID-19 pandemic exposed the extreme vulnerability of low-paid immigrant workers who were unable to do paid work during government-mandated shutdown periods. Unauthorized workers and immigrants in mixed-status households, who are the focus of our study, faced additional challenges, contending with hunger, eviction, and lack of access to essential medicine and public health care due to their exclusion from federal relief assistance. The role of civil society organizations in addressing the gaps and fissures of the neoliberal state is heavily criticized, we argue that scholars—as well as policymakers—need to pay closer attention to exactly how organizational actors are rebuilding state-society relations guided by principles of relational care, strategic responsiveness, and infrastructural efficacy, rather than neglect, incompetence, and criminality. As we face a future of ongoing epidemiological and ecological crises, our public institutions have much to learn from immigrant workers and social justice organizations that are working in concert to build caring cities in precarious and carceral times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractEngagement with socioscientific issues (SSI) is seen as an important citizenship goal of SSI-based science education. In this experimental study, Dutch students (age 8 to 13) participated in lesson series in which they learned about and discussed SSI, such as issues related to the textile industry and wastewater. Attitudes toward SSI indicating engagement were measured among relatively large experimental (n = 236) and control (n = 192) groups prior to and after the intervention. Multilevel analyses showed a positive effect of SSI-based teaching on collective efficacy and no effects on the other seven attitude components. Furthermore, we investigated whether the effects depended on students’ SSI-related resources. Students’ profiles for use of sources of knowledge (USK) moderated the effect of condition on self-efficacy and—depending on analysis type—on personal relevance, positive feelings, and collective efficacy. The positive impact occurred mainly for students with low USK. We discuss implications thereof for SSI education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collegiality and the contribution to the sustenance of the academy through academic citizenship are central to commonly held conceptions of what it is to be a university. This study investigates the articulation and recognition of academic citizenship through institutional promotion criteria, including both traditional research and teaching‐focussed career pathways. The study adopts a qualitative research approach and examines promotion criteria from a sample of 55 mid‐sized universities in the UK. Findings point to a progressive shift in formal recognition of service activities associated with citizenship as part of the core academic workload. Institutional service is pervasive across all academic roles and levels, student service is largely invisible, and activities associated with public service are most notably acknowledged in traditional academic roles at the professorial level. The evolving nature of expectations of citizenship necessitates a more nuanced consideration of the core dimensions of an academic role and citizenship activities to ensure equity and inclusivity in career progression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon 152 in-depth qualitative interviews with residents in Austria carried out in the first year of the pandemic, this article discusses how people's experiences with COVID-19 policies reflect and reshape state–citizen relations. Coinciding with a significant government crisis, the first year of COVID-19 in Austria saw pandemic measures justified with reference to a biological, often medical understanding of health that framed disease prevention in terms of transmission reduction, often with reference to metrics such as hospitalisation rates, etc. Instead of using this biomedical frame, our interviewees, however, drew attention to biopsychosocial dimensions of the crisis and problematised the entanglements between economy and health. We call this the emergence of a biosocial notion of citizenship that is attentive to psychological, social and economic dimensions of health. Insights into the biosocial nature of pandemic citizenship open a window of opportunity for addressing long-standing social injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the contested legal–political dynamics around forced migration flows to and through an unrecognized state: the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). We adopt an analytical perspective drawn from the literature on performative politics and the legal anthropology of documents to explore how migration dynamics interact with the contested legal status of the TRNC. Our two main questions are: What practical shape do the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers take in an interstitial legal space, where the foundation of law is itself subject to ambiguity, suspension, and contestation? And what implications—opportunities and hazards—does this constellation have for refugees and asylum-seekers? Drawing on interviews, lived experience and fieldwork observations, we make two arguments. First, we contend that the interstitial status of the TRNC represents both an opportunity for refugees and a threat. Secondly, we argue that a purely legal or technical understanding of legal identity and concurrent rights is inadequate; we must subject these phenomena to a politically informed analysis of the everyday practices through which legal norms and spaces are continuously shaped and reshaped. