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This book examines the progress and reception of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in key subregions of Asia, Africa and Europe.Through its exploration of the patchwork of distinctive sub regions of each continent, the book analyses how well the BRI accommodates sub regional variation as it attempts to integrate Asia, Africa, and Europe under Chinese auspices. Individual chapters focus on how developing subregions experience BRI relations with China, while others focus on how liberal powers seek to compete with China's BRI agenda. The contributions also gauge the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the BRI in regional settings and point to its future implications.Offering a panoramic view of the vast mosaic of Asian, African, and European sub regions targeted by the BRI, this book will be of interest to scholars and students of International Relations and Global Political Economy as well as Chinese politics and those with an interest in the Belt and Road Initiative more broadly.

Drawing on insights from differentiation theory, this book examines the participation of middle powers in multilateralism. Taking Australia, Indonesia and South Korea as examples, the book examines these countries'roles in regional organizations, and particularly during the creation of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and East Asia Summit. Through its analysis, the book argues that middle powers pursue dilution of major power stratificatory forces, as well as functionally differentiated roles for themselves in multilateral diplomacy. The book sets out a valuable new framework to explain and understand the behaviour of middle powers in multilateralism.

This book encompasses a wide range of security aspects and their transformation that will shape ASEAN in a period of great power competition: the blurring of ASEAN centrality, the growing importance of climate change, energy security, terrorism/organized crime transformation as well as digital economy and cybersecurity, considered as major regional risks and threats. The book shows how ASEAN is trying to be on the forefront on the in-depth global and regional discussions and policies on these issues.

This edited volume addresses how transnational interactions among civil society actors in Asia and its sub-regions are helping to strengthen common democratic values and transform dominant processes of policymaking and corporate capitalism in the region. The contributors conceive of transnational civil society networks as constructive vehicles for both informing and persuading governments and businesses to adopt, modify, or abandon certain policies or positions. This volume investigates the role of such networks through a range of interdisciplinary approaches, bringing together case studies on Asian transnationalism from South, Southeast, and Northeast Asia across four key themes: local transformations and connections, diaspora politics, cross-regional initiatives and networks, and global actors and influences. Chapters demonstrate how transnational civil society is connecting people in local communities across Asia, in parallel to ongoing tensions between nation-states and civil society. By highlighting the grassroots regionalization emerging from ever-intensifying information exchange between civil society actors across borders – as well as concrete transnational initiatives uniting actors across Asia – the volume advances the intellectual mandate of redefining ‘Asia'as a dynamic and interconnected formation. Transnational Civil Society in Asia will appeal to students and scholars of international relations, politics and Asian studies more broadly.

This book examines how bilateralism and multilateralism serve as cornerstones in bringing countries together to enhance regional cooperation. It explores the unfolding dynamics of bilateral and multilateral relationships in South Asia and looks at how factors like the absence of shared identities or common threats from external sources, a lack of trust, and suspicion are manifesting as obstacles for regional cooperation.With case studies from various constituent countries, the volume studies themes such as economic cooperation in South Asia, connections through sub-regional initiatives, migration and refugee problems in the region, SAARC and terrorism, the Pashtun factor in Afghanistan–Pakistan relations, India's interests in ASEAN and BIMSTEC, the nuclear dynamics of India–Pakistan relations, India–Bangladesh connectivity issues, Sri Lanka as a troubled island nation, and Afghanistan's relations with the Kashmir Valley. It discusses the implications of these long-standing issues that have stood as impediments to regional cooperation and bringing new perspectives to enable greater understanding and probable solutions.A comprehensive and accessible volume, it will be useful for scholars and researchers of international relations, international trade, South Asian studies, SAARC, regional development, international and multilateral trade, political studies, geo-politics, strategic and defence studies, and peace and conflict resolution.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is one of the most rapidly developing centres of the multipolar world, covering an enormous landmass including China, India, Russia and its southern Eurasian neighbours.With both its eight member states and a growing group of observer states, the SCO's activities have expanded beyond its initial focus on security and stability to broader cooperation with the UN and other groupings such as the G20, BRICS, NATO and ASEAN. Bringing together large and disparate nation-states with often rival geostrategic agendas means that it not only faces substantial structural challenges but also has great potential. The contributors to this volume, representing a range of the states within the SCO, evaluate the possibilities for the Organization, and the challenges it faces in achieving them through a prism of legal regulation. They evaluate the bloc's prospects for economic, humanitarian, legal, trade, labour, migration, and environmental cooperation, as well as its more traditional concerns with security and defence. The authors, analyzing the quality of cooperation between states within the SCO, note the controversial character of this process: it demonstrates both efficiency and declarative and decorative nature of the SCO.A valuable read for scholars and policy-makers with a focus on Eurasian cooperation, and processes of regionalism and universalism in international relationships.

