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The Middle East and North Africa region struggled to meet the employment aspirations of its increasingly educated youth in the aftermath of structural reforms. This article examines the evolution of initial labor market outcomes across pre- and post-reform cohorts of school leavers by education and socioeconomic status (SES) in Egypt, Jordan, and Tunisia. Results show that formal jobs for educated new entrants are increasingly allocated according to SES, as measured by parents' education and father's occupation, in Egypt and Tunisia, but not in Jordan. In Egypt and Tunisia, the quality of initial jobs deteriorated for educated new entrants, particularly among those with lower SES. This rising tide of inequality of opportunity in employment may have contributed to the Arab Spring uprisings and remains an important source of frustration for youth and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Middle Eastern contexts, like Jordan, the public participation spaces referred to as “invited spaces” for state-led participation are heavily controlled by the state and its representatives. This paper explores the various ways in which grassroots and civic organizations navigate and sometimes manipulate the state apparatus’ planning rules and grids to create alternative modes of meaningful participation in the production of the city. Following the Arab Spring in 2011, local grassroots organizations started adopting “new languages and taktikat” (تَكتِيكَات,’ tactics in English, words used by the grassroots to describe their practices) that allowed them to move beyond direct confrontation with the state in the so-called “invented” spaces of participation led by civil society. Building on de Certeau’s notion of “tactics,” this paper looks at these approaches as tactics used by grassroots to negotiate power and participation within neoliberal top-down authorities. Ultimately, it argues against viewing grassroots initiatives solely in terms of a binary lens of legality/informality or “invited”/“invented” dichotomies, as they neither function as insurgents nor remain passive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the relationship between al-Azhar and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) following the 2011 Egyptianuprising. While the interplay between them in the pre-revolutionary period was mostly shaped by the gap between the status of al-Azhar as a body of statist Islam and the MB as a dissident Islamist movement, Mubarak's downfall yielded a change in their status, raising the question of its effect on their attitude toward one another. Though on the face of it, following Morsi's ouster, al-Azhar seems to have reverted to its traditional position of backing the de-legitimization campaign of the authoritarian regime against the MB, the paper portrays a more intricate picture: not one of close affinity during the MB's rule despite the potential to realize common interests and advocate centrist Islam, but one of competition over religious authority; not one of utter hostility following al-Azhar's support of the coup, but one of restrained conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last decade, Egypt has gained strategic significance in migration with the start of the Arab Spring. The situation in the region has led to a tripling in the number of refugees and asylum seekers registered in Egypt. Migration policy making in Egypt has focused on the emigration of workers and diaspora engagement. Egypt has increasingly become a country of destination and transit which necessitates a fundamental shift in Egyptian migration policies. This paper examines Egypt's migration policy development over time, along with the main strategic goals and potential policy partnerships. Accordingly, the article explains how the successive Governments of Egypt have modeled the country's migration policies to pursue other policy goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In its effort to adapt to the changes witnessed in the Arab world during what is known as the Arab Spring, Political science has developed new research mechanisms to describe and analyze such phenomena. The deep connection with the Arab environment has led for the reassessment of concepts with regards to their new meanings, and for approaches to be adapted to this unique context. The study thus seeks to highlight the necessity of establishing an Arab school of political science that addresses these concepts and develop approaches suited to the Arab context, avoiding inappropriate application of research tools that were developed in different environments that are no longer suitable for the distinct political, social, economic, and research characteristics of the Arab world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increased proportion of youth aged 15–24 or 15–29 in total or adult population has long been shown to influence the intensity of sociopolitical destabilisation in general and political violence in particular. Youth bulges played an important role in the destabilising processes of the Arab Spring. We show that the influence of youth bulges in Egypt (and North Africa in general) is far from being limited to historical events. The demographic dynamics of Egypt (and a number of other North African countries) implies the emergence of new youth bulges in the future. We proceed to discuss this phenomenon and its sociopolitical implications. The period of the eve of the Arab Spring and the beginning of the 2010s was accompanied by the strengthening of the influence of Islamists in all countries of North Africa and in many Arab countries of Asia, which was likely associated with a period of significant growth of fertility rates in these countries. This surge in fertility rates generated those youth bulges that are confidently forecasted in these countries for the 2030s. It cannot be ruled out that in the 2030s Egypt (and North Africa in general) will experience a new destabilisation wave, which will be a kind of echo of the wave of the late 2000s – early 2010s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end of the 20th century there was a growing interest among political leaders on the one hand and intellectuals on the other regarding the interference of politics at the cultural issues. The issue of culture raises a problem between peoples and the creation of political ideas that will be a challenge for the new century. Thus, the clash of civilizations by Huntington who sees the danger of the future in cultural terms, a war that will take place between the most influential cultures in the world, and