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces (dis)continuities in colonial logics across disjunctures of decolonisation and democratisation through a large infrastructure project in contemporary Lahore, Pakistan. Analysing Lahore's Orange Line Metro Train, a project constructed under China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the article shows how colonial extractive and racial logics can limit the redistributive potential of typically inclusive infrastructures like mass transit by continuing to shape the conditions of their development and (re)producing precarious configurations of citizenship in the postcolony. It finds that Pakistan's colonial-era land acquisition law erased a range of land relations and rights from recognition and thus compensation by the state. In an instance of informal policy making, the state eventually created an ad hoc 'grant-in-aid' scheme to compensate landowners in informal settlements. However, the scheme continued the property centric politics of recognition embedded in the expropriation law by only compensating people with long-term land claims. The public script of the scheme invoked welfare obligations of the state but structured these through moral-legal norms of property. The postcolonial state thus bypassed the transition from colonial subjects to citizens and instead repositioned people as humanitarian subjects. The article thus highlights the contradictions of developing subsidized public infrastructure in postcolonial cities, where construction becomes another conduit of imposing land commodification and disciplining pro-poor self-built neighbourhoods that have escaped the rigidity of private property. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article represents the transcript of a 2022 witness seminar on the theme of members of the British public writing to politicians. Collectively, the witnesses have experience of this issue dating from the early 1970s through to the present day. Angie Williams shares her experience of handling correspondence for Ed Miliband and Jeremy Corbyn as leaders of the Labour Party. Lord Kinnock (Neil Kinnock) describes what it was like to receive correspondence both as an MP and as Labour Party leader. David Beckingham relates his experience working in the Number 10 Political Office under Theresa May and Boris Johnson. Lord Parkinson (Stephen Parkinson) also gives a perspective on May, for whom he worked both at the Home Office and in Downing Street. Camilla Jequier explains her role dealing with correspondence for two Conservative MPs. The issues explored include attempts to use correspondence to measure public opinion, the shift from letters to email, gifts enclosed with letters, correspondents with mental health issues, death threats, and the emotional dimensions of correspondence. The witnesses had similar or overlapping experiences. There was agreement that correspondence is often misdirected or phrased in ways that are unlikely to be productive. This may point to a failure of citizenship education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines the endorsement of the nationality stereotype Dutch = White among children and associations with citizenship representations of their mothers (Study 1). Additionally, Study 2 explores how mothers include the concept of Dutch citizenship in the upbringing of their children. Study 1 shows that children (n = 197, 57% girls, 7–13 years old) from different ethnic‐racial backgrounds (White Dutch, Turkish‐Dutch, Black Dutch, Chinese‐Dutch) all endorsed the nationality stereotype and did so to a similar extent. Most mothers rated civic citizenship as more important than ethnic citizenship, but maternal citizenship representations were unrelated to child nationality stereotype. Study 2 shows that mothers often do not actively and consciously include the topic of Dutch citizenship in their upbringing, but might confirm the nationality stereotype in more implicit ways. Future studies are needed to examine how to work towards a more inclusive view of nationality among children in the Dutch context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the Overseers of the Poor group of local-level officials who were responsibly for implementing state laws regarding poverty and citizenship in the early republic era in America's Northeast region, and it mentions violations of poor laws, surveillance, and control. The powers of local government officials are assessed, as well as events in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, New York, New York, and Providence, Rhode Island.

The article discusses various aspects of the association between social class, sexuality, gender, and citizenship during the American Revolutionary War era, and it mentions the experiences of a mother named Angelica Carter, her merchant husband John Carter, and their children in Boston, Massachusetts between 1777 and 1780. Family life and the social conditions of woman are assessed, as well as elite sociability and social status.

Encouraging children to become 'good citizens' who positively contribute towards society through charitable and philanthropic action as part of their civic participation has become a core focus of policy and practice. Yet the opportunities afforded to children for active civic learning within primary education remain under‐researched. This article presents findings from a multi‐survey study that seeks to unpick 'what' and 'how' active civic learning is happening in primary schools across England. By mapping active civic learning across the country, we find that these opportunities are unequally dispersed. Specifically, from an early age, children from more affluent backgrounds are more likely to be prepared for active civic engagement, orientated around ideas of social justice, than those from disadvantaged backgrounds. This raises significant challenges for education policy and practice and calls for greater attention to be paid to civic learning for all children in early and middle childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces Anglocentric unforeignness and postcolonial unforeignness as organising signifiers and objects of historical inquiry. Expressions of unforeignness offer terms of Commonwealth pluralism-solidarism by configuring, rather than overcoming, imperial citizenship and colonial self-government. Anglocentric unforeignness strived for common political agendas and affective unity across, and for, the "White" British