This book facilitates exchanges between scholars and researchers from around the world on China-Eurasia relations. Comparing perspectives and methodologies, it promotes interdisciplinary dialogue on China's pivot towards Eurasia, the Belt and Road initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Beijing's cooperation and arguments with India, the EU, Western Balkans and South Caucasus states and the Sino-Russian struggle for multipolarity and multilateralism in Eurasia. It also researches digitalization processes in Eurasia, notably it focuses on China's Silk Road and Digital Agenda of Eurasian Economic Union. Multipolarity without multilateralism is a dangerous mix. Great power competitions will remain. In the Asian regional system more multilateral cushions have to be developed. Scholars from different nations including China, India, Russia, Austria, Armenia, Georgia, United Arab Emirates and Montenegro introduce their own, independent research, making recommendations on the developments in China-Eurasia relations, and demonstrating that through joint discussions it is possible to find ways for cooperation and for ensuring peaceful coexistence.The book will appeal to policymakers and scholars and students in Chinese, Eurasian, International and Oriental Studies.

This edited volume presents a trans-disciplinary and multifaceted assessment of the strategic and economic impacts of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on three regions, namely Central Asia, Southeast Asia, and Central Eastern Europe.The contributions to this book demonstrate the requirement of a more realistic view concerning the anticipated economic benefits of the New Silk Road. The contributors critique the strategic effects of China's opaque long-term grand strategy on the regional and global political order. Specific countries that are covered are Finland, Hungary, Kazakhstan, Malaysia, Poland, and Thailand. Additionally, case studies from South Asia and Africa, notably India and Ethiopia, enable insightful comparisons. Encouraging readers to critically challenge mainstream interpretations of the aims and impacts of the BRI, this book should interest academics and students from various disciplines including Political Science, International Relations, Political Geography, Sociology, Economics, International Development, and Chinese Studies.

This edited volume proposes that an understanding of ASEAN – its development and institutionalization – is invaluable to our conception of international relations theory in the Asian context.Southeast Asia and ASEAN host peoples, ideas, institutions, and relations that contribute to a critical reassessment of theories in social sciences. In the field of IR, studies on transnational networks, diasporas, small states, middle powers, the role of history, and identity learn from Southeast Asian practices. ASEAN has long been established as an authoritative example of alternative ways of regional institutionalization. Besides empirical analysis, these fields can also benefit from their interactions with regional scholarly communities. This edited book offers an opportunity for a dialogue among scholarly communities on a variety of issues of which Southeast Asia and ASEAN provide ample opportunities for a critical analysis.This book will be of great interest to scholars of ASEAN, the broader Asian region, and for scholars of regionalism in general.

This book brings together new perspectives on China's engagement with South Asian countries. It examines emerging trends in the ties between China and South Asia in the geo-political, geo-strategic and geo-economics context and looks at opportunities for collaboration and connectivity between them.Drawing on extensive case studies, this volume discusses issues such as China's overarching Belt Road Initiative (BRI), regional responses and alternatives to BRI, the new politico-economic drivers in the region, India's China puzzle, the Wuhan informal summit, Nepal and its security dilemma in the region and China's role in peace and stability in Afghanistan. It presents analysis, debates and the way forward for a comprehensive South Asian regional understanding in the wake of the advancing Chinese presence in South Asia.An important contribution in the study of the developing pan China–South Asia vision, this book will be of interest to scholars and researchers of international relations, Chinese studies, Asian studies, defence and strategic studies, regional cooperation, foreign policy, geopolitics, comparative politics and political studies.

This book analyses the key political challenges to regional energy cooperation in South Asia. It argues that investment in the planning of regional energy projects can increase their viability and also drive integration and peacebuilding. Regional cooperation has been substantiated by academics and multilateral development banks as one of the most viable solutions to South Asia's crippling energy crisis. However, three decades of national and regional efforts have failed to develop a single multilateral energy project or foster high levels of bilateral cooperation. Using data collected through extensive interviews with policymakers in India, Bangladesh, Pakistan and Nepal, this book identifies the specific roadblocks to energy cooperation – including domestic politics and the failure of leadership on multiple levels - and evaluates how these political challenges determine regional interactions on energy securitisation, environmental cooperation and human rights. Huda then undertakes case studies on four transnational energy projects to highlight specific policy recommendations to overcome these challenges, suggesting planning mechanisms through which the significant issue of energy cooperation in South Asia can be addressed. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of energy security and geopolitics, natural resource governance and South Asian politics.

This book presents a radical rethinking of Border Studies. Framing the discipline beyond conventional topics of spatiality and territoriality, it presents a distinctly South Asian perspective – a post-colonial and post-partition region where most borders were drawn with political motives, ignoring the socio-cultural realities of the region and economic necessities of the people. The authors argue that while securing borders is an essential function of the state, in this interconnected world, crossing borders and border cooperation is also necessary. The book examines contemporaneous and topical themes like disputes of identity and nationhood, the impact of social media on Border Studies, trans-border cooperation, water-sharing between countries, and resolution of border problems in the age of liberalisation and globalisation. It also suggests ways of enhancing cross-border economic cooperation and connectivity, and reviews security issues from a new perspective.Well supplemented with case studies, the book will serve as an indispensable text for scholars and researchers of Border Studies, military and strategic studies, international relations, geopolitics, and South Asian studies. It will also be of great interest to think tanks and government agencies, especially those dealing with foreign relations.

