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AbstractPalestinian women’s engagement with politics and their appropriation of conventionally masculine acts of martyrdom during the Second Intifada (2002–2005) have been subject to intense public debate, media scrutiny and contested cultural representations. This article, drawing on studies of terrorism as well as translation theory, examines first-hand accounts of acts of martyrdom by Palestinian women, which uphold Palestinian national and religious discourses of sacrifice. Failing to grapple with how and why Palestinians recognise these women’s acts as martyrdom, many Euro-American and Israeli scholars focus on personal, social and psychological motivations. While many Euro-American and Israeli scholars construct Palestinian female martyrs as socially deviant, we develop a different framework to understand female martyrdom on more local terms that resonate with Palestinians’ lived experience. We introduce five Palestinian female martyrs’ video testimonies that scholarship to date has overlooked. We contend that Palestinian female martyrs (shahids) are conscious agents whose final acts underscore their adherence to religious and national discourses of sacrifice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the history and impact, from the end of the Cold War to the present, of the intertwined relationships between increased Holocaust consciousness, the rise of moral pedagogies and political rhetorics of anti-antisemitism, and the emotionalization of Western politics and public discourse. The surge of interest in Holocaust memory in the 1990s was closely connected with the new prominence of feelings in that decade, and particularly with the widespread emphasis on empathy with suffering. Deep-seated traditions within Western culture, including within Judaism itself, of ascribing special meaning to Jewish suffering played an important role in the emergence in this decade of "redemptive anti-antisemitism." This outlook, which rapidly attained consensus status in public debate and especially in moralized Holocaust pedagogy, enshrined opposition to antisemitism, understood as the key lesson of the Holocaust, as the key gateway to the overcoming of all hatreds and prejudices. After 9/11 and the outbreak of the Second Intifada, this universalist optimism became increasingly difficult to sustain. With Palestinians and Israelis engaged in intense competition for international public empathy, the emotional authority of anti-antisemitism became entangled with responses to this conflict. The Israeli military assault on Gaza in January 2009 generated particularly intense arguments over the politics of empathy. Since then, in different but related ways in various Western countries, the political and emotional priority accorded to anti-antisemitism has increasingly stood in a rivalrous or antagonistic rather than a solidaristic relationship with campaigns against other forms of prejudice, especially with respect to Islamophobia. The charged cultural and political resonance of appeals to empathy with Jewish suffering can only be understood through a historical understanding of how the emotional fabric of contemporary Western public debate is shaped by the deep roots of exceptionalist thinking about the Holocaust and antisemitism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawn from ethnographic fieldwork and documentary research, this article examines three shifts in national-scale planning in Palestine. In the period after the Oslo accords, Palestinian planners were tasked with the responsibility to create formal structures of governance and build for a future, eventual state there. Through that process and especially after the second intifada, national planning came to focus almost exclusively on market openness, privatization, and capitalistic development as part of a state and economy building project. Increasingly since 2015, planners have attempted to re-take some kind of formal authority. This article argues that such regimes show how Palestine is increasingly crafted at the state-scale as a node in wider global political economies in order to ostensibly stabilize the political situation, and in ways that have wide consequences for Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the significance of Ghassan Kanafani's pamphlet, "The 1936-1939 Revolution in Palestine," which provides a class-based analysis of the uprising against British and Zionist colonialism in Palestine. The pamphlet was originally published in the English-language broadsheet of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and later collated and published in several editions. The author emphasizes that the disappearance of Kanafani's work from circulation in the early 2000s was not coincidental, but rather a deliberate attempt to undermine the Palestinian revolutionary project. However, the enduring power and correctness of Kanafani's analysis is evident in its continued relevance and popularity today, particularly in the context of growing resistance and revolutionary struggle. [Extracted from the article]

The article "A Hunger for Life" in the Jerusalem Quarterly highlights the ongoing struggles faced by Palestinians in Gaza, Jerusalem, and the West Bank due to Israeli military actions and settler violence. The text discusses the intensification of settlement building in the West Bank, violent attacks by Israeli settlers against Palestinian villagers, and the threats to the Armenian Quarter in Jerusalem. It also mentions the assassination of Hamas political leader Isma‘il Haniya, Israeli military raids in the West Bank, and the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza, including limitations on aid entry and a polio outbreak. The article emphasizes the importance of basic necessities like food and healthcare for Palestinian identity, resilience, survival, and resistance. [Extracted from the article]