the end of history by Fukuyama who argues that history should be seen as an evolutionary process and that the end of history, in this sense, means that liberal democracy is the ultimate form of government for all nations. However, this process was preceded by developments from the 90s with the wars in the Balkans, as well as with September 11 as a starting point for different political orientations. The destruction of the Bridge of Mostar will be the first event for the cultural crisis, which will continue with the attacks in the USA that question the security of the states. These two issues will open new fronts in the world. First, the cultural crisis will be cut by the dynamite of the Afghanistan regime and the destruction of the monumental statues carved in the Bamyan valley, then the wars that will take over Afghanistan and Iraq. Then would follow the Arab awakening with the so-called "Arab Spring" that until today did not flourish in any country, they remained hostage to the cultural crisis and cultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Security assistance – foreign actors training and equipping security forces in another country – has proliferated in the Mediterranean over the last decades. Now, more than a decade on from the Arab Uprisings, security assistance cannot be considered merely a tool to obtain strategic objectives, but is in itself a site of competition, collusion and potential collision. In this Introduction to the Special Issue, we develop a framework deploying reordering as a lens through which comparative and interdisciplinary explorations can develop comprehensive and critical views of the evolution of security assistance in the Mediterranean. We propose a theoretical framework centred on international practice and socio-material network theory, which brings different types of providers and recipients, as well as the discourse-material structures underpinning them, into a common frame. The framework conceptualizes security assistance as operating at vertical (between provider and recipient), and horizontal (between vertical blocks) levels. It can purposefully be analysed across three dimensions – knowledge, materiality and networks. In so doing, we may be able to observe how, despite the absence of formal institutions, norms or governing mechanisms, security assistance constitutes an international practice and contributes to the ordering, and continuous reordering, of the Mediterranean as a governable geospatial field of intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The primary objective of this study is to elucidate the impact of ontological security on states' foreign policy preferences. The study posits that foreign policy preferences are closely related with their basic trust, a product of the intricate interplay between actor's agentic capacity and its internal and external environment. This theoretical proposition is subsequently subjected to comparative examination within the contexts of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. The study contends that despite sharing similar concerns regarding physical and ontological security, these two actors have pursued distinct foreign policy trajectories regarding the Arab uprisings and normalization with Israel that owe to differing types of basic trust. In doing so, the study aims to contribute to the ontological security literature from two perspectives: 1) to refine and elucidate the scope of the basic trust concept by reinterpreting it and highlighting its central role in ontological security analysis, and 2) to contribute to the practical applications of the field by applying the concepts developed in the ontological security literature to case studies of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using a unique and novel dataset on the youth, the SAHWA Youth Survey (2016), we apply probit and ordered probit models to study the determinants of voting behaviour change among the youth in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region in the post-Arab Spring era. We find that drivers of voting vary depending on whether we consider the voting behaviour in the last elections or the likelihood of voting in the next elections. Specifically, socioeconomic variables and some Arab Spring factors are significant for both types of elections. However, institutional variables and personal beliefs only affect the likelihood of voting in the next elections. We also document heterogeneous effects for the last and next votes by gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foreign aid-corruption relationship is a controversial unresolved topic, which has not been explored adequately in the context of popular and bloody uprisings such as the 2010–2011 Arab Spring. We examine the quantitative effects of the Arab Spring on the foreign aid corruption relationship, using 2SLS and Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) to address the problems of causality, misspecification, and nonlinearity, which arise in Ordinary Least Squared (OLS) models. We find support for a positive relationship between foreign aid and corruption in Arab States and show that this relationship strengthened following the Arab Spring. Results suggest uprisings against authoritarian regimes can result in counter-productive outcomes when regimes are not overthrown, or simply replaced by a new form of dictatorship, or military coup d'etat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis article critically examines the shifting dynamics of foreign aid politics within the Gulf states. Historically rooted in cultural factors and solidarity with Arab and Muslim nations, foreign aid from prominent donors such as the UAE, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait has undergone a profound transformation. Their aid has evolved from solidarity aid into an effective instrument of foreign policy, used strategically to project power and expand regional influence. This shift has not only redefined the role of Gulf countries in international and regional politics but has also catalysed the transformation of states in the broader Middle East. This article, therefore, seeks to answer the following two questions: (1) How do we explain the evolution of the politicisation of Gulf foreign aid? and (2) To what extent has the provision of Gulf foreign aid been a crucial determinant of changing regional dynamics in the Middle East, particularly since the Arab uprisings in 2011? It argues that Gulf donors have become crucial power brokers, shaping the politics and trajectories of key states such as Egypt post 2011. Their substantial financial assistance has proven