The book intents to locate the process and effectiveness of cooperation in East Asia, to regard the construction of the East Asian community as the ideal, to see the contradictions and difficulties in construction as the reality, and to identify the actual development and achievement as the choice and effort between the two. The year of 1997 saw the Asian financial crisis, which turned out to be a disaster but also opened up an opportunity for East Asia to establish cooperation mechanisms. Starting with the crisis, this book examines the origin and development of the East Asian cooperation movement. More importantly, it investigates the obstacles and resistance, and provides insights into the cooperation within East Asia in the context of unstable political environments. Specifically, it expounds the East Asian Free Trade Area, monetary cooperation, as well as the cooperation within Northeast Asian and Asia-Pacific regions.

This book assesses the roadmap for the implementation of the SDGs in South Asia, focusing in particular on the areas of poverty reduction, inequality, health/well-being and water and sanitation. South Asia is amongst the fastest growing regions in the world, with an aggregate GDP in excess of two trillion US dollars, but at the same time it has significant deficits in human development, with 37 per cent of the world's poor and nearly half of the world's malnourished children. For South Asia, the United Nations'Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) represent a constructive opportunity to end many of the region's deprivations in a time-bound and systematic manner. Starting with the legacy of the Millennium Development Goals, the book goes on to provide a country-by-country overview of strategies for addressing the problems of poverty, health, water and sanitation. South-South Cooperation and in particular the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) are discussed and, finally, the editors present a summary of policy priorities for social development. This book aims to be a useful resource for researchers, policy influencers, planners, implementers, students, and activists aiming to push to achieve the SDGs.

In the 1990s there was a wave of multilateralism in the Asia Pacific, led primarily by ASEAN. Since the Global Financial Crisis of 2008, however, many non-ASEAN states have attempted to seize the initiative, including the USA, Japan, China, South Korea, and Australia. Kai He and his contributors debate the reasons for this contested multilateralism and the impacts it will have on the region's security and political challenges. Will the'Indo-Pacific turn'be a blessing or a curse for regional stability and prosperity? Using a diverse range of theoretical and empirical perspectives, these leading scholars contribute views on this question and on the diverse strategies of the great and middle powers in the region. This collection will be of great interest to scholars and students of international relations in the Asia Pacific and of great value to policy makers in the region and beyond.

This book is the second volume of Series on China-ASEAN Relations. This volume presents comprehensive and in-depth studies of China-ASEAN cooperation and development by Chinese scholars from the China-ASEAN Research Institute of Guangxi University and the China-ASEAN Collaborative Innovation Center for Regional Development. The book is divided into six parts. Part one is the general report including the introduction of China-ASEAN cooperation, achievements and problems in politics, economy, diplomacy, security, defense, maritime and cultural aspects. Part two studies the relation and cooperation between China and individual ASEAN nations, including the evaluation of each ASEAN nation's politics, economy, diplomacy, society and culture. Part three analyzes individual ASEAN country's response to the Belt and the Road Initiative and the implementation of the initiative. Part four and five study important issues of Southeast Asia, including South China Sea arbitration case initiated by the Philippines, the construction of the ASEAN Community, Myanmar's elections, the Bangkok explosion and Vietnam's accession to the TPP. Part six lists the major events and the data on China-ASEAN economic, trade and investment cooperation and the trade between China's provinces (autonomous regions) and ASEAN in 20 tables.

As China takes up the mantle of a global power, its diplomatic policy has changed significantly as it assumes a role of regional leadership.Until recently, China has not tended to talk about its developmental strategy as a model for others to follow. Since the rise of Xi Jinping this has changed, and the state has become more open in sharing its developmental experiences with its neighbours. This has become an important part of China's diplomatic relations with other countries in East Asia. Beijing has also emphasized people-to-people diplomacy, with outward tourism and other exchanges of peoples seen as an important part of building stronger relations with its neighbours. The chapters in this book all address different elements of this strategy, looking at China's bilateral relationships with other East Asian countries in terms of developmental relations and the increasing mutual exposure of their citizens.This book will be of great interest to scholars of Chinese diplomacy, especially those with a particular interest in soft power.

Economic Reforms in SAARC Countries presents a cross-country comparison of development indicators in the SAARC countries with respect to the recent Liberalization, Privatization and Globalization (LPG). Presenting an empirical analysis, the book brings in the theoretical background relating to the growth of public expenditure as articulated by Adolf Wagner and other researchers in the 19th and early 20th centuries along with the Displacement Effect Hypothesis as advanced by Peacock and Wiseman in the mid-20th century. This book re-examines these theories and the views of researchers with respect to the changes in economic policies and studies the relevance of these in the present context. The book re-interprets the theories in the light of the impact of policy changes with time series analysis highlighting the changes in the structure of the estimated equation using dummy variables. The book discusses the differential growth of a few macro-economic variables in the SAARC countries with respect to time in the pre- and post-LPG period. It examines the determinants of development indicators in the post-LPG period identifying the most important determinants.

