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In 1914–1918, almost 300,000 indigenous people were mobilised in North Africa to fight in France. In November 1915, the Minister of War proposed granting them French citizenship. His initiative favoured an influx of soldiers into the army and sparked heated discussions about modifying the colonial policy, which was based on unequal access of French and the native population to political rights. The colonial party eventually blocked the proposal as going too far. Consequently, the policy to provide indigenous soldiers with social benefits on an equal footing with the French was adopted to ensure a steady flow of volunteers to the French Army. This article attempts to give a comprehensive presentation of the issue of social benefits as a policy aimed at increasing recruitment, reducing public discontent and preserving the colonial order. This policy proved effective but equalising daily pay, premiums, family allowances, indemnity and compensation for indigènes spurred on the emancipation of indigenous peoples and eroded the colonial policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In mid-1919, in the midst of a convulsive political and cultural climate, the Association for Women's Rights, created and directed by M.D. Elvira Rawson de Dellepiane, in alliance with the deputy of the Unión Cívica Radical, Rogelio Araya, presented two projects: in the Chamber, Civil Emancipation of Women and Women's Suffrage, the latter the first legislative project for women's political rights in Argentina and the region. This essay explores the innovative strategies used to transfer the feminist struggle to the venue legislative and also the reasons why despite the efforts put into the endeavor, the project floundered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the case of Vietnam's ratification of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment 1987 from 2013 to 2014. It aims to provide empirical evidence to inform current debates regarding the roles of external and internal dynamics, as well as relevant pressures and threats, in shaping state behaviour toward international civil and political rights treaties. Through this case study, it is argued that external dynamics played an essential role in influencing the socialist state's ultimate ratification behaviour. In the context of globalisation, international political dynamics are determinant conditions for shaping the socialist state's signing and ratifying activities toward this convention. In the case of Vietnam, the decision to accede to international human rights treaties should be considered the most appropriate response to the mounting political pressure from the international community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights has been a part of Norwegian law since 1999. It has, however, been of greater importance in the political sphere than in the courts. In the fall of 2021, the Supreme Court of ruled that the construction of two wind power plants were violating the rights of Indigenous Sámi reindeer herders pursuant to the Article 27 ICCPR. In the presentation, the Supreme Court's use of Article 27 is analysed in order to determine its impact on protecting Indigenous rights in Norway, including where the threshold for violation lays when interference in Sámi reindeer husbandry areas take place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Achieving sustainable economic development is always considered one of the main economic goals of countries. Therefore, researchers are interested in presenting new econometric models for more accurate identification of factors affecting economic growth. The current study evaluates the impact of various aspects of freedom (economic freedom, press freedom, civil freedom, and political rights) and an aggregated freedom index on economic growth in European countries from 2000 to 2019 using spatial panel econometric techniques. In addition, the effects of variables such as FDI, financial development (FD), human capital (HC), and capital stock on economic growth are examined. The findings of this research confirm the existence of spatial autocorrelation in economic growth. The results reveal that civil liberties, economic and press freedom, and aggregated freedom boost economic growth, whereas political rights have no significant effect on economic growth. Furthermore, the econometric model results indicate that FDI, FD, HC, and capital stock are positively and significantly associated with economic growth. This research is expected to provide policymakers with a thorough understanding of how to implement the best policies in European countries to achieve sustainable economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media platform corporations such as Meta (Facebook), Twitter, etc. find themselves in a position of having to interpret international human rights norms, in particular Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) (freedom of expression). Millions or even billions of content moderation decisions need to be taken on the platforms each day that affect users' human rights interests. Since content moderation is integral to the technical and commercial set-up of these platforms, corporate decision-making vis-à-vis human rights and thus corporate interpretation of international human rights norms is inevitable. Yet, corporations are flawed interpreters. Whereas they act, like a court or tribunal, as triadic decision-makers, they, unlike a court or tribunal, do not share the neutrality, impartiality and independence of the latter. In particular, they are responsible to their shareholders and they pursue commercial interests when moderating content. This article grapples with the theoretical and doctrinal implications of flawed but inevitable corporate human rights interpretation. Taking the early practice of the Oversight Board, a body established