instrumental in steering political and socio-economic transformations, highlighting the pivotal role of Gulf aid in shaping regional affairs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) on the Nile River has become a focal point in the fields of water diplomacy, economics, and environmental considerations in the Nile Basin. Announced during the Arab Spring in 2011, the GERD aims to address Ethiopia's significant energy shortfall and foster regional economic growth by potentially doubling the country's electricity output. However, this ambition has heightened tensions with downstream countries, especially Egypt and Sudan, which rely heavily on the Nile for their water needs. This paper examines the ongoing conflict surrounding the GERD, focusing on the deadlock situation despite considerable scholarly attention to its economic, political, and environmental dimensions. The analysis presented in this paper reveals the roots of contention by analyzing past treaties and the present negotiation status, illustrating the complex interplay between development goals, environmental sustainability, and regional water security. The paper advocates for a revised legal framework that moves beyond past agreements towards a more inclusive, cooperative management strategy for the Nile's waters. It proposes the development of a new treaty between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan, grounded in their 2015 Declaration of Principles agreement and inspired by successful international dispute resolutions. It also discusses the potential of neutral third-party interventions to facilitate unbiased negotiations grounded in the Graph Model for Conflict Resolution, emphasizing the importance of equitable and sustainable water governance. In essence, this research calls for a collaborative approach to resolve the GERD conflict, emphasizing the need for agreements that harmonize developmental ambitions with the water security of the Nile Basin nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous concerns about new democracies, as in the wake of the Arab Spring, have now been turned inside Western liberal democracies. These appear under siege because of populist movements which give vent to harsh economic and national identity claims. Among all liberal democracies the EU needs a re-elaboration of its core principles to gain more support from its peoples. I propose to examine a conservative view that preserves the core of liberal-democratic principles, while relying on an idea of 'Transnational European Civic Ethos' (TECE) that crosses national boundaries. TECE can overcome the lack of a common European demos, limiting its claims to segments of the European population that have something in common and can fruitfully deliberate together. TECE can defuse part of the populist threats that I take as expressing conservative attitudes without a response in contemporary liberal democracy. Final normative considerations from the model of the 'reasonable citizen' come to support the TECE proposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the impact of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy in Sudan, a nation grappling with ethnic, sectarian, and regional identity politics. Using a mixed-method approach, the study employs Time Series analysis from 1990 to 2019, followed by theoretical analysis to explore the relationship between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy. The framework of this study draws from relevant studies on this nexus, incorporating factors such as racial/ethnic voting motivations, corruption, institutional dynamics, conflict, and individual income. The study bridges a gap in the existing literature by providing insights into the mechanisms through which ethnic identities shape democratisation processes in the African region. The findings reveal an influence of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy, as evidenced by factors such as violent conflicts, political institutions, and economic inequality. Additionally, the study delves into contemporary implications of ethnic dynamics on democratic processes, particularly examining the military confrontations between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since April 2023. The practical implications of this study lie in developing effective strategies to mitigate the political repercussions of ethnicity, thereby fostering a peaceful democratic transition. Therefore, the findings may not be readily applicable to other regions or nations with distinct historical, cultural, or geopolitical contexts that might influence the interplay between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractIn this article, we interrogate the extent to which a so-called Islamist advantage existed prior to the Arab Spring by examining country cases often neglected in the literature on Sunni Islamism. We then assess the extent to which the presumed ‘ft of Islamist fortunes post-Arab Spring exists (a) solely in the Sunni sphere or extends to independent Shiʿi movements, and (b) is present in country cases less commonly studied: Bahrain, Iraq, Kuwait, and Lebanon. We find overall that there is no difference in advantage or disadvantage between Sunni and Shiʿi Islamists; what matters more than the moment of the Arab Spring for understanding the future of Islamism writ large is inclusion of country case studies that are often neglected, like those of Iraq and Lebanon, which complicate assumptions made about Islamists in electoral politics in the Arab world and add nuance to the argument over the existence of an Islamist advantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation: A decade has passed since the outbreak of the so‐called Arab Spring, which led to regime changes in several Arab countries. However, these public protests demonstrated their ineffectiveness in bringing about political and economic improvements, nor did they facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy in Arab countries. Purpose: This article attempts to discuss the obstacles to democratic transformation in Arab countries and the methods that should be followed to achieve democratic transformation, along with showing the international community's response to the Arab Spring. Approach and methods: This article relies on a descriptive, methodological, and analytical approach to the obstacles to democratic transformation in Arab countries by analysing the events and results of the Arab Spring. Findings: The democratic transformation in Arab countries does not require as much concerted effort to protect the right to peaceful assembly as it does to safeguard other rights