This volume explores how we theorize, politicize, and practice peace and conflict discourses in the social sciences. As concepts, peace and conflict are intricately interwoven into a web of complementary discourses where states and other actors are able to negotiate, deliberate and arbitrate their differences short of the overt and covert use of physical violence. The essays in this volume reflect this eclecticism: they reflect on concerns of contemporary conflicts in world politics; the dissection of the ideas of peace and power; the way peace studies join with global agencies; peace and conflict in connection to geopolitics and identity; the domestic basis of conflict in India and the South Asian theatre including class, social cleavages and gender. Further they also process elements like globalization, media, communication and films that help us engage with the popular tropes and discursive construction of the reality that play critical roles in how peace and violence are articulated and acted upon by the elites and the masses in societies. This volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of political science, international relations theory, peace and conflict studies, public policy and area studies. It will also be a key resource for bureaucrats, policy makers, think tanks and practitioners working in the field of international relations.

Leading South Asia expert Bhumitra Chakma explains the politics of regionalism in South Asia and traces the origins and evolution of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) from its inception to the present day. He takes an International Relations perspective and engages three major IR theoretical approaches – neorealism, institutionalism and constructivism – to explain the complex dynamics of South Asian regionalism. Using comparative perspectives based on the experiences of similar regional organizations, the author provides an in-depth analysis of the challenges of cooperation in the region and explores how progress might be made in the future.

In the evolving post-Westphalian world regional entities become key political and economic players as the authors argue in this volume. As a result of regionalization, the international politics and economics is witnessing great transformations too. This volume explores some ideas of how these transformations may develop. It is written by three generations of researchers and scholars at European, Russian, and Asian higher education institutions. Their different perspectives are integrated in a coherent, multi-dimensional view to answer challenges facing what is called increasingly “Greater Eurasia”. The volume employs a rigorous conceptual framework over a wide geographic range and applies different approaches to ask and answer challenging questions. The arguments presented in this book are built around the concepts of regionalism and transregionalism. The volume is focusing on three different geographical entities: Europe, Eurasia and East Asia, and examines ASEM, EAEU, BRI, EU, ASEAN, CIS, as well as TTIP, TTP, OBOR.

The book intends to locate the process and effectiveness of cooperation in East Asia, to regard the construction of the East Asian community as the ideal, to see the contradictions and difficulties in construction as the reality, and to identify the actual development and achievement as the choice and effort between the two. Instead of the East Asian Community, various functional mechanisms have come into being in the development of East Asian cooperation because of complicated historical and economic relations among the countries. This book examines the roles played by ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), Japan, the United States and China in the cooperation, respectively. More importantly, China's strategic orientation in regional cooperation is studied in the last chapter. It observes that China, as a rising power, is re-establishing regional relations and order with its geographically neighbouring countries as the basis.

This book explores how nationalism and multilateralism transform international society and global governance. It does so by comparing the governance model of the EU – a constitutionalised and increasingly polycentric form of multilateralism – with Northeast Asia. There nationalist administrations have resisted multilateral commitments and are locked into rivalries instead of pursuing a regional project.Both Europe and Northeast Asia can be seen as success stories of the late 20th/ early 21st centuries, but by having followed different approaches to international governance. The book traces these two trajectories through critical junctures in history to how both regions have dealt with the contemporary challenges of the financial crisis and climate change. During the financial crisis, Europe's multilateral economic and monetary architecture revealed profound weaknesses whilst national policies allowed much of Northeast Asia to escape the worst of it. On climate change the European Union (EU) has developed effort-sharing governance models to reduce emissions, while Northeast Asian countries are relying on greening national industrial policy. The book argues that global governance has to find the balance between multilateralism and nationalism in order to find collaborative approaches to global challenges.This book provides a fresh take on the EU and on Northeast Asia and develops innovative concepts of international society and polycentric governance. Thus, it will be of considerable interest to researchers and students of global governance, international relations, EU and Asia Studies.The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-ND) 4.0 license.

Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) flows started gaining traction in South Asia from the late 20th century onwards, when nations from the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) began moving away from highly controlled regimes and adopting liberal and open economic policies.In the context of surplus labour and capital scarcity faced by South Asian countries such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, to varying degrees, the economic reform process has provided an opportunity to actively promote inward FDI flows, with the goal of providing the much-needed capital for the growth of this region. Several policy initiatives were undertaken to attract FDI and incentives were announced to fascinate investors, resulting in the inflow of FDI across the region.This book examines FDI inflows in SAARC nations in the light of regional policy changes in the 21st century. It investigates the relationship between trade and FDI in the region, and also provides insights into the ease of doing business in the SAARC region.

For more than two decades, the USSR promoted the idea of multilateral security cooperation in Asia. Under Mikhail Gorbachev, this was referred to as'a Helsinki process for Asia'or a'Conference on Security and Cooperation in Asia'(CSCA) to parallel Europe's CSCE. Until the end of the 1980s, such an idea was frozen along the lines of the Cold War. East Asian governments dismissed the idea of a CSCA as Cold War propaganda or, at best, an untransferable European concept ill-suited to East Asia.

