Search

The two sub samples of drug taking delinquents described in an earlier article were followed up 5 and 3 years after their discharge. This paper describes the follow-up findings and relates these to the original drug abusing status and social profile of the men. Some positive predictive findings were made. The study is illustrated with brief case histories.

The category of gentrification has only recently began to be used for the study of French cities. The process through which working-class neighbourhoods became areas of upper-middle-class residence was earlier discussed as embourgeoisement, largely referred to as state intervention and seen as the effect of the permanent preference for central locations of higher categories. The detailed empirical examination of the Paris metropolis shows that such changes have indeed been occurring steadily over the last decades, but that the largest number of neighbourhoods experiencing that change of social profile are to be found in the first ring of banlieues and not in the central city. The analysis of the social profile of gentrifiers shows that it differs substantially between areas. Three main types of processes are identified: the first is the expansion of upper-class areas into adjacent working-class neighbourhoods, with an influx mainly of private-sector professionals, managers, and engineers; the second is upward social mobility of working-class areas, spatially and socially distinct from upper-class ones; and the third, which is found in a minority of cases only, resembles more the dominant model of gentrification, with a substantial contribution of professionals in public, scientific, media, and artistic occupations.

This Chapter completes the task of drawing up a social profile of Soviet natural scientists. To the discussion of their academic, economic and political attributes it adds an analysis of the factors which influence the attainment of a scientific career by Soviet school children. Following this is a description of the way in which Soviet scientists are distributed in terms of age, gender and ethnicity. The chapter concludes with a summary of the characteristics most frequently observed among Soviet natural scientists and some comments on their broader social and political significance.

A stratified random sample of black men and women aged 70 and over was developed in two high rise age segregated urban housing units. Normative activity was classified in terms of three life styles: alone, reciprocal, and nonreciprocal. An internal comparison was made with a black sample and an external comparison with a white sample differing on several major demographic characteristics. Although the modal activity pattern was to do things alone, the findings were equivocal with respect to the disengagement framework. Involvement with others tended to increase with age, and was usually of a religious or leisure time nature. Findings of this study suggest the desirability for encouraging flexible life style options.

This article addresses two main sets of questions. First, is there a characteristic social profile of regular game show viewers, and do these viewers constitute a single audience ? Second, is there any evidence that heavy game show viewing cultivates in viewers a greater beliefin the importance of luck in life and a more materialistic outlook ? The results, based on a telephone survey of 246 adult respondents in the Flemish Community of Belgium, provide a clear sociodemographic profile of the European game show audience, at least as constituted in Flanders. Furthermore, this core audience is divided into three distinct segments structured along three characteristic dimensions of game shows. Correlations obtained between game show use and luck and materialism variables, lead us to conclude that cultivation theory may provide a fruitful focus for future research.

Over the past two decades the Russian bureaucracy has attracted increasing attention from historians. They have focused on two subjects: the social profile of the civil service and the role of leading bureaucrats in implementing (or failing to implement) reforms. In both cases discussion is usually limited to the officials who dominated the chancelleries of St. Petersburg (or commissariats of Moscow), to those who had greatest impact on formal government policy and for whom the most extensive biographical material is available.1 We know

(3) iSabe lo que haciamos para que no se caerian (C) de la cama? (G,CVI,f,67) 'You know what we did so that they didn't/wouldn't fall off the bed? (4) Haciamos un agujerito asf en el, por la puerta para que saliesen (S) y entrasen (S) cuando las parecia a ellas. (G,CV2,f,67) 'We made a hole like this, in the door, so that they went out and came in whenever they pleased.' (5) El si saldria (C) otra cosa, se marchaba (I), pero estdi tan malo Espafia, estai muchisimo malo. (A,CV I1,f,46) 'He, if something came up, would leave, but things are bad in Spain, real bad.' (6) Pues lo mismo si era (I) del Esta'o, a lo mejor pone pinos o qu6 s6 yo. (A,CVI1,f,46) 'Well just the same if it belonged to the State, maybe it'd plant pine trees or who knows what.' The variants include the two forms of the