from violations resulting from certain practices. This is primarily due to significant differences between ideological, intellectual, and political groups within society. Furthermore, democratic transformation in Arab countries necessitates the collective efforts of the international community, particularly Western nations such as the United States, employing a credible and transparent approach free from political or economic interests. These external factors are crucial when it comes to either facilitating or hindering the democratic transition and the implementation of democratic reforms. Policy implications: The Arab Spring showed that peaceful democratic transitions and the conditions for the continuation or replacement of authoritarian regimes require the approval and support of some countries that are devoid of political or economic interests, as they are external factors that can influence and hinder the democratic transition or ensure democratic reforms. This is especially true because public protests are no longer simply a sign of resistance to the regime but rather are rather a potential advance warning of rebellion and the overthrow of said regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Arab Spring' posed major emotional challenges to European diplomats. Sympathies for the demonstrators' open embrace of European norms and values merged with discomfort about incalculable consequences following the former rulers' eventual fall. Focusing on Egypt, this contribution analyses how European diplomats reacted to Hosni Mubarak's ouster and the following developments. With their reminiscences to Europe's own history and the European Union's (EU) self-perception as 'force for good', a two-sided sense of disillusionment grew among European representatives: about the regime's eventual unwillingness to reform, and about their own incapacity to meaningfully support change. Based on extensive research in Cairo and Brussels, this article analyses the emotions that escorted the actions of officials from the EU and its member states in Egypt. From a multi-level perspective, it considers activities by the EU Delegation to Egypt and EU member states' embassies in Cairo, plus initiatives coming from Brussels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What types of policies has the European Union (EU) implemented to control migration flows in recent decades, and what are their strategies? This paper aims to explore the measures developed by the EU to manage migration flows and identify how they operate. While a securitisation approach, such as activities of border control, has been widely discussed by scholars in this field, it is worth exploring and understanding other kinds of instruments aimed at curbing irregular flows through executing programs such as the Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF), developed in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings to address the "root causes" of the displacement. In light of this, this research conducts a case study and qualitative content and descriptive analysis of documents on the EUTF. Preliminary findings indicate patterns in what motivated the EU to undertake these actions and present the main strategies of the Fund in the North Africa region. However, some factors may have led to disappointing outcomes for the EUTF, such as the increase, in 2019, of nationals leaving the North Africa region towards Europe, as reported by UNDESA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This objective of this paper is to analyze the impact of monetary policy on economic growth in Tunisian. After a revolution or significant political changes, countries may reassess and adjust their economic policies, including monetary policy, to address new challenges and align with the evolving economic and political landscape. Central banks often play a crucial role in maintaining economic stability, and changes in leadership or government can lead to shifts in monetary policy objectives and strategies. Using an ARDL model applied to monthly data over the 2011/2021 period, the results revealed that money supply has a positive long-run impact on economic growth in Tunisian after revolution. On the other hand; other instruments such as the interest rate, exchange rate have a significant negative relationship with economic growth. In fact, when interest rates are high, it becomes more expensive to borrow money, so people and businesses are less likely to invest and spend. Findings also depict that increase in Domestic Credit to Private Sector hurts the economic growth. A negative effect on domestic credit could lead a central bank to consider lowering interest rates or implementing other measures to stimulate credit growth and support economic activity. Besides, inflation was shown to play an indirect role by increasing the impact of economic growth. Due to the effect of the revolution, the political instability and high international food and fuel prices negatively affected the domestic prices; Tunisia reached an inflation rate of 4.8% in 2021. Findings of the study have important implications that may discuss the need to adapt monetary policy to ensure economic stability in the aftermath of the Tunisian revolution. This could involve addressing challenges such as inflation, exchange rate fluctuations, and overall economic uncertainty. There might be recommendations for adjustments to monetary policy tools and strategies. This could include changes in interest rates, currency management, and liquidity measures to support economic recovery and growth. The implications might involve collaboration between monetary authorities and the government to implement coordinated fiscal and monetary policies. This synergy is often necessary to address broader economic challenges and promote sustainable growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the shifting patterns of regionalism and alliance formation in the Middle East in the decade following the 2011 Arab uprisings. It seeks to explain why regional organizations, most notably the Arab League and the Gulf Cooperation Council, failed to advance any durable regional cooperation, in spite of an initial period of bold activism. Second, the article seeks to shed light on why government-driven, informal and instable regional alignments that also include non-Arab parties and non-state actors came to prevail instead. Our approach draws on Stephen Walt's concept of the balance of threats; we posit however that this concept needs to integrate a liberal-constructivist perspective to assess both the nature of threats and the significance of domestic factors. While we consider the Arab uprisings a potential turning point, our explanation of the patterns of cooperation and conflict in the Middle East after the uprisings points to regime (in)security and shifting threat perceptions as key factors. They explain the side-lining of established regional organizations and the priority given to alternative and volatile forms of regional cooperation, that is, the prevalence of "liquid alliances." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The imperatives of economic diversification mean that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are scrambling to secure international markets and investments amid a series of domestic changes taking place, including centralized decision making, the marginalization of other traditional modes of governance, and rising nationalism. While there is some evidence of formal security‐related cooperation in the Gulf Cooperation Council as well as an informal security alliance operationalized by Saudi Arabia and the UAE at the onset of the Arab uprisings, these two states have gone on to pursue competing economic policies. This article assesses the economic and political interactions of Saudi Arabia and the UAE, arguing that contrary to Rosecrance's concept of "virtual states" with an emphasis on services, expertise, and creativity, connected to visions strategies in these cases, their primary power remains rooted in territorial aspects. It also finds that there are other factors such as leadership style, political and economic role conceptions, the regional and international balance of power, threat perception, and alliance formation that will continue to determine the shape and form of their cooperation or competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collection of articles and documents explores the involvement of external parties in the conflict in Sudan. It discusses the roles of countries such as Egypt, Ethiopia, Chad, Kenya, Libya, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Russia, and the United States. The articles highlight the strategic importance of Sudan, the historical influences and tensions between these countries and Sudan, and their interests in the conflict. The collection provides a comprehensive understanding of the external dynamics at play in the Sudanese war and their implications for the region. [Extracted from the article]

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This article provides a concise review of three different texts. The first text analyzes the Arab nationalist movements in Egypt and Syria/Iraq during the latter half of the last century, exploring their goals, challenges, strengths, weaknesses, achievements, and failures. The second text discusses the discrepancy between Islamic jurisprudence and modern laws in the constitutional field, addressing various constitutional problems and emphasizing the importance of practicing diligence in both areas. The third text examines the changes in the international system over the past four decades, including the rise of socialist left forces, the shift to market capitalism, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the challenges and risks of globalization faced by Arab states. The study also considers the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the Russian-Ukrainian war on global dynamics. [Extracted from the article]

How do political crises affect the interaction between economic and political outcomes? In this paper, we study one of the consequences of political turmoil by empirically examining whether the Arab Spring influenced the relationship between corruption and income inequality. Using panel data from 1996 to 2019 for the Middle East and North African (MENA) countries, we find that while corruption is positively associated with income inequality, the interaction term between corruption and the Arab Spring is negatively associated with income inequality. This result is consistent with the view that corruption has become more democratized after the Arab Spring. We use instrumental variable (IV) analysis to address potential endogeneity issues. Our findings suggest that not only studying the direct effects of political crises on economic and institutional variables is important, but studying their effects on shaping the association between economic and institutional variables can be insightful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the decolonisation of Africa - especially after 1960 - more and more people have been arriving from the African continent to Europe for settlement purposes. In 2017, the countries of the European Union there were already 9.1 million African nationals living in the European Union. Of this group, 5 million people came from North Africa (most from Morocco) and the rest from Africa south of the Sahara. Poland is one of the countries in the European Union that has received many migrants from different parts of the world. Figures indicate that 2.1 million foreigners, mostly from Africa and Asia, will live in Poland in 2020. The possibility of frequent contact with immigrants has increased. Meeting a person of African origin in their place of residence is now declared by 39% of respondents, while in 2015 it was only 13%. The attitude of Poles towards immigrants from Africa has also changed in recent years. Poles have become accustomed to the everyday presence of foreigners, as indicated by a clear increase in their level of acceptance in their immediate environment. An African as a close neighbour is now accepted by 84% of Poles (up from 61%) and as their son or daughter-in-law by 58% (up from 34%). There is also a growing concern for keeping immigrants safe, especially when it comes to situations where their life or health may be at risk. However, difficulties arise due to differences in culture, religion, customs and the lack of a common language. The paper will discuss and clarify these problems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the Arab Spring, there have been significant migration movements in the Middle East, and especially with the civil war in Syria, people have been forced to migrate with the motivation of the "right to live", which is a basic human right. Turkey is one of the leading countries affected by these migration movements. In Turkey, which hosts a significant number of migrants, it has become a matter of debate over the years whether Syrian migrants are temporary or permanent. The question of how and to what extent Syrians under temporary protection in Turkey will be integrated and harmonized in almost every field, from economic life to education, has often been a