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In the article "The North (ṣāpôn) in the Book of Jeremiah," C. L. Crouch examines the significance of the enemy from the north in the Book of Jeremiah. Crouch argues that the enemy from the north should be understood geographically and identified with the Babylonians. The discussion about the enemy from the north is closely related to the question of whether Jeremiah identified the Babylonian Empire as a tool for God's punishment against Judah. It also points out the difficulties associated with dating Jeremiah's activities in relation to the reforms of King Josiah. In recent decades, research has questioned the connection between the impending judgment from the north and an early period of Jeremiah's prophetic activity predating the Babylonian era. [Extracted from the article]

Since their discovery, the Jewish Babylonian Aramaic incantation bowls have typically been understood to represent "popular" Jewish religious practice that stood in marked contrast with the scholastic rabbinic elite. As a result of this characterization, the usefulness of the bowls for understanding Babylonian Jewish society and the position of the rabbis within it has remained largely unexplored. With the continued publication and study of the bowls, however, the dichotomy between the world of the learned elites and the masses allegedly responsible for the bowls has become increasingly difficult to maintain. This article argues that the Jewish Babylonian Aramaic incantation bowls do not constitute a single corpus; rather, they were produced by different groups of scribes, some of whom consistently employed recognizable Jewish literature from a variety of genres and eschewed non-Jewish invocations. Moreover, we demonstrate how some bowl scribes invoke in an unprecedented manner not only rabbis of the distant past but also local rabbis, the rabbinic class, and even rabbinic academy heads. This evidence suggests that some bowls scribes had greater intellectual and social proximity to the rabbis, rendering a more complicated depiction of Babylonian Jewish society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines three Judean rituals described in Ezra-Nehemiah—the erection of the altar, the public reading of the Torah, and the inauguration of the Jerusalem wall—in the Neo-Babylonian–Persian context. It suggests that the Babylonian rituals observed throughout the Long Sixth Century shed light on, and constitute a relevant cultural context for consideration of these celebrations as described in Ezra-Nehemiah, which took place in Judah in the seventh month. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a number of similarities and differences in the status and roles of functionaries in Ezekiel's vision and the contemporaneous Babylonian celebration of the Akītu festival. Explicit references to the month of Nisan appear in the temple vision: in the date notice (40:1) and with regarding to ritual cleansing of the temple (45:18-20), which parallels the time when the festivals for the Babylonian gods were held. Consideration of the Akītu festival exemplifies how Babylonian ritual practices left a strong impression on the Jewish exiles there and, even more so, on the exiles from priestly families. The affinity between the Jewish and Babylonian calendars seems not only to be grounded in administrative needs but also to be extended to the adoption of principles from Babylonian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discovery of an Achaemenid period slave sale cuneiform tablet at Mikhmoret and the edition presented in this study reveal the presence of Babylonians in the Levant during the sixth century BCE. The notation of a pym weight in the tablet is unattested in any previously published Akkadian contracts, leading to the conclusion that the text was written in the Levant and may reflect a business transaction regarding moveable property in biblical Samaria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars treating the biblical jubilee laws in Leviticus 25 have shown how the chapter developed legal traditions now contained in the books of Exodus and Deuteronomy -- seventh-year rest and manumission -- and legal concepts from the text's broader ancient Near Eastern milieu -- especially debt release, but also basic notions of property -- in order to develop a powerfully original vision of sustainable agrarian society rooted in an ideology of kinship. I further this critical trajectory here by considering an agrarian concept appearing in Leviticus 25 and in contracts from the Neo-Babylonian and Achaemenid periods: longterm agricultural lease necessitated by a land holder's debt. To judge by legal and administrative records, this concept emerged in the realm of contract law in response to shifts in land tenure in the sixth through fourth centuries BCE. It was not clearly developed in earlier periods. As such, the ancient Near Eastern analogues I present here corroborate the view that Leviticus 25 is a late, postexilic text. I further suggest that part of the genius of Leviticus 25 lies in how it took a concept from the realm of contract law and developed it into legislation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jeremiah 10:5 contains the collocation tomær miqšāh, which has been interpreted in a variety of ways ranging from "scarecrow in a cucumber field" to "plated pillars". It is argued that the collocation should rather be interpreted as "palm sculpture" and that it refers to a known type of object from the ancient Near East whose depictions are designated by scholars as the "Assyrian sacred tree". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the course of the ninth century CE Jewish intellectuals in the Babylonian cultural sphere began to interpret the Bible literally, on the basis of language, syntax, and context. This hermeneutic method, called peshat exegesis spread from the East to the West and reached its apex in the twelfth century in northern France. However, the peshat method of interpretation flourished for a short time only and then declined, first in lands under the rule of Islam and afterwards also in Christian Europe. The question of the causes that led to the development of this hermeneutical method, its waxing and its waning, is one of the most basic questions in the study of medieval biblical exegesis. Nonetheless, no study devoted to a comprehensive explanation of the factors leading to the rise and fall of the peshat method has been undertaken, and most academic attention to the subject has focused on particular aspects, specifically the question of the factors that led to the flourishing of the peshat method in northern France. In this study, I fill this gap. As will be made clear, my results differ in various points from the views presented in previous research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses and compares the influence of Egyptian and Assyrian culture, mainly religion, on Phoenician religious beliefs and material culture. It presents abundant textual and archaeological evidence from Phoenicia to show the influence of Egypt and the absence of cultural influence from Assyria in Phoenicia. The paper tries to explain this situation by arguing that people adopt traits of other cultures if the latter are perceived as superior to their own, as a source of prestige for the ruling class who is the first to adopt these foreign traditions. Elite emulation may be the reason behind cultural transfer between a prestigious core and a peripheral state. Having established that elite emulation plays an important role the paper asks why did the Phoenician elite simply ignore the Assyrian prestige markers since Assyria was also a powerful empire who served as a model for several north Syrian kings. The paper attempts to answer this question arguing that the idea of power and prestige borrowed from the Egyptians was too anchored in Phoenician tradition and formed a barrier against the emulation of Assyrian symbols of power by the Phoenician elite and that coercion, which characterized Assyrian-Phoenician relations was another main reason that led the Phoenicians to reject Assyrian traditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the analysis of five aggadic traditions in the Bavli and Palestinian parallels, the article explores intercultural exchange between Babylonian rabbinic Jews and Zoroastrian Persians relating to ritual impurity, most specifically the impurity of excrement. While current research on such intercultural exchange tends to focus on the positive attitudes of Babylonian Jews to the beliefs and practices of their Zoroastrian neighbours, this article argues that these aggadic traditions may exhibit a negative, even hostile, Jewish response to Zoroastrian purity practices. The argument is supported by the comparative analysis of the aggadot with their Palestinian parallels, showing that the Babylonian versions are consistently more humorous, contain more scatological detail and exhibit an enhanced negative view of the non-Jewish 'Other'. This evidence supports the argument that these aggadot may project a covert, negative view of Zoroastrians, specifically that their beliefs and practices concerning the ritual impurity of excrement are exaggerated and absurd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution explores the material manifestations of Assyrian kingship and how they intersected with Assyrian ideology and religion. This state-of-the-field discussion focuses on the Neo-Assyrian period, 883-612 BCE. To legitimate their positions as the god Aššur's chosen delegate, the kings produced and consumed a vast array of monumental and portable goods, which served to represent the kings as beneficent creators of an orderly realm and protectors of the Assyrian world keeping chaos at bay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Epistle of Jeremiah vehemently attacks idolatry in the Babylonian religion. The author of the Epistle repeatedly mentions the futility of idol worship. He also criticizes Babylonian priests for their naivety on the one hand and for their greed on the other hand. The Epistle of Jeremiah does not contain any detailed descriptions of the Babylonian cult, and it seems likely that the author was not an eye witness of the Babylonian religious practices. By