Empire. In contrast, postcolonial unforeignness projected Commonwealth agendas that were irreducible to Anglocentric ends. These articulations of unforeignness are traced through divergent ways of imagining India as part of a Commonwealth. The first section of the article develops the parameters for inquiry by drawing upon Colin Koopman's notion of 'problematisation'. Second, Ramchandra Ghanesh Pradhan's critique of Lionel Curtis's imperial federation is discussed. The critique reveals an early twentieth century iteration of postcolonial unforeignness. Third, the article investigates when Jawaharlal Nehru's terms of Commonwealth association and dominion state building preserved imperial administration. This illustrates a configuration of postcolonial unforeignness during India's dominion period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several post-independence African states have opted for constitutional democracies in response to various governance challenges. Most of these constitutions espouse values of constitutionalism, such as the rule of law, human rights and citizenship. This article interrogates the concept of constitutionalism, examines its pillars and values, and reflects on how Africa's constitutions mirror them. Its thesis is that a constitutional government does not necessarily approximate constitutionalism. The article argues, with evidence, that many states possess constitutions but fall short in practising constitutionalism. It calls on these states to embark on institutional reforms and to pursue good governance that improves the living standards of their citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs interviews and primary and secondary sources to examine the discrimination, securitization, and instrumentalization faced by four main Christian denominations throughout Turkish history: the Armenian, Greek, Assyrian, and Protestant communities. We shed light on how some religious minority groups have been utilized and represented within the framework of Turkish diplomacy and the pursuit of neo-Ottomanism. We contend that the blanket term 'Christian' is less applicable in Turkey's context, where religion becomes intricately intertwined with ethnicity. Thus, it becomes imperative to investigate each non-Muslim community independently, considering their unique trajectories, historical traumas, internal divisions, and relationships with the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We contrast the approach taken by Italy and two constituent parts of the UK (England, Wales, and Northern Ireland) toward legalization of same-sex marriage. The incrementalist theory or "step-by-step approach" first advocated by Waaldijk in 2000 predicts that states will take prescribed steps en route to same-sex marriage. The core of incrementalism is that each step (decriminalization of same-sex sexual relations, equality of treatment for gays and lesbians, civil partnership, and finally same-sex marriage) is the logical premise for and in fact necessarily leads to the next step. Reflecting on 22 years of experience, we analyze whether this has been followed in practice in the jurisdictions under study. We demonstrate that although helpful in the early stages, incrementalism does not always reflect how legal changes have occurred and in Italy's case gives no answers as to when or if same-sex marriage will be legalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the conflict between press censorship and free speech in post-partition Delhi, focusing on the Urdu press. It demonstrates how conflicts over free speech became a focal point for the intersection of two fundamental tensions underlying postcolonial state formation—between civil liberties and the authoritarian legacy of colonial rule, and between a secular democracy and a religion-based partition. The article explores the Urdu refugee dailies that relocated from Lahore to Delhi amid the partition upheaval and emerged as significant media voicing refugees' interests, often at the expense of Muslim residents. Their provocative writings simultaneously challenged the boundaries of free speech and advanced an exclusionary notion of citizenship based on blood-based descent (jus sanguinis). This narrow conception of citizenship, underlying the partition migrations themselves, challenged the secularist vision of India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. In response, the Delhi administration took actions against the refugee papers, making them central to contemporary struggles over press censorship. By taking the state to court, refugee editors promoted citizens' right to free speech, but simultaneously advanced a circumscribed notion of ethno-religious citizenship. Navigating this dual role, the article unveils the exclusions and contradictions that marked citizenship formation in the early postcolonial period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Revisiting the citizenship regimes of Myanmar and India through a comparative lens, this article argues that a specter of the "potential foreigner" is decisive in the adjudication of citizenship in both countries. Citizenship is conceptualized not only on the basis of who is a citizen, but a perennial suspicion towards those who may not be. We frame this argument in the context of increasingly restrictive atmospheres in both countries, epitomized by violence towards the Rohingya in Myanmar and the Citizenship Amendment Act in India. This paper employs an historical perspective, tracing the evolution of citizenship since the partitions of Burma and Pakistan from India. It interrogates the very notion of foreignness that is embedded in these discourses, through a detailed description of the religious, ethnic, racial, and administrative "other" etched in the legislative and socio-political fabric of both countries. In order to develop the idea of potential foreigner as a key element of national identity and citizenship policy, the paper examines crucial legislation over the last three-quarters of a century, and the consequences of linking narrowing