topic of public debate. In addition, the fact that Syrians are subjected to pejorative discourses has triggered anti-immigrant and anti-foreigner sentiments in the society and made it more difficult for Syrians to adapt to the existing social structure. Therefore, immigrants, who constitute a fragile population in the society, face many problems and their perceptions about Turkey change and transform as they cannot adapt to the society. This study aims to determine the changes in Syrian migrants' perception of Turkey and Turkish people before and after migration. As a result of the research, it is understood that Syrian migrants' perception of Turkey and Turkish people before migration is generally positive. However, it is observed that Syrian migrants' perception of Turkey and Turkish people has become significantly negative after the migration. For this purpose, phenomenological model, one of the qualitative research methods, was used in this study. The data obtained was subjected to content analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, Egypt adopted the "Law for the Care of Mental Patients," a rights-based legislation intended to bring the country's mental health system—otherwise defined by resource gaps and chronic underfunding—closer to global standards of care. Yet, the new act stirred dissension among Egyptian psychiatrists. And, in the immediate aftermath of the 2011 uprising, debates about the 2009 law became intertwined with debates about the present and future of the 'new Egypt.' Based on field research in Cairo, this article provides an ethnographic analysis of the making of this mental health act and of the ensuing debates as they unfolded in 2011–2012. Showing the diverging perspectives at the core of these debates on psychiatric power, patient rights, and the law's fit in society, the article highlights the challenges of psychiatric reform in a country of the Global South. It also argues that in a context of revolutionary upheaval, debates about psychiatric reform become a site for political reflection and provide a language for imagining the future of the nation. The article also highlights the centrality of temporality in debating psychiatric reform in times of political transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks why mediation efforts between Fatah and Hamas have failed. The analysis of in-depth interviews with Palestinian stakeholders, guided by relevant theoretical frameworks, indicates that: first, Israel and its allies act as systemic contextual barriers to ending the Palestinian split. Second, serious obstacles to reconciliation exist because the split has lasted for nearly 16 years. Third, mediator characteristics did not affect the outcomes. Fourth, increased polarization in the region following the Arab Spring has adversely affected reconciliation. This research points to the futility of mediation efforts in the current circumstances and the need to challenge existing systemic barriers to reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2011 Arab Spring uprisings are often portrayed as a wave of failed revolutions that devolved rapidly into anarchic violence. Yemen and Libya appear to illustrate this dynamic par excellence, as interim governments collapsed in the face of violence, war, and humanitarian disasters by 2014. Although studies of these revolutions have proliferated in recent years, the fuller range of outcomes emerging from the Arab Spring at the local level and in everyday life have comprised a theoretical and empirical black box. Based on the grounded analysis of ethnographic data from Yemen and Libya during the post-Arab Spring interim periods (2012–2013), this study argues that although the 2011 revolutions failed to achieve their major goals, they succeeded in breaking down normative forms of incumbent authoritarian power across major urban centers. As a result, activists and ordinary citizens gained what we call newfound "civic opportunities" to make political claims in Yemen and Libya's emergent civic spheres. Participants did so by repurposing their built environment for artistic expression, engaging in peaceful collective action, and publicly commemorating the victims and heroes of anti-regime resistance. While civic opportunities were later eclipsed by violence, we argue that revolutions failing to instigate democratic change from "above" can nevertheless create meaningful civic opportunities for democratic practices from "below." The study concludes by suggesting how this mobilization matters for future waves of protest and democratization, and for the scholarly investigation of revolution outcomes more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos is the property of Taller de Estudios Internacionales Mediterraneos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Combatting corruption has been a long-standing commitment for Jordan, which had particularly heightened in light of the Arab Spring in 2011, with increasing demand for stricter measures and more transparency being voiced by Jordanian political movements. However, despite strong will for change, Jordan had done less to curb informal practices in public administration such as "Wasta," which relies on its deeply-embedded notion of cultural legitimacy in circumventing laws and regulations. This article investigates perceptions of "Wasta" through a sociocultural lens that places emphasis on how culture and informal interactions can challenge mainstream understandings of corruption. Drawing on elite interviews with senior public officials and politicians in Jordan, it argues that conventional understandings of corruption that are typically grounded in western literature may be less useful for Jordan in tackling deeply-embedded societal practices such as Wasta. The study finds that corruption and Wasta cannot be conceptualized as one and the same due to intrinsic differences between their subjective goals. The study concludes by suggesting that new approaches in defining unethical use of social capital in public administration need to be developed in order for Jordan to improve its capacity for tackling the negative impacts of Wasta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to systematically understand the logic of unstable alliances in the postrevolutionary Arab Middle East. On what basis do the states in the Middle East enter into alliances with each other and what variables influence their fluid coalition-forming policy? Contrary to mainstream approaches that explain the nature of alliances through variables such as the balance of power, anarchy, identity, and external threats, however, understanding