• Distinguishing between genuine causality and Granger-causality to infer causality. • Cooperation coexists with violence in counter-insurgency. • Like violence, cooperation is mutually reciprocal and reinforcing between rivals. • Crucially, violence induces cooperation; as an olive-branch, which de-escalates. • But for cooperation, hostilities would be more violent and last longer. We provide theoretical foundations and empirical evidence for the complex interplay between violence and cooperation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Our simple dynamic sticks and carrots game lays the theoretical foundations for a vector autoregressions empirical investigation examining the dynamics of the actions taken by the two adversaries. Using daily violence and cooperation incidents during the Second Intifada and employing several causality metrics, we find evidence of asymmetric cycles of cooperation alongside cycles of violence; Both sides respond to violence (cooperation) by aggression (cooperating) where the Israeli responses are of higher magnitude than their counterpart. We find that both sides cooperate more after their rival's and own violence. Most importantly, cooperation has a causal effect on reducing violence; both sides, especially Israelis, are less aggressive after cooperating and following cooperation by the other side. If not for cooperation the Second Intifada would have been more violent and might have lasted longer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jasbir K. Puar and Dima Srouji build upon their respective work in architecture, visual art and decolonial theory to produce a collaborative examination of colonial pathologies for Sharjah Art Biennial 15, 2023. Srouji's architecture and art practice encompass a variety of mediums that allow her to explore notions of heritage and public space in Palestine and the region. Puar is a writer and scholar whose current work focuses on settler colonial violence, disability and debility in Palestine. Their collaborative installations integrate understandings of space and planning with the contemporary politics of resistance in the context of Palestine and the surrounding region. At Sharjah Art Biennial 15, Puar and Srouji present 'Revolutionary Enclosures (Until the Apricots)' (2023), a series of household items that respond to the material conditions of lockdown, interweaving the artists' experiences of COVID-19 quarantine in Palestine and their memories of the Second Intifada (2000–2005), a major Palestinian uprising against Israel. The project reframes everyday objects emblematic of the trauma of enclosure for Palestinians as transformative matter and reservoirs of affective practices of resilience, community and caregiving: hoarded cans of tuna form the constituent parts of a radiator signifying warmth; resin apricots evoke the exchange of sustenance among neighbours; shrapnel becomes decorative wallpaper motifs; a stairwell used as shelter from air raids transforms into a communal reading space. Exploring the collective rhythms and materialities of these conditions, Srouji and Puar conjure the everyday making and remaking of the commons through and against the constraints of siege and containment. The conversation published here took place between March and September 2023, and thus predates the latest phase in the catastrophic violence that has historically defined Israel's relationship to Palestine and the Palestinians. Triggered by an unprecedented and shocking attack by Hamas on 7 October, Israel's genocidal military campaign in Gaza is not an anomaly, but in line with and part and parcel of the systematic ethnic cleansing of the Palestinians and the Apartheid system that the settler colonial state of Israel has relied on for its sustenance since 1948. The questions asked here by Maasri and Toukan, as well as the artworks discussed by Jasbir and Srouji, probe aspects of this very condition that has brought us to the unabashed genocidal violence we are now all witness to today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the failures of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and the intelligence services in the recent conflict with Hamas. It highlights the delusions of both the left and right political factions in Israel and criticizes Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for prioritizing his personal interests over national security. The article emphasizes the need for Israel to win the war decisively and addresses the potential dangers of escalation with Hezbollah and Iran. It also raises questions about the future of the Palestinian problem, the role of international forces, and the possibility of a two-state solution. The article acknowledges the support of President Joe Biden and the pressure on Israel to minimize civilian casualties while achieving its military objectives. [Extracted from the article]

This study examines how a large negative economic shock impacts marriage rates for young men in the West Bank. Utilizing data from before and after the sudden and abrupt closure of the Israeli labor market for Palestinian commuters from the West Bank in 2001, our empirical design employs a difference-in-difference strategy and uses the variations in localities' exposure to the Israeli labor market before the shock. The closure reduced the employment and income of adult men asymmetrically across localities. Our findings show that the closure caused a reduction in marriage rates among young men aged 19 to 29 years, as post-shock changes in marriage rates. Our results suggest that the adverse effect of the economic shock on male marriage is mediated through a combination of rising youth unemployment and rigid expectations about marriage costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict points around the world involve government forces fighting terrorist groups. In this type of warfare, there is a danger that counterterrorist efforts may backfire, providing ammunition for additional cycles of violence. We study this issue focusing on selective and indiscriminate house demolitions employed by Israel during the Second Intifada. We exploit the temporal and spatial variation of this policy to assess its impact on Palestinians' political views. We find that the civilian population does not react to punitive house demolitions, a selective form of counterterrorism. On the contrary, Palestinians are more likely to adopt more radical