definitions of ethno-national belonging to citizenship status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the lens of state control over mobilities of residents both migrants and citizens to move away from assumptions that position them as competitors for the privileges of membership. I begin by critiquing the migrant/citizen binary, claiming that it promotes as actuality Fantasy Citizenship of equality and accessible rights when the reality is one of banal citizenship. This Fantasy citizen is a Worker Citizen. However, the substance of the 'right to work' is the right to the welfare safety net and the banal citizen finds access to this safety net restricted by the 'duty to work'. Taking the example of the UK and specifically, England, I examine how citizens' mobility is restricted and controlled, firstly by social housing allocation policies which effectively turns citizens into 'migrants' via worker citizenship, and secondly through the restrictions of COVID-19 including its racialised policing. In this way, I suggest closer attention to state restrictions on the mobilities of citizens can help draw out connections in practice between the citizen and the migrant, connections that are obscured by Fantasy Citizenship and the migrant citizen binary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces this special issue of the Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies. In it, we present and discuss the concept of welfare state bordering. The notion of welfare state bordering that we develop refers to state-authorised practices of managing access to social rights based on residence, migrancy, and/or citizenship in a given socio-political order. These practices are in most cases implemented by national and local governments and institutions, but welfare state bordering can be implemented by various actors to whom the state has granted the power to manage access to rights, services and residence. We situate the notion of welfare state bordering in the scholarship on borders and bordering practices. We offer an overview of the four welfare state contexts discussed in this issue: the United Kingdom, Germany, Finland and Norway. We examine the ways in which various forms of welfare state bordering practices in these countries generate different configurations of exclusion and inclusion for both noncitizens and marginalised citizens on various inter-related levels of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020 Renaissance Studies [34 (2020): 243–59] published an essay entitled "Lorenzo de' Medici and Inheritance Law in Florence," discussing the use of legislation by Lorenzo de' Medici to advantage Carlo Borromei in inheritance from his uncle, to the disadvantage of his cousin, Beatrice, who was married to a Pazzi. The legislation removed legal uncertainty in Florentine inheritance law. Another consilium for the Pazzi has emerged, arising in the aftermath of the legislation, taking an entirely different path to try to deny Carlo Borromei full access to the estate, on the grounds he was not a Florentine citizen and so unable to enjoy the benefits of Florence's new statute. The author of the consilium was a Sienese. His arguments shift the grounds of discussion, while not entirely escaping the whiff of sour grapes by the Pazzi at having lost in the first round. Citizenship emerges as a performative matter, described in terms of things like residence and tax paying. But it was also a matter at the discretion of other citizens. The renewed legal assault on the Borromei offers insight into the many meanings and dimensions of citizenship, as well as the resolve, soon to become fatal, of the Pazzi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public Administration's attempts to understand race and racism insufficiently engage with the historical processes and legacies of White Supremacy. This paper problematizes whiteness and proposes an approach to expand social equity and deepen the field's racial analysis. Drawing on institutional logics perspective, we identify and describe logics of whiteness, an analytic approach that reveals whiteness through the logics of racial capitalism and whiteness as property and provides entry for historical, systems-connected, multi-level analyses of race, racism, racial categorization, and racialized power. We locate whiteness in the institution of citizenship to engage these logics and interrogate how citizens and citizenship are defined by and served in the bureaucracy. Neoliberalism has allowed the administrative state to assign differential citizenship identities across groups according to the logics of whiteness, with both symbolic and material implications for individual lives and for Public Administration theory and praxis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Families in the United States are rapidly changing, and the normative familial model of two married, monogamous, heterosexual parents with children no longer reflects the majority of U.S. families. Nonetheless, state incentive-based policies and discriminatory family laws continue to enforce heteronormative monogamy. Recent changes to the U.S. legal landscape have produced limited formal recognition and protections for same-sex couples and LGBTQ parents, and even these narrow rights are withheld from other diverse familial configurations including families with polyamorous parents. This article uses the concept of sexual citizenship to frame the analysis of U.S. family courts' normative construction of family, identifying striking parallels between family courts' historical and contemporary prejudicial treatment of LGBTQ parents and the institution's similar delegitimization and denigration of polyamorous parents today. This paper reviews polyamorous parents' efforts towards achieving legal and societal legitimatization, finding significant parallels with legal strategies LGBTQ parents utilized to seek legal recognition and protection prior to federal recognition of same-sex marriage. This paper highlights the inadequacies of such a formal sexual citizenship approach, finding