the mechanisms and empirical complexities of the alliance-making policy of Middle East states go beyond those variables. The present study proposes using the theories of alliance in international relations as an approach to 'regime security', an alternative integrated framework in understanding the roots of alliance in the Middle East. Despite the changes in international and regional politics, the main interest for each of the Middle East states is still to ensure the survival and security of their political regime. The options of foreign relations and alliances of the states in the Middle East are based on their dynamic action to maintain the security of the ruling regime against potential internal and external threats. In such a situation, alliances are formulated as transnational coalitions among potential allies to ensure the survival of political regimes. In line with the test of the main idea of the article, a case study of regional alliances in the Middle East is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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While scholarship on Anglophone Palestinian literature has burgeoned in recent years, there has been no attempt to retrieve and assess the work of Soraya Antonius (1932–2017), author of two remarkable English-language novels depicting British-ruled Palestine from the 1910s to 1948, The Lord (1986) and Where the Jinn Consult (1987). Exploring and contextualising Antonius's contribution to this literary corpus, this article examines the cultural, political and linguistic forces shaping her writings. It begins by tracing the fusion of Anglophile mimicry and anti-colonial resistance typical of her parents – George Antonius, author of The Arab Awakening (1938) and Katy Antonius, Mandatory Jerusalem's leading socialite. While her parents funnelled their Levantine-cosmopolitan options into a distinctive Palestinian identity, the Nakba compelled their daughter to take the opposite trajectory, leaving Palestine to pursue cosmopolitan possibilities elsewhere. The article's second section thus considers her work in 1960s and 1970s Beirut, first as a journalist and editor, committed to developing a critical discourse on Western Orientalism, and subsequently as an activist and spokesperson, advocating the Palestinian cause. Probing how these biographical and professional strands shaped her fiction, the final section demonstrates how the first novel's Anglophile fascination with the coloniser's mindset is replaced, in the second novel, with a decided focus on Palestinians' perspectives. Echoing Albert Hourani's critique of the 'Politics of Notables', Where the Jinn Consult thus offers a loving yet bitter account of her parents' generation, complacent and ineffectual in the face of looming catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article challenges conventional accounts of the Tunisian and Egyptian militaries' role in the Arab Spring, emphasizing the very different bargaining versus containing logic through which the countries' autocrats maintained political control of the military. Whereas traditional approaches emphasize the common outcome that neither military fired on protesters, this article highlights three areas of difference in military behavior: the militaries' role in repression (beyond nor firing on protesters); managing the regime crises; and removing or sustaining the regime. In so doing, it also argues against interpretations of the Tunisian military that it remained loyal or passive. To the contrary, the article shows how the Tunisian military was a decidedly political actor, playing a profound role in ending the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research paper analyzed the Syrian conflict using New Wars Theory by Mary Kaldor. The central argument of New Wars Theory is that modern warfare are completely different from traditional warfare. The Syrian conflict which started with local protests and has engulfed the whole country with its regional and global impacts. This study tries to examine the complexities and dynamics of the conflict in Syria, which was particularly affected by the Arab Spring. This is mainly done to examine how this conflict has been shaped through Role of State and Non-State actors, identity politics, war economies and blurring of combatant and non-combatants distinctions. Therefore, a comprehensive analysis utilizing peerreviewed journals, academic books and reliable sources has been done to understand the complexity of modern warfare as demonstrated by the Syrian war. The results demonstrate that how the Syrian conflict fits well with New Wars theory, challenging the traditional notions of warfare. The analysis helps us to understand the contemporary conflicts, and also gives an insight on how to resolve these conflicts and offers pathways for conflict management and peace building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the policies taken by Jordanian tourism sector before and after COVID-19; it is divided into two parts: the first dealt with the period 2011-2019 which followed the events of Arab Spring, the second focused on the postCOVID-19 period. A mixed methodology was used as for the Arab Spring case a quantitative approach that aimed at measuring the satisfaction of 54 travel agents about policies taken by public tourism sector was used. A Structure Equation Modelling analysis was conducted to test the relationship between specific satisfaction about promotional and economic policies as independent variables, and the general satisfaction as a dependent variable. As for the case of COVID-19, a different approach was used where the Tourism National Strategy 2021-2025 and reports on the influence of COVID-19 on Jordanian Economy were referred to make an evaluation of governmental performance. There was an obvious absence of the concept of “Crisis Management" in tourism national strategies (MOTA, 2003 ; 2010 ; 2015) ; where the focus was on diversifying the tourism product, enhancing the image of the country and increasing competitiveness [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration has been placed high on the agenda by the EU as being securitized related to policy changes as well as border security. Growing numbers of irregular migrants have paved the way for a systematic coordination and a consequent regional response in the region; therefore, dedicated security-based policies have been revised. This research analyzes the response that the EU put in action to the irregular migration due to the Arab Uprisings within the scope of collective securitization, and answers the question of why the EU has