political opinions in response to precautionary house demolitions, an indiscriminate form of counterterrorism. We also show that political radicalization induced by indiscriminate counterterrorism leads to an increase in future terror attacks. Overall, our analysis provides explicit empirical support to the mechanism behind the positive correlation between indiscriminate counterterrorism and future levels of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The challenge of this article is on deciding the two-decade-old controversy among Israeli intelligence scholars and practitioners over what caused the outbreak of the Palestinian uprising in October 2000. The question remains: Was it preplanned by the Palestinian Authority or a spontaneous response to the violence that ensued following the visit to the Temple Mount by Israeli opposition leader Sharon, which was seriously escalated by Israel's excessive military response? Drawing on a theoretical framework of two types of strategic surprises, the article clarifies the controversy and explains the outbreak of what became a long and bloody Israeli–Palestinian confrontation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clinical training and practice are embedded in colonial conceptualizations of healing, invisibilizing the ontologies and epistemologies of Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC) communities. Community psychology (CP) was developed with an intention to respond to the limits of clinical psychology by explicitly pursuing social justice, emphasizing context, and valuing the expertise of communities. However, CP continues to perpetuate colonial, White supremacist dynamics in research and praxis, despite contrary intentions. This article employs storytelling to share personal narratives of clinical–community psychology PhD students of multiple marginalized identities, which expose and expound upon the ways in which global structural oppression manifests and operates in academic departments, clinical training, and community-based work, as well as in our personal lives. Situated in the context of the Palestinian uprising in Spring 2021, our stories emphasize the academic performance of solidarity and allyship that upholds colonial violence and disrupts healing and resistance. Public Significance Statement: We document our struggles and successes in working to decolonize our research, clinical practice, and community praxis. We share examples of resistance, advocacy, and community building that have served as a few of the antidotes to our struggles and supported our advancement toward decolonial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From grassroots activism to armed combatants, Palestinian females have been active in combating Israel's occupation of Palestine since the early twentieth century. During the second Palestinian Intifada, however, western news media coverage of female-perpetrated 'suicide bombings' sensationalized these previously unseen acts. Utilizing Herjeet Marway's 'scandalous subwomen' societal reaction as a framework, this article engages in a multimodal analysis of the largely unexplored UK and US broadcast news coverage of female-perpetrated Palestinian 'suicide bombings'. Via a postcolonial perspective, it addresses this framework's focus upon 'exclusion': the projection that Palestinian female suicide bombers' political participation is subject to male influence. This article finds that exclusionary male figures, as well as Saudi Arabia, are framed by UK and US broadcast news media to afford Palestinian female suicide bombers a lack of political agency. Palestinian female 'suicide bombers', as a result, become victimized figures via the UK and US broadcast news media's orientalist 'perceived reality' which fails to recognize these female actors' agential will or their ability to freely participate in political acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Islamic Jihad Movement in Palestine's (PIJ) framing to explain the radicalisation and short-term tactical variations of its violent repertoires of action during the Second Intifada. By adopting a framing-sensitive approach, the analysis reveals that PIJ actions should be approached as relational performances that communicated a symbolic message to different audiences, beyond their immediate targets. This, in turn, solves some of the puzzles regarding the mixed effects of repression on political violence. Furthermore, by analysing PIJ through the lens of social movement theory, the article contributes to de-orientalise the academic knowledge on this group by highlighting the context-dependent character of its mobilisation strategies against Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As suicide bombers during the Second Intifada of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Palestinian females reflected a sustained involvement in political activism dating back to the early-20th century. However, as suicide bombers, Palestinian females gained considerable notoriety in Western media discourse because of their gendered participation. This not only challenges the use of their female bodies for destructive, rather than reproductive, purposes but also long-held orientalist discourse propagating the alleged-oppression of non-Western females in historic and contemporary Western literature, including via the practice of veiling. Despite martyrdom videos contextually locating these females within political violence, their veiled appearance challenged orientalist discourse concerning their gendered participatory agency. Examining U.K. and U.S. broadcast news media, this article seeks to assess the presence of traditionally orientalist frameworks in Palestinian female suicide bombers' coverage and whether or not these contribute toward a de-legitimization of their political agency, via discourse surrounding representations of their allegedly oppressed female bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If political circumstances are an important cause of unemployment in the Middle East, does this tend to attenuate the influence of economic infrastructure? I approach this question by building a geospatial dataset of the