Long divided by cultural, economic, and political differences, the Asia-Pacific region has little history of multilateral cooperation. Alliances that once linked individual countries with one or the other superpower fostered deep mistrust among neighbouring states. The end of the Cold War, however, has created new opportunities for multilateral coo

From the bestselling author of The Silk Roads comes an updated, timely, and visionary book about the dramatic and profound changes our world is undergoing right now—as seen from the perspective of the rising powers of the East.'All roads used to lead to Rome. Today they lead to Beijing.'So argues Peter Frankopan in this revelatory new book.In the age of Brexit and Trump, the West is buffeted by the tides of isolationism and fragmentation. Yet to the East, this is a moment of optimism as a new network of relationships takes shape along the ancient trade routes. In The New Silk Roads, Peter Frankopan takes us on an eye-opening journey through the region, from China's breathtaking infrastructure investments to the flood of trade deals among Central Asian republics to the growing rapprochement between Turkey and Russia. This important book asks us to put aside our preconceptions and see the world from a new—and ultimately hopeful—perspective.

This book examines the strategic and economic logic behind the Bangladesh–China–India–Myanmar (BCIM) Regional Cooperation. According to estimates, BCIM covers approximately 9 percent of the world's mass and 40 percent of the world's population spanning across four countries, constituting the confluence of East, Southeast and South Asia. It contributes about 13 percent to world trade but ironically only 5 percent to inter-regional trade. This volume compares the various approaches to cooperation – trade-led vs project-led, geo-political vs geo-strategic, Sino-centric vs India-led. The chapters explore the complex interplay of geo-economics and geo-politics associated with BCIM sub-regional cooperation in general, and the BCIM Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC) in particular. It points to the current challenges that impede globalisation and economic growth, and critically reviews implications for the stakeholders, institutional frameworks and the spatial impact of the Corridor, especially on the underdeveloped regions. The book discusses the geo-political, geo-economic and geo-strategic advantages that will accrue to the member countries once the sub-regional cooperation becomes fully functional. It advocates the adoption of best practices from similar sub-regional groupings across the globe.This book will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of politics and international relations, geo-politics, strategic studies, sub-regional cooperation, South Asian studies, India–China relations, foreign trade and economics, besides those dealing with foreign policy and development cooperation. It will especially benefit policymakers, development agencies and strategic think tanks.

By directly challenging existing accounts of post-World War II relations among the United States of America, the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand, Divided Allies is a significant contribution to transnational and diplomatic history. At its heart, Divided Allies examines why strategic cooperation among these closely allied Western powers in the Asia-Pacific region was limited during the early Cold War. Thomas K. Robb and David James Gill probe the difficulties of security cooperation as the leadership of these four states balanced intramural competition with the need to develop a common strategy against the Soviet Union and the new communist power, the People's Republic of China.Robb and Gill expose contention and disorganization among non-communist allies in the early phase of containment strategy in Asia-Pacific. In particular, the authors note the significance of economic, racial, and cultural elements to planning for regional security and they highlight how these domestic matters resulted in international disorganization. Divided Allies shows that, amidst these contentious relations, the antipodean powers Australia and New Zealand occupied an important role in the region and successfully utilized quadrilateral diplomacy to advance their own national interests, such as the crafting of the 1951 ANZUS collective security treaty.As fractious as were allied relations in the early days of NATO, Robb and Gill demonstrate that the post-World War II Asia-Pacific was as contentious, and that Britain and the commonwealth nations were necessary partners in the development of early global Cold War strategy.

Das essential vermittelt die grundlegenden interkulturellen Kenntnisse, die für eine reibungslose Zusammenarbeit mit asiatischen Partnern und Mitarbeitern notwendig sind. Doris Gutting stellt zentrale Unterschiede der Denk-, Verhaltens- und Vorgehensweisen von Menschen aus China, Indien und Südostasien im Vergleich zu Deutschen dar. Insbesondere die Auswirkungen unterschiedlichen Konfliktverhaltens und die Konfliktdynamik werden beleuchtet. Konkrete Hinweise und Empfehlungen ermöglichen eine konfliktfreie Zusammenarbeit mit asiatischen Partnern und Mitarbeitern und führen zu mehr Erfolg im Asiengeschäft.

This report illustrates the current state of inclusive business (IB) models in the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) economies, particularly the market potentials, constraints, and necessary policy instruments for an enabling environment for IB. A profile of IB initiatives, the overview of the base of the pyramid market size, and the IB ecosystem in each APEC economy as well as a recommended a framework to guide future work on IB under the APEC regional economic cooperation agenda are also included in this report.