that a limited strategy of accumulating specific sexual rights fails to address non-monogamy's more radical cultural presence as well as the (non-legal) informal aspects of belonging needed to improve the livability of polyamorous parents' and their children's lives. This paper concludes with recommendations for improving the treatment of non-traditional families including LGBTQ, polyamorous, and other blended families, both within and outside the legal institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Plato and Aristotle, political theorists have discussed the important role of education in forming democratic citizens. They disagree, however, over whether public or private schools are more effective at nurturing citizenship. We conduct a statistical meta-analysis to identify the average association between private schooling and measures of four central civic outcomes: political tolerance, political participation, civic knowledge and skills, and voluntarism and social capital. Our search identifies 13,301 initial target studies, ultimately yielding 531 effects from 57 qualified studies drawing from 40 different databases. Using Robust Variance Estimation, we determine that, on average, private schooling boosts any civic outcome by 0.055 standard deviations over public schooling. Religious private schooling, particularly, is strongly associated with positive civic outcomes. The evidence is especially strong that private schooling is correlated with higher levels of political tolerance and political knowledge and skills. We discuss heterogeneities, robustness checks, and implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa is undergoing a rapid decline in social and political cohesion at various scales. This paper explores Cape Town's experience of socio-territorial messages and identities deployed by the City administration and the leading party, the Democratic Alliance. I focus on relational constructions of the subjectivity of the 'ratepayer' and the deserving Capetownian as constructed in the City and the DA's discourse and policy measures in juxtaposition to 'street people' and other supposedly deviant urban subjects and how, as such, the wilful ignorance of the first remains both unchallenged and in service of an exclusionary and unjust spatial order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People sometimes limit themselves to doing what is explicitly expected of them and purposely avoid engaging in socially desirable behaviors. Against this background, this study tested a moderated-mediation model based on Conservation of Resources theory and equity theory in academic context through a mixed-methods approach. More specifically, it examined the role of equity sensitivity in influencing the indirect effect of teacher injustice (TI) on classroom citizenship behavior (CCB) through burnout. Results achieved through a four-wave data collected from Pakistani nursing students partially supported the model. They demonstrated that while burnout serves as a mediator in the TI–CCB relationship, the mediation effect is independent of the level of equity sensitivity. A follow-up focus group was also conducted whose findings gave additional details regarding the psychosocial processes underlying the effect of TI on targeted students' attitudes and behaviors. Overall, the study offers theory- and evidence-based insights into the CCB withdrawal process, and provides guidance to education management practice and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thought piece explored the scholarship that expands and disrupts ideas of citizenship. In U.S. civic education classrooms, citizenship is viewed through the lens of a legal model that does not accurately reflect mixed-status classrooms in U.S.-Mexico border schools. We argue for a cathartic pedagogy that normalizes the discussion of alternatives to dominant citizenship identities in K-20 classrooms. Thus, we drew on borderlands-centered pedagogy, and critical pedagogies of counterstory and testimony to put counter-narration in conversation with cultural citizenship. We invite educators to use any combination of these educational principles to empower students in their Borderlands classrooms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using data from a 2013 Student Diversity Survey, this place-based analysis examines the cultural values, beliefs, and logics of postsecondary students from an Hispanic Land Grant Institution in southern New Mexico. The analysis explores the diverse social profiles of the students in the sample and how race, gender, and class statuses shape student's cultural logics related to educational democracy. Relying on the concepts of cultural citizenship and settler colonialism, the author imagines a post-assimilationist education trajectory that celebrates the cultural wealth of working-class, students of color, and women students as they diversify US higher education. The findings show that these postsecondary students embrace cultural logics centering on interdependence and collectivism and reject cultural logics centering on individualism and independence. The author makes a case for expanding neoliberal Diversity, Equity and Inclusion approaches in US higher education to grapple with the foundational violences of Indigenous land dispossession and ongoing settler colonialism that maintains systemic inequities and exclusions in US public education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compulsory citizenship behaviour (CCB) refers to extra‐role behaviours that are not necessarily voluntary or driven by goodwill, and are often conducted under duress or performed in response to supervisor or coworker pressure. The literature is currently unclear about whether these behaviours have negative, positive, or a nuanced combination of outcomes. We address this confusion by drawing on Conservation of Resources Theory to explain employees' daily depletion and organization‐based self‐esteem (OBSE) mechanisms that capture respective costs and benefits of daily CCB. We also explain how employees' extraversion and leader–member exchange (LMX) are critical boundary conditions of these effects. Using an experience sampling method, we collected data twice per day from 186 full‐time employees across 10 working days, yielding 1551 valid daily responses. The results of multilevel path analyses showed that: (a) daily CCB had a positive indirect effect on next‐day interpersonal deviance via increased ego depletion, with extraversion buffering this positive indirect effect; and (b) daily CCB had a positive indirect effect on next‐day proactive helping via increased OBSE, with LMX strengthening this positive indirect effect. These results suggest that employees' daily CCB has both costs (i.e., resource depletion) and benefits (i.e., positive self‐focused beliefs). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainability is about carrying life on. If it is to mean anything, it must be for everyone and everything, and not for some to the exclusion of others. What kind of world, then, has a place for everyone and everything, both now and into the future? What does it mean for such a world to carry on? And how can we make it happen? To answer these questions, I take a closer look at what we mean by 'everything'. I argue that it is not the sum of minimally existing entities, joined into ever larger and more complex structures, but a a fluid and heterogeneous plenum from within which things emerge as folds. How, then, does such an understanding of everything affect our concept of sustainability? It can no longer be understood in terms of the numerical balance of recruitment and loss. It is rather about lifecycles, about things' lasting. In the sustainability of everything there is no opposition between stability and change. The more that global science has committed itself to a numerical calculus of sustainability, the more it has fallen to art to present the alternative. This has crucial implications for the ways we think about democratic citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As both a marriage act and an immigration act, the Expatriation Act of 1907 restricted U.S. women's freedom of marriage by stating that marrying aliens would lead to loss of U.S. citizenship. To study the effects of the Expatriation Act, I conduct a statistical analysis using 1910 full-count U.S. census data. I find that the Expatriation Act of 1907 generated significantly negative effects on intermarriage between American women and foreign-born men, particularly noncitizens. In particular, I find that it was the citizenship, rather than men's non-U.S. origin, that accounted for the negative effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage. These results show a decline in male immigrants' marital assimilation, and potentially social and economic assimilation. As for the magnitude, the effects were large: the decline in intermarriage was at least 15 percent relative to the pre-Act intermarriage rate. Besides these main results, selective emigration to Canada and Europe driven by intermarriage cannot explain the main empirical results of the paper. The Expatriation Act of 1907 also had no significant effects on women's entry into the marriage market. Finally, the effects of the Expatriation Act of 1907 on intermarriage were heterogeneous by family immigration background, but less so by geographic region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study aims to assess relationships between previous stroke diagnosis and demographic or disability status variables, stratified by U.S. citizenship status. The 2019 and 2021 National Health Interview Survey data were analyzed for both descriptive statistics and logistic regression models. Age, sex, income level, race/ethnicity, health insurance status, and indicators of disability common after stroke were predictor variables of interest. For each disability predictor variable, higher odds of having stroke were seen regardless of citizenship status, except for the 'difficulty remembering' variable. For U.S. citizens, increasing age corresponded with higher odds of stroke diagnosis. For noncitizens, odds ratios decreased from 40.3 (95% CI 38.88–41.82) for the 40–65 age group to 29.6 (95% CI 28.38–30.77) in the 80 + group, when compared with the 18–39 age reference group. Female noncitizens had higher odds of stroke, while male citizens had higher odds. Non-Hispanic Black citizens had higher odds of stroke, while the other racial/ethnic groups had higher odds for noncitizens. The results indicated the existence of several socio-demographic disparities in stroke. Notably, noncitizens experienced stroke at a younger age and reported more severe disability outcomes after stroke diagnosis than citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Brexit-driven remaking of some EU families into mixed-status families. Drawing on original research conducted in 2021–2022 with British, EU/EEA and non-EU/EEA citizens living in the UK or the EU/EEA, it shows how families whose members have previously enjoyed equal rights to freedom of movement across the EU/EEA variously negotiate the consequences of Brexit on their lives. Central to our analysis is the interplay between hardening borders and the stickiness of family relations, and its effects on families' migration and settlement projects. The article brings to the fore these emerging entanglements offering a much-needed relational analysis of the impact of Brexit on the directly affected populations, while contributing more widely to expanding the existing scholarship on mixed-status families, by attending to the peculiar ways in which families whose members previously enjoyed equal status under EU law have experienced their transformation into subjects with unequal rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that North Korea uses political propaganda to elicit popular support, and this article focuses on how primary and secondary schools play an essential role in conveying the regime's messages. The article asks how this process shapes North Koreans' perceptions towards citizenship and how their