being so polemical he does not do justice to the Babylonian priesthood. It is also striking that The Epistle of Jeremiah nowhere parallels the silence of Babylonian gods with the silence of YHWH that is often experienced in the complaint psalms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ancient Babylonian poem known by its modern title ' Babylonian Theodicy' is written in a dialogue form between two men. They exchange views on the meaning of worship of the gods and its benefit. Although the poem does not specify their identities, judging from the contents, it seems that the protagonists are based on ancient scribes or temple scholars. It is very likely that they were also the intended audience of this poem. The first protagonist, customarily called 'the sufferer', repeatedly bewails his unrewarded devotion to the gods and unmerited plight. Apparently, his worldview was moulded by the traditional Mesopotamian belief: various Sumero-Babylonian didactic texts teach that, for demonstrating piety by means of prayers, gifts, libation and offerings, the gods will reward people with health and wealth. These ancient precepts also warn people of possible divine punishments for neglecting cultic obligations. The sufferer of the Babylonia Theodicy presents his plight and the richness of the godless as the proof of the senselessness of piety. On the other hand, the second protagonist, apparently an older and more learned man than the sufferer, advocates worship of the gods. He asserts that, unlike wild animals, humankind is capable of acknowledging the divine and, through rituals, can gain insights into the divine wisdom, no matter how incomprehensible the gods' decisions might seem. He also teaches that the true reward for one's piety is not wealth but divine grace. Judging from the fact that the sufferer eventually accepts the friend's position, it is very likely that, unlike previously suggested by various scholars, its author actually identified himself with the second protagonist, the friend. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his introduction to Ancient Mesopotamia, A. L. Oppenheim expressed his doubts about the feasibility to write a systematic account of Mesopotamian religion (, p. 172; cf. ). Indeed, if we understand religion as the sum of individual, conceptual and social concepts and take into account the nature and the state of preservation of the sources, it becomes evident that any description must remain incomplete. This is also the case when portraying the figure of the Ancient Mesopotamian healing goddess or goddesses. As a matter of fact, five deities were associated with the domain of healing and merged together into principally one goddess. Though they are all presented in the following discussion, emphasis is laid on the specific character of the healing goddess. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the nexus of religion and nature by means of an investigation of the mountain wilderness space in ancient Mesopotamia. Drawing inspiration from theories of social space and the field of religion and nature, it pays special attention to the mediality of the sources embedding the wilderness space by analyzing the literary narrative form of a set of Old Babylonian, Sumerian religious narratives related to the deities Inana and Ninurta and the heroes Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh. Contrary to previous research, which has seen the mountain wilderness as a dangerous and inimical chaos region, this article argues that the mountain wilderness is also ascribed benign connotations and functions. It is a wild and dangerous region, but it is also naturally abundant, primeval, and harbors forms of agency and force. It is an arena for magical transformation, heroic acts, and for direct communication with the deities. It is thus a more ambiguous space than has previously been recognized, and it should be understood in the context of the social space of the scribal milieu. Finally, the article suggests that cosmology studies and the relationships between natural domains and deities, in the general history of religions, are reconsidered in light of theories of social space and in light of the mediality of the sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a recently published Old Babylonian Sumerian solar hymn, a diseased supplicant inquires into the nature of a past but unknown religious offence with which he has angered his personal god. The present article contains an interpretation of this passage and a discussion of its various Hittite versions, which range from an almost literal translation (in the Prayer of Kantuzili) to renderings that were strongly adapted to Hittite customs (in the prayers of Mursili II.). This unusually well-documented case offers new insights into the translation and adaptation of literary texts in the ancient Near East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most ancient Near Eastern prophetic texts were found in royal archives, and therefore, they largely deal with the figure and person of the king in his interaction with the world around him. There is a great emphasis on war and succession, two key crisis moments for ancient Near Eastern monarchs. While the Neo-Assyrian oracles focus on these two areas using a lot of metaphors, the Old Babylonian texts from Mari also show an interest in the diplomatic relationships of the king. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this essay is to begin the study of the handful of references to celestial divination found in the Assyrian royal inscriptions from the perspective of propaganda analysis by approaching one text in particular, Esarhaddon's Aššur A inscription. This inquiry helps to solve some of the outstanding problems in regard to the celestial phenomena recorded in these inscriptions and their mantic implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Seleucid Babylonia, performance was politics. In this colonial state, the temple, theatre and ritual were established as a middle ground between the different populations. ‘Greek’ theatres were constructed to look like Babylonian temples, and both institutions served as loci of civil authority. Moreover, the staging of the Babylonian Akitu influenced the mise-en-scène of the Greek pompe at Daphne, and exposure to Greek drama shaped audience response to religious ceremonies. State rituals were more than occasions for kings to assert their legitimacy, they were also spaces in which the Babylonian priesthood, Greek politai and Babylonian citizens could debate Seleucid hegemony and imagine an alternative to the empire. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents the author's views on "Lamentation 5," a poem related to the destruction of Jerusalem by Babylonians. It states that the poem is a description of present day situation of spiritual cost of living with reality. It further discusses issues which the author understood after reading poem including shoot-to-kill policies, family picnics and act of lamentation.

The discovery of Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty (EST) at Tell Tayinat confirms the Assyrian application of this text on western vassals and suggests that the oath tablet was given to Manasseh of Judah in 672 BC, the year in which the king of Assyria had all his empire and vassals swear an oath or treaty promising to adhere to the regulations set for his succession, and that this cuneiform tablet was set up for formal display somewhere inside the temple of Jerusalem. The finding of the Tell Tayinat tablet and its elaborate curses of §§ 53-55 that invoke deities from Palestine, back up the claim of the 1995 doctoral thesis of the author of this article that the impressive similarities between Deuteronomy 28:20-44 and curses from § 56 of the EST are due to direct borrowing from the EST. This implies that these Hebrew verses came to existence between 672 BC and 622 BC, the year in which a Torah scroll was found in the temple of Jerusalem, causing Josiah to swear a loyalty oath in the presence of Yhwh. This article aimed to highlight the similarities between EST § 56 and Deuteronomy 28 as regards syntax and vocabulary, interpret the previously unknown curses that astoundingly invoke deities from Palestine, and conclude with a hypothesis of the composition of the book of Deuteronomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The seven tablets of Enūma eliš, 'The Chaldean Genesis,' contain multiple creations artfully woven in a story that has the god Marduk as the hero. Most creation accounts found in Enūma eliš are reminiscent of earlier traditions. Former narratives as well as related themes and motives are adopted and adapted by means of intentional alterations to suit the purpose of the new text. In this paper I study the ways in which various creations are included, tailored, and arranged to promote Marduk's position as the head of the Babylonian pantheon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the events of the year that preceded the Persian army's attack on Babylonia in 539 B.C., relying heavily on the Babylonian text the "Nabonidus-Cyrus Chronicle." Particular focus is given to the Babylonian ruler Nabonidus' order to send statues of gods, including of Marad, Baṣ (or Šapazzu), Bēl-ṣarbi (Lord of the Poplar Tree), Kiš and Hursagkalamma, to the extinct city of Babylon. The relationship between Nabonidus and Babylonian cities, including Borsippa, Cutha and Sippar, is discussed.

Starting with an exegesis of Cant 4,1--7 and Cant 7,1--7 this article investigates how the male lover of the Song of Songs envisages his female partner. This investigation is done in three steps: firstly we will provide a close reading of the passages under scrutiny before -- in a second step -- comparative material from the ancient Near East is taken into account. Here we focus on a Babylonian omen series ( ššumma sinnišštu qaqqada rabâât). The comparison shows that -- alongside the dynamic aspect of the female body -- its shape has to be taken into account as well. Finally these classical exegetical approaches are supplemented by insights gained from the work of the French psychologist J. Lacan providing an assessment of what these insights can contribute to the exegesis of the Song of Songs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]