Les routes de la soie, dans leur version contemporaine, pour comprendre les rapports entre Orient et Occident.Les nouveaux défis posés à l'Occident se multiplient et deviennent toujours plus complexes. L'Europe a plus de mal que jamais à penser son avenir face aux populismes et aux crises migratoires, tandis que les États-Unis sont lancés dans un retrait inédit des affaires internationales, menaçant d'anciennes alliances.Pendant ce temps, tout au long des antiques Routes de la Soie souffle un vent d'espoir. L'époque y est à l'optimisme. Du Moyen-Orient à la Chine, de la Russie à l'Iran, les échanges se multiplient, les pays coopèrent et de nouvelles alliances sont scellées, faisant fi d'antagonismes anciens. Le contraste est saisissant avec ce qui se joue à l'Ouest.Peter Frankopan dresse dans ce récit un tableau du monde actuel et explique pourquoi il est essentiel d'en comprendre les bouleversements. Quelles seront les répercussions de ce grand basculement des centres de pouvoir, non seulement pour nos dirigeants politiques et économiques, mais aussi pour chaque citoyen, qu'il soit voyageur, étudiant ou parent de jeunes enfants? L'auteur reprend le fil de l'histoire là où Les Routes de la Soie l'a laissé. Ces routes sont en pleine expansion. À nous de faire preuve de vigilance, car nous serons tous concernés.Découvrez la suite des Routes de la soie, dans laquelle l'auteur analyse le monde contemporain à la lumière de plus de 2500 ans d'Histoire.EXTRAITIl y a un quart de siècle, j'étais sur le point de quitter l'université, le monde semblait bien différent. La Guerre froide avait pris fin, ouvrant à des espoirs de paix et de sécurité. « Les actes héroïques de Boris Yeltsin et du peuple russe » avaient mis la Russie sur la voie des réformes et de la démocratie, déclara le président Clinton lors d'un sommet avec son homologue russe à Vancouver en 1993. La perspective d'une « Russie pleine d'une productivité et d'une prospérité inédites » était bonne pour tous.28L'avenir souriait aussi à l'Afrique du Sud où des négociations tendues pour mettre un terme à l'apartheid avaient suffisamment progressé pour que le comité Nobel décerne le Prix Nobel de la Paix 1993 à F. W. de Klerk et Nelson Mandela pour leur « travail en vue d'une fin pacifique au régime d'apartheid et pour avoir jeté les bases d'une nouvelle Afrique du Sud démocratique ».CE QU'EN PENSE LA CRITIQUE Quel bonheur qu'un historien de talent veuille bien jeter un regard sur la géopolitique du temps présent. - JeanAugustinAmarDuRivier, BabelioOn met en perspective ce que l'on ressent de façon impalpable au quotidien : l'émergence et l'expansion insidieuse mais massive de la Chine, le réveil de l'Inde, la montée en puissance de la Russie et le déclin des USA et de l'Europe qui n'arrivent pas à suivre ni à entrer dans la nouvelle dynamique. - manugeneve, BabelioÀ PROPOS DE L'AUTEURNé en 1971, Peter Frankopan est historien et professeur à l'Université d'Oxford, où il dirige le Centre de recherches byzantines. Conférencier et consultant pour de nombreuses organisations internationales, il est investi dans diverses oeuvres caritatives. Outre son grand succès Les Routes de la Soie, il est l'auteur d'une Histoire de la Première croisade (2012).

This volume discusses the relationship between economics, geopolitics and regional institutional growth and development in the Asia-Pacific region. How do states (re)define their relationships amid the current global power transition? How do rival actors influence the rules and formation of new institutions for their own benefit? What role will institutions take as independent actors in influencing and constraining the behavior of states? Institutional development in Asia is characterized by idiosyncratic and diverse motivations (both material and non-material), a variety of policy strategies (strategic and norm-based), and the looming question of China's future depth of involvement as its economic position becomes more stable and its confidence in foreign affairs grows. The book reflects the broadening definition of Asia by examining multiple perspectives, including Japan, China, South Korea, the United States, Australia, India, Russia, and Taiwan. In addition to state actors, the contributors address several important regional institutions in development such as the ASEAN (+3, +6, and the East Asian Summit), the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the Asian Development Bank (ADB), existing security alliances, and other bilateral institutions. Ultimately, this volume describes the unique, slow, and diverse growth of a multitude of regional institutions, the complexities of generating cooperation, membership concerns, and competition between states and with existing institutions in the context of China's increasing confidence and strength.This book will be of much interest to students of Asian politics, regional security, international organizations, and foreign policy.

Regional security institutions play a significant role in shaping the behavior of existing and rising regional powers by nurturing security norms and rules, monitoring state activities, and sometimes imposing sanctions, thereby formulating the configuration of regional security dynamics. Yet, their security roles and influence do not remain constant. Their raison d'etre, objectives, and functions experience sporadic changes, and some institutions upgrade military functions for peacekeeping operations, while others limit their functions to political and security dialogues. The question is: why and how do these variances in institutional change emerge?This book explores the mechanisms of institutional change, focusing on regional security institutions led by non-great powers. It constructs a theoretical model for institutional change that provides a new understanding of their changing roles in regional security, which has yet to be fully explored in the International Relations field. In so doing, the book illuminates why, when, and how each organization restructures its role, function, and influence. Using case studies of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), and the Organization of African Unity (OAU)/ African Union (AU), it also sheds light on similarities and differences in institutional change between regional security institutions.

This book provides a theoretical and empirical analysis of a key concept in East Asian security debates, sovereign autonomy, and how it reproduces hierarchy in the regional order. Park argues that contemporary strategic debates in East Asia are based on shared contextual knowledge - that of international hierarchy - reconstructed in the late-nineteenth century. The mechanism that reproduces this lens of hierarchy is domestic legitimacy politics in which embattled political leaders contest the meaning of sovereign autonomy. Park argues that the idea of status seeking has remained embedded in the concept of sovereign autonomy and endures through distinct and alternative security frames that continue to inform contemporary strategic debates in East Asia. This book makes a significant contribution to debates in international relations theory and security studies about autonomy and status, as well as to the now extensive literature on the nature of East Asian regional order.