needed to respond to the demographic changes in the neighborhood as a supra-national securitizing actor. The empirical part of the research will be limited to the policy changes in the European Neighborhood Policy and the Schengen Agreement within the framework of institutional response between 2011 and 2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to establish a theoretical framework for considering how the collective and individual expressions of humour in social media spaces have been used and presented in the socio-political context of Jordan after the 2011 Arab Spring. This framework moves from the collective to the individual and makes Mikhail Bakhtin and Sigmund Freud complementary to the study of Jordanian social media humour after the Arab Spring. It argues that Mikhail Bakhtin's theories of carnival and the carnivalesque (folk humour) have a functional similarity to Sigmund Freud's theory of humour (release theory) because both seem to agree on the role of repression to influence the production of humour. Although repression is being understood differently (for Bakhtin it is political repression, which is usually a conscious decision, while for Freud it is self-repression, which is usually unconscious), humour can provide us with a strong mechanism for overcoming repression, or at least, giving the individual or the crowd the impression that they are challenging repression without necessarily challenging the status quo i.e., calling for regime change or revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Revolution without Revolutionaries: Making Sense of the Arab Spring" by Asef Bayat is a book that delves into the Arab Spring and its intricate blend of revolutions and reforms. The book explores the absence of strong leadership and intellectual vision within the popular movements, which opted for reforming existing state institutions rather than establishing a new social system. Focusing on Tunisia and Egypt, the book analyzes the dynamics, contradictions, and promises of the Arab Spring. It also examines the decline of opposition ideologies and the rise of neoliberalism in the Arab world. The text critically examines the flaws and contradictions of the Arab revolutions, particularly in relation to the desire for change and the outcomes of reform. It sheds light on the impact of neoliberal restructuring on Arab cities, leading to conflicts between marginalized groups and authorities. The study also considers the role of external factors, such as geopolitical interests and foreign intervention, in shaping the revolutions. Ultimately, the book concludes that the process of change is ongoing and intricate, and that true transformation necessitates a reimagining of power and a commitment to equality and inclusive democracy. [Extracted from the article]

Muammar Qaddafi's downfall arguably came as a surprise to many given that he had been able to successfully run a personalist regime from 1969 to 2011. This paper examines the factors that led to Qaddafi's downfall and seeks to determine which ones can be primarily credited with causing the end of his rule. The paper theorizes that there are four main factors that led to Qaddafi's downfall: a) governance, b) military, c) media, and d) international intervention. It argues that governance and the military proved to be a source of strength up until the Arab Spring--which was an exogenous shock in itself. Out of the four variables, the paper also finds that during the Arab Spring, the external intervention proved to be a detrimental factor for the Qaddafi regime as it destroyed the military apparatus. The protests also brought to the fore the polarization and grievances of the people that had been simmering under the wraps of the personalistic governance model of Qaddafi. Thus, the Arab Spring converted governance and military from sources of strength into sources of weakness, thereby contributing towards Qaddafi's downfall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the American occupation of 2003 and the fall of Saddam Hussein's regime, Iraq faced many challenges including in its foreign relations. It sought to overcome these, especially with the Gulf Cooperation Council (gcc), in light of its confrontation with terrorism, sectarianism, and security deterioration. This state of affairs continued until 2014 when Iraqi-Gulf relations witnessed a remarkable normalization in various political, security and economic fields, culminating in the "Gulf reconciliation" in January 2021 when the gcc succeeded in achieving reconciliation with Qatar, at the "Al-Ula Summit" held in Al-Ula in northern Saudi Arabia. The article examines Gulf reconciliation in 2021 and its implications for the future of Iraqi-Gulf relations and puts forward a hypothesis based on the fact that positive Iraqi-Gulf relations contribute to achieving a state of security and stability for Iraq, and the gcc as a whole. This will lead to improving Iraq's relations with the countries of the region after suffering from a state of instability for the past two decades. Achieving Gulf reconciliation will plausibly help in building positive relations and further develop them in the future, helping to reduce regional conflict, and preserve Iraq's unity and sovereignty as an important country in the Gulf regional order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysing transitional justice mechanisms in the non-liberal transition of post-revolutionary Egypt, from the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak to the election of 'Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi, this article seeks to enhance the understanding of the character of the transition period and the re-establishment of authoritarianism in Egypt, but also to shed light on the implications of the manipulation of transitional justice in order to bolster repressive structures in non-liberal transitions. Based on analysing transitional justice as a contested process whose mechanism and outcomes are shaped according to specific domestic power structures and coalitions, the article argues that the ability of Egypt's elites, led by the military, to control the transitional justice process and to manipulate it to enhance their power and interests depended on their coercive capacity but was also a product of their ability to utilise the deep gaps among political forces, which had different interests and perceptions regarding transitional justice (reformative or revolutionary) in order to create shifting alliances and agreements on the boundaries of transitional justice and hence affect its outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]