West Bank, an area with high unemployment arguably linked to political problems. I find Israeli army road obstacles, deployed during the Second Intifada, obstructed peri-urban Palestinian commuters from accessing commercial centers and border crossings, inflicting employment losses that were substantially offset by employment gains among their more centrally located Palestinian competitors. The findings suggest that marginal economic interventions, such as removing obstacles or paving roads, have a good chance of altering the spatial distribution of unemployment, but may struggle to reduce overall unemployment levels absent political reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current political context surrounding the Israel-Palestine conflict is often seen as significantly contributing to the resurgent antisemitism in many European countries. This Antisemitism has two dimensions: on the one hand, one of renewal - if we are to talk about the far-right antisemitism and on the other hand, one of metamorphosing, in relation to far-left antisemitism. Often hidden behind the mask of political critique of the Israeli politics, the far-left antisemitism mixes aspects related to the Jewish life in Europe with certain peculiarities of Netanyahu's government policies towards Palestine. Therefore, this paper will aim at identifying whether the EU's support for these NGO's can be viewed as tolerating the anti-Semitic attitudes of the NGO's whose programs it finances, or whether these attitudes are to be regarded as independent from the initiatives of the NGOs that are financed by the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Second Intifada of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, female-perpetrated suicide bombings emerged as a new proponent of political violence during this phase of Palestinian uprising against Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories. Prior academic literature demonstrates the gendered nature of these acts—based upon wider debates concerning the male relationship with conflict—as key in predominantly Western print news media analyses of these female bombers' coverage. Examining the widely unexamined medium of broadcast news, this article addresses the extent to which BBC News and ITV News embrace the "Myth of Motherhood" to communicate the Palestinian female body's performative status. Via a postcolonial framework, analyses of applied natural ("Vacant Womb") and unnatural ("Deviant Womb") biological frameworks shall address whether constructions of Palestinian female suicide bombers' allegedly deviant femininity impact upon representations of their political agency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the Or Commission of Inquiry and the discursive invention of the 'October 2000 disturbances' by offering a reconceptualisation of the Green Line function in the context of the Israeli state ideology (mamlachtiut). The commission presents an interesting case of a State Commission of Inquiry working under unprecedented lack of public and political legitimacy and of government support. By applying a sociopolitical perspective, the article analyzes the Or Commission not simply as a neutral administrative instrument but as a political actor that sought to enhance its legitimacy and influence public opinion and decision-makers by deviating considerably from its official mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trauma resulting from Israeli violence is embedded in the life stories narrated by Palestinians. Oral histories recorded with Palestinians who grew up during the Second Intifada reveal that the home is a central and critical location for Palestinians to trace their memories of war. It is in the intimate spaces of the home that such trauma is exposed. Though rarely addressed in mainstream news and academic publications, the Palestinian home is never immune from violence related to the larger armed conflict, and this has a particularly harmful impact on home's youngest inhabitants. Israeli attacks on the home are part of a larger process of unchilding, that is, Israel's use of Palestinian children as political capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a contextualized comparison of Israeli targeted killing operations aimed at Palestinian high value targets before and during the Second Intifada. Utilizing four indicators that can be directly attributed to a particular operation (elimination of the intended target, civilian and non-target casualties, directly-linked retaliatory attacks, and adverse political consequences), we analyzed thirty-eight Israeli targeted killing operations to determine whether the policy changes introduced during the Second Intifada (regarding the scale, legal basis, and targeting methods) resulted in increased operational success. Our findings indicate that according to all but the first indicator, Israeli targeted killing operations conducted during the Second Intifada were less successful than those conducted prior to this conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International animosity significantly affects the purchase of foreign products. However, domestic conflicts are also rampant in many countries, giving rise to similar issues. October 2000 marked the beginning of the second Arab Intifada (uprising) in Israel. In contrast to the first Intifada of the late 1980s and early 1990s, this time, Israeli Arabs joined the Palestinians in violent demonstrations in Israeli locations with large Arab concentrations. This research studies Jewish Israelis' reactions to Arab Israelis in the context of purchases and consumption of products and services produced or marketed by Arab Israelis. It examines animosity, its antecedents, and its consumption consequences within the large Jewish majority of the population in Israel. The authors find that dogmatism, nationalism, and internationalism affect animosity, which in turn predicts willingness to buy and actual changes in purchase behavior for goods and services produced or marketed by Israeli Arabs. In contrast to previous research, animosity also predicts product judgments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]