For almost fifty years Japan pursued a single-track approach focusing trade negotiation efforts exclusively on the global multilateral forum while shunning regionalism as harmful to the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs/ World Trade Organisation system. However, following the tsunami disaster of March 2011 and widespread economic downturn Tokyo has engaged much more actively in pursuing bilateral Free-Trade Agreements (FTAs). This book explores the turnaround in Japanese strategy and trade policy. Drawing on case studies and including interviews with FTA policymakers within the government and key interest groups it focusses on the domestic political process of FTA and Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) negotiations to investigate the cause of the policy shift. This work will prove useful to students, scholars and policymakers interested in international political economy, Japanese trade policy, East Asian regionalism and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).

On the 8th of August 2017, ASEAN will celebrate the 50th anniversary of its founding. ASEAN is of great importance to Singapore, the region and the world.In 1967, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, or ASEAN in short, was founded by five countries in Southeast Asia which had just gained independence from their former colonial masters, united by a determination for the region to live in peace and stability. Singapore was one of the five founding members of ASEAN, together with Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines and Thailand. The grouping was joined later by Brunei (1984), Vietnam (1995), Laos and Myanmar (1997), and finally, Cambodia (1999). ASEAN is today a very successful inter-governmental organization which promotes peace, stability, economic development and regional integration.This volume brings together 46 essays written by Singaporeans who have played a part in the partnership between ASEAN and Singapore. The reader will be able to glean an insight into the workings of ASEAN and Singapore's contributions to ASEAN through the lens of diplomats, academics, civil society leaders and officials.

This book highlights various challenges and opportunities for regional cooperation and development in South Asia. In light of the ongoing globalization process, the contributors investigate how socio-economic developments are changing the spatial organization of production as well as the profile of cities and landscapes, are stimulating the creation of maritime, terrestrial and aerial channels, and are putting increasing pressures on natural and environmental resources. The book is divided into four parts: The first part analyses the increasing intensity of regional trade, migration and investment flows; the second focuses on channels and adapted spaces. The third part addresses sustainability and natural resources, while the fourth highlights institutional issues.

Deepening regionalism in Asia demands new leadership. Strong elites who are committed to a supranational identity are a minimum requirement of successful regionalism. Regional leaders are increasingly seen as a new set of leaders in Europe. Currently, Asian regional leaders largely come from the diplomacy community, or trade and economic sectors. Yet further regionalization demands a new type of leadership from civil society and citizens. In this context it is important to cultivate new regional leadership through the development of regional citizenship. This book examines contested ideas of regionalism in Asia with a particular focus on two competing ideas of pan-Asianism and Pacificism. It also identifies a new trend and contestation, the fundamental shift from a civilization understanding of regionalism to a technocratic and functional understanding of regionalism in the form of regulatory regionalism. It also examines the other contested imaginations of regionalism in Asia including elitist versus participatory approaches to regionalism, and democracy-centric versus nationalism-centric approaches to regionalism.

Asian nations are no longer'rising'powers in the world order; they have risen. How will they conduct themselves in world politics? How will they deploy their considerable and growing power individually and collectively? These questions are critical for global governance. Conventional wisdom claims that, lacking in institutions that accumulate and coordinate the massive economic and growing military strength of Asian nations, the Asian region will continue to punch below its weight in world politics; thin and patchy institutionalization results in political weakness. In Asian Designs, Saadia M. Pekkanen and her collaborators question and provide evidence on these core assumptions of Western scholarship. The book advances a new framework for debate and sophisticated examinations of institutional arrangements for several major issue areas in the world order—security, trade, environment, and public health.

The organization of eight South Asian nations, namely India, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Afghanistan with observer nations, Myanmar, China, Iran, the European Union (EU) and the United States, to name a few, is known as the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). It was established at the first summit in Dhaka on December 7-8, 1985. India, significantly, constitutes 70 per cent or more of SAARC's area and population. All have a shared culture, ethnicity and experienced long interactive historical events including British imperialism and its consequences. Over the years, SAARC has attempted to address several regional concerns, for instance drug and human trafficking, economic cooperation among south Asian states and the forging of a south Asian social identity and most recently efforts have been made to tackle the menace of terrorism in the region. Despite its stated intentions SAARC as a regional body has for years grappled with interstate, intra-state and regional conflicts. Since its existence in 1985, SAARC has been criticized for its failure to forge an effective regional identity. Inter-state conflicts and the bilateral interests of member states have a decisive influence on the achievements of SAARC; the regional body has also been influenced by external players and other regional organizations. SAARC, regrettably, has yet to develop into a conflict-mediating or conflict-resolving institution both on multilateral and bilateral issues. This publication is a by-product of a very successful ICSSR sponsored National Seminar organized by the Department of Political Science – University School of Open Learning, Panjab University, Chandigarh from March 24-25, 2014. The book comprises of papers presented during the National Seminar from learned and distinguished experts, academicians, and research scholars. This study evaluates SAARC, as a living and developing organization and efforts have been made to cover all the aspects in an objective manner. This edited work is an attempt to bring to light the debilitating effect of inter-state conflicts in South Asia on regional cooperation. Analyses has focused primarily on the negative association of interstate conflict and regionalism in South Asia, however this study also discusses how other regional cooperation mechanisms in South Asia have coped with such challenges to promote a vibrant regional identity. The study also analyses various development policies and Confidence Building Measures initiated by the respective Governments, and provides useful suggestions and policy recommendations to tackle the concerned challenges in South Asia. This book should serve as an important source as it provides a wealth of information about the existing issues of contentious prevailing in South - Asian region, that have been continuously hampering the process of regional economic cooperation and integration under the forum of SAARC. This Book will be highly useful for the readers interested in studying the issues, problems and conflicts in South Asia.