perceptions of 'democracy' differ from those in other parts of the world. School education, I argue, socialises North Koreans and shapes their everyday political attitudes and citizenship perceptions. This study examines 32 North Korean Socialist Moral textbooks and identifies four core regime messages embedded in these texts: Personality Cult education in relation to the Kims, promoting socialism, fostering nationalism, and cultivating communitarianism and collectivism. I propose that these regime messages positively and negatively affect perceptions of democratic citizenship. Messages that promote communitarianism can encourage North Koreans to engage in democratic politics, but messages about political leadership, nationalism, and collectivism can hamper North Koreans' understanding of democracy and their capacity to develop democratic norms. This study has implications for research into how North Korean defectors are integrated into democratic South Korea, suggesting that these defectors' longstanding exposure to authoritarian education in North Korea will necessarily influence how they conceive of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For most of its postcolonial history, Fiji's government was under iTaukei (Indigenous Fijian) control, viewed by iTaukei as the guardian of their status and rights. However, iTaukei-headed governments from the military coup in 2006 until the parliament elections in 2022 undertook modernizing reforms that emphasized equality and enjoyed predominantly Indo-Fijian support. Central in the governing political party's manifesto from the resumption of elections in 2014 was the new constitutional principle of 'common and equal citizenry'. Electoral competition and parliamentary debate under the 2013 Constitution have been marked by protests against the removal of much of the institutional support for Indigenous group rights that existed in Fiji's political system until the 2006 coup. The December 2022 elections brought a new government by a coalition of parties led and supported mainly by Indigenous Fijians. Its agenda includes a promise to redress the weakening of Indigenous status and rights under Bainimarama's rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over recent decades, there have been increased public debates about rising level of ethnic and religious diversity and their implications for social cohesion and intercultural relations. These contestations are often situated within a diversity governance continuum with two opposing and often extreme poles both in the policy arena as well as the academic literature. The first pole sees diversity as potentially contributing to social fissures and intercultural discord. The second pole highlights the benefits of an acceptance of diversity for cross-cultural awareness and social peace. Using empirical evidence from a multi-year project, this article assesses the key assumptions underlying these oppositional approaches through a study of the provision of social services to multicultural communities and its association with civic engagement and national belonging. Study findings show that access to multicultural services is significantly associated with higher levels of civic engagement among migrants, rather than social exclusion and urban segregation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the enactment of legislation on public interest disclosures, whistleblowers still face significant retaliation. Perceptions and expectations of loyalty to a firm, organisation or a government continue to be seen as antithetical to 'voice', that is, the disclosure of wrongdoing, thereby triggering strategies of organisational exit and punishment. Real change can occur if whistleblowing is elevated to a civic duty of equal importance to other civic duties, such as to protect and defend the rule of law, human rights and democracy and to report suspected criminality to authorities. In this article, I justify whistleblowing on a good citizenship concept which transcends particular national institutional characteristics and critically examine the content and contribution of the European Union's Directive on Whistleblower protection. By deploying a tripartite lens blending analytical questions and a discoursive theoretical perspective with a comparative assessment of instruments in the Member States and the EU, the discussion makes the case for the urgent change in the culture of punitive treatment of whistleblowers in the European Union and for further institutional reform when the Directive is reviewed in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Related Articles The increasing availability of extensive governmental data, technological advancements, and a rising standard for government openness are encouraging global governments to implement open data initiatives. While some governments are actively adapting to these trends, others remain behind, despite the pressure. This research explores the political and administrative reasons behind these differences. By analyzing how local governments in South Korea handled requests for open data from citizens between 2007 and 2016, the study highlights the importance of political competition and administrative strength in fostering government transparency and effectively addressing citizen data requests. The study assesses open government data based on its scope, time, and quality, finding that higher levels of electoral competition and better administrative capabilities contribute to increased transparency and responsiveness. However, the study's use of a regression discontinuity design reveals that the political party controlling local governments had minimal influence on these factors.Heo, Inhye. 2013. “The Political Economy of Policy Gridlock in South Korea: The Case of the Lee Myung‐bak Government's Green Growth Policy.” Politics & Policy 41(4): 509–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12029.Heo, Inhye. 2022. “Energy Democratization Policy without Democratization of Policy Governance in South Korea: A Participatory Democracy Perspective.” Politics & Policy 50(4): 834–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12480.Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how Citizenship in an Independent Scotland (CIS)—published by the Scottish Government as part of a ‘prospectus for an independent Scotland’—discursively represents the Scottish nation in the context of establishing who should be eligible to be a member of that nation. I relate CIS to the historical and contemporary determination of British citizenship and to evidence concerning popular conceptions of citizenship and national belonging in Scotland. I argue that while CIS reflects nation‐building through an attempt to rhetorically differentiate Scotland from Britain, it also reflects the influence that the evolution of British citizenship has on proposed post‐independence Scottish citizenship. I also evaluate CIS's stress on ‘inclusion’, consistent with its representation of Scotland as an ‘inclusive’ nation. I conclude that the proposals may be described as compromised inclusion and that the reasons for this are likely to be common to similar aspirational secessionist proposals in sub‐state nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasingly countries are adopting programs that allow investors to qualify for citizenship based on the purchase of real estate, bonds, or businesses, or on a donation to the government. States often cite economic need behind their implementation of such ‘citizenship by investment’ (CBI) schemes, yet little research has analyzed their economic impacts. Does the sale of citizenship bring positive economic benefits? To answer this question, this article draws on a new database, alongside nine years of qualitative research, to dissect the economic dynamics and outcomes of the programs. It first offers a general comparison of the macroeconomic impact of the nine largest CBI programs globally. It then turns to the countries that are most reliant on CBI as an income source to evaluate the significance of the funds to their economic health. The analysis highlights the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on demand for and the economic outcomes of the programs. It also addresses important methodological issues when evaluating the economic outcomes of programs. The conclusion discusses several points to consider in refining programs to facilitate wider economic growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to growing attention to young children’s citizenship, and recent calls for critique of Western discourses and practices, we explore the movement of Western ‘pioneering’ pedagogies of early childhood education (ECE) and their localisation in Aotearoa New Zealand. Employing a poststructural positioning, and theoretical devices drawn from the work of Michel Foucault and Kuan-Hsing Chen, this article ‘bewilders’ discourses of children’s citizenship in Aotearoa by analysing the juxtaposition of pioneering pedagogies alongside complexities of power effects in early childhood settings. This article draws on data from the first author’s doctoral study and employs reflexive thematic analysis to interrogate data gathered in interviews with kindergarten teachers in Aotearoa. Based on these analyses, this paper bewilders pioneering pedagogies in Aotearoa by advocating that young children’s citizenship be recognised as a cultural-historical construct which acknowledges the syncretism of Western and Māori knowledges in ECE, and argues that children occupy a negotiated position as citizens in ECE settings in Aotearoa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

George Marcus’s methodology for multi-sited ethnography is widely discussed and applied in anthropology and the strategy of ‘following the conflict’ has been a fruitful approach to studying controversies and conflicts. Drawing on my shifting methodology in the initial stages of a digital ethnography project on vaccination-related online community forums, I explore ‘the war’ on vaccines using a broadened strategy that includes following agreements and silences within the controversy. By examining the debate in conjunction with medical anthropology research, I discuss how both vaccine-cautious and vaccine-confident forum members challenge conventional debate divisions, such as scientific–unscientific, evidential–anecdotal and genetic–environmental, while still adhering to medico-scientific discourses as zones of agreement. Whereas an agreement-oriented methodology contributes to research on liminal zones and reconfigured forms of bio-citizenship and literacy, the strategy of ‘following silences’ highlights the limits to liminality in a debate underpinned by adultism that silences the views of young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates three key moments from a sequence of learning facilitated within a Singapore preschool. Delivered as part of a wider study aimed at identifying the value of dramatic pedagogies for developing young children's global competence, the learning sequence was facilitated by the researcher—an experienced early childhood drama educator. The learning experiences were designed to be responsive to the children's interests and ideas, with an emphasis on ensuring their active participation and agency. Analysis of the data was supported using the 2018 Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development Global Competence Framework and the Elements of Drama model. Despite limitations such as the small sample size, the findings suggest that for these children, dramatic pedagogies were effective in providing opportunities for engagement with the complex ideas associated with global competence and sustainable development. However, analysis also reveals that in order to be effective, careful management of the elements of drama is required. The article concludes by outlining implications for educators and public policy‐makers interested in identifying pedagogies suitable for developing young children's global competence and supporting their awareness of the importance of sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]