This book presents a conceptualization of social emergence in international relations as a novel angle to analyse institutional dynamics in East Asia, introducing the concept of emergence from a critical realist perspective. The author examines East Asia's characteristic mesh work of regional institutions that affect integrative processes and regional policies, exploring how such institutions emerge and acquire their own nature and why this pattern persists over time, an unresolved and contested subject in the field of International Relations. This book suggests that regional institutions are emergent entities of the international system that arise as forms of self-organization by states to achieve certain emergent properties and powers. The author's approach sheds light on the particular emergent properties and powers of regional institutions and identifies discourse as a key mechanism of social emergence. Besides engaging in relevant questions of the philosophy of science and its methodological implications for studying social emergence in world politics, the book also analyses the concrete case of two East Asian regional institutions: ASEAN Plus Three and the East Asia Summit. This book will engage scholars and postgraduate students of Asian Studies and International Relations.

This volume is a collection of papers written by nationals or former nationals of the respective country in ASEAN and Northeast Asia. Unlike other works written by scholars outside ASEAN or East Asia, it offers an insider's point of view of the 10 ASEAN states, China, Japan and South Korea on regional community building. While a nationalist perspective may permeate throughout the study, it is also clear that pursuing regional cooperation is considered to be important by the respective author, denoting the non-exclusivity between nationalism and regionalism and the mutual reinforcement of the two. Each author of this volume has made a deliberate effort to introduce and survey the developmental challenges and experiences of his or her country from a historical perspective. All authors, without exception, have emphasized the importance and advantages in staying with ASEAN or linking up with ASEAN by China, Japan and South Korea in political-security, economic and socio-cultural terms. Their papers also reveal that the self-help and self-strengthening mechanism emphasized by the ASEAN Plus Three process will take time to bear fruits. In the meantime, it seems that bilateral interactions and cooperation between ASEAN and Northeast Asian states remain to be more dominant as shown in this study. One can argue that bilateral interactions are the building block of multilateralism interactions. To be sure, there is a deliberate effort in this study to highlight'unity in diversity'in East Asia in general and ASEAN in particular.

This report is the first regional study in the CSIS Federated Defense series. The Federated Defense Project aims to shift the paradigm with key allies and partners from capacity building to a federated approach that would expand regional security and prosperity by joining regional allies and partners together in the pursuit of shared security objectives across the conflict spectrum. Federated defense should include forward-thinking strategies for how to develop and share capabilities and capacity, thereby more deeply integrating the US military with its allies and partners. In this report, the CSIS project team highlights six potential federated initiatives in the areas of humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, information and intelligence sharing, maritime security, undersea warfare, missile defense, and cyber security. Federated approaches such as these are vital to developing and integrating Asian security capabilities to manage emerging security challenges.

Russia has generally been neglected in the academic and policy discourse on regional integration in East Asia. This book fills this gap, with particular attention to the role of Pacific Russia in the deepening regional integration in East Asia. It examines the increasingly diverse foreign policy interests of Russia related to emerging economic and political realities of the world, and Russia's potential role in the regional integration in East Asia. Topics discussed include Russian strategic interests and security policy in East Asia generally, Russia's bilateral relations with China, Japan, and the Korean Peninsula, opportunities and challenges energy and immigration presents for Russia and its engagement with East Asia, and Russia's present and future roles in regional integration in East Asia.

In Asia the 1950s were dominated by political decolonization and the emergence of the Cold War system, and newly independent countries were able to utilize the transformed balance of power for their own economic development through economic and strategic aid programmes. This book examines the interconnections between the transfer of power and state governance in Asia, the emergence of the Cold War, and the transfer of hegemony from the UK to the US, by focusing specifically on the historical roles of international economic aid and the autonomous response from Asian nation states in the immediate post-war context. The Transformation of the International Order of Asia offers closely interwoven perspectives on international economic and political relations from the 1950s to the 1960s, with specific focus on the Colombo Plan and related aid policies of the time. It shows how the plan served different purposes: Britain's aim to reduce India's wartime sterling balances in London; the quest for India's economic independence under Jawaharlal Nehru; Japan's regional economic assertion and its endeavour to improve its international status; Britain's publicity policy during the reorganization of British aid policies at a time of economic crisis; and more broadly, the West's desire to counter Soviet influence in Asia. In doing so, the chapters explore how international economic aid relations became reorganized in relation to the independent development of states in Asia during the period, and crucially, the role this transformation played in the emergence of a new international order in Asia.Drawing on a wide range of international contemporary and archival source materials, this book will be welcomed by students and scholars interested in Asian, international, and economic history, politics and development studies.