by Meta, Inc. (Facebook), in order to tackle the "hard cases" of content moderation as a case study, the pitfalls and challenges of corporate human rights interpretation become apparent. In the end, I submit a few suggestions in order to remedy what seems to be here to stay with us at least for as long as an important part of public discourse is channelled through social media platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the social imaginary about women in the discourse of El Diario Austral de Temuco, a publication from Chile's Araucanía region, during the enactment of women's suffrage in the country (1935-1952). Following Potter's model of discourse analysis, the article examines the socio-imaginary constructions articulated in the factual accounts that circulated in the public arena of the local press. We find that this social imaginary was constructed along two central discursive axes: the domesticity of political participation, and the legitimacy of women's suffrage as grounded on their political contributions through the essential nature of their femininity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article extends and develops themes from my book, Women's Activism, Feminism, and Social Justice, in response to commentary by Professors Aragon and Nagel. In my remarks I explore what I call "the tricky territory of rights," as well as feminism, identity, intersectionality, heterogeneity, and complexity, and alternative epistemologies. My interlocuters and I are all skeptical about the notion of human rights for a range of reasons: rights discourse can be too narrow, focusing mainly on legal and political rights; rights can overemphasize the individual at the expense of the collective; rights are part of state apparatus and may be the instrument of despotic leaders; rights as state apparatus are part of the carceral regime and rights may inhibit broader ways of thinking about justice such as human dignity or Ubuntu. In spite of these legitimate criticisms I advocate a strategic use of rights. I also explore themes of identity, intersectionality, heterogeneity, and complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim. The article attempts to study legal fundamentals of realising women's political rights in Ukraine. Equal rights for women and men in all spheres of social and political life is the important condition and guarantee for strengthening democracy in Ukraine. Methods. The research was conducted by applying general scientific methods of learning (analysis, synthesis, modelling) and private-scientific methods of learning (historical, retrospective, comparative and legal, formally logical). The general methodological basis of the article is made by dialectics, ensuring comprehensive studying the problems of realising women's political rights in Ukraine. Results. Having analysed particularities of realising women's political rights in Ukraine, it is worth noting that since 2010 gender quotas have not been set in the Ukraine's election legislation until 2015. However, 2015 was the year of the first introduction of gender quotas, but they were not of imperative character. According to the new Election Code of Ukraine of 19 December 2019, gender quotas have become a mandatory regulation at the nomination stage. Conclusions. It is reasonable to make transformation of the stereotypes of the women's role in politics and to draw more attention to mass media, contributing to extension of women's political rights and destruction of the bias about women's position in politics. Gender quotas in the election legislation of Ukraine are of great significance for all members of society in the political sphere, whilst it needs improvement of the administrative and legal mechanisms to ensure gender quotas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anales de Filología Francesa is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Runa: Archivo para las Ciencias del Hombre is the property of Runa: Archivo para las Ciencias del Hombre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Pakistani society, even in the world it is generally considered that the politics is the prerogative of man. Despite of this thinking women in whole world have proved themselves in the political arena of the world. They have also been proved great leaders of the world through their efforts and their political vision. Margrate Thatcher, Hillary Clinton, Aung San Suu Kyi, Indra Ghandi Khilda Zia, Sheikh Hassina Wajid, Miss Fatima Jinnah, Begum Nusrat Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto are the exemplary politicians and leaders of the world. Women of Sindh also played central role in the politics of Pakistan before and after its independence. Though the society of subcontinent was not supportive to women. even they were not allowed to get education but there were a few of women who were aware of their political rights, due to the efforts of these women political leaders, the women from Sindh not only participated in the Pakistan movement but they launched the movements against British and played leading role for independence. After independence the women of Sindh continued their political carrier, they always remained on the front line whenever the politics of Pakistan faced the challenges by military rulers from Ayub Khan to Pervez Musharraf. The Social Status of women has remained deprived since the making of Pakistan. Sindh is a southern province of Pakistan and is greatly affected due to the policies of government in different periods, which also affected the lives of women of Sindh. In Pakistan generally and in Sindh particularly there is patriarchal and male dominated society, which deprived women from their legitimate rights. But the women of Sindh continued their role in the politics of Pakistan. This paper will focus on the role of women of Sindh in Pakistan’s politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting point of this exposition aims to describe the international and European context in witch the revolution of 1821 took place. Another aspect of the analysis relates to the way in which European events convince the Romanian elites to act in order to consolidate a modern administrativeand political system. It is not wrong to say that modernity in the Romanian countries starts at the begining of the 19th century. In this context, the political events take place that practically reconfigure the political – social course of Romanian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constitution of the Italian Republic asserts the principle of solidarity in a particularly evident manner and marks one of the clearest instances and one of the most strongly enshrined manifestations of that principle within Europe. The centrality and pervasive way this watchword of the contemporary political and legal lexicon is used takes on a particular depth in the light of the immense tragedy of the migrants crossing the Mediterranean Sea, who for several years now have been knocking on the doors of Europe day after day, with a profound effect on the Old Continent. The word solidarity has taken on an even more dramatic depth since Russia launched an unprovoked war of aggression against its peaceful neighbour, Ukraine, resulting in a significant armed conflict in Europe and an increase in the number of refugees and asylum-seekers from Ukraine. In contrast to the weak and uncertain European solidarity towards those migrants who reach its southern boundaries, the EU's solidarity towards the Ukrainian people has been clear and evident. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Via Inveniendi et Iudicandi is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article offers information on the frequent mention of "Heaven" in Molière's play "Don Garcie de Navarre," despite its focus on political and jealousy themes. Topics include the role of religion in Molière's work, the interpretation of "Don Garcie de Navarre" as a precursor to Molière's later masterpieces, and the significance of religious dimensions in understanding the play's themes of love, politics, and friendship.

This paper reviews three selected major decisions by domestic courts of Korea in 2022 by taking a closer look at the changing legal practices and attitudes of the Korean judiciary in applying international law in domestic cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Taraborrelli's hypothesis that a cosmopolitan longing pervades Arendt's thought, wondering if a cosmopolitanism without uprootedness is possible. This scope is pursued through Arendt's themes of the "right to have rights" and the connection between power, law, and world. The first chapter examines the syntagm "right to have rights", showing the distinct levels on which the first right - the only human right - lies, beyond and over the rights of the citizens. The second chapter discusses Rancière's and Balibar's reading of Arendt's right to have rights; thus, it demonstrates that, while the two authors grasp the relevance of political action, they downplay the two levels where the only human right and the rights of the citizens situate. The third chapter locates on the degree of the rights of the citizen and studies Arendt's idea of the implication between civil and political rights through the magnifying lens of the foundation. Lastly, the article shows that Arendt appeals to international law as a worldly federation of conciliar states, while she invokes the cosmopolitan law for the guarantee of the only human right against the only crime against the mankind: the cosmopolitical domain lies outside the spatial organization of the people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text deals with the complementarity of information rights with respect to the active electoral right, using the example of the right of access to public information and the right to protection of personal data. These two information rights well reflect the most relevant aspects of an individual’s information status. At the same time, these rights interestingly interact with the exercise of the active electoral right. The article explains the concept of “information rights” and the concept of the sovereignty of the people, and identifies the obligations incumbent on public authorities to ensure the exercise of information rights and the active electoral right. From the analyses carried out, there are strong interactions between the right of access to public information and the active electoral right. The situation is different in the case of the right to protection of personal data. The analysis makes it possible to claim that the relationship between the right of access to public information and the active electoral right as political rights is more intense due to the goals set for them. The right to protection of personal data belongs to personal rights. Its exercise involves complying with a number of procedures for processing personal data and securing personal data in technical and organizational terms. Procedures defining the principles of personal data processing are currently described primarily in the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). The joint application of the Election Code and personal data protection procedures is not easy, and the Polish regulation in this regard is sometimes unclear and insufficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Academia & Derecho is the property of Universidad Libre - Seccional Cucuta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal on Philosphy & Religion / Disputatio Philosophica is the property of University of Zagreb, Faculty of Philosophy & Religious Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the Indigenous Peoples of Argentina, the demographic information, legal recognition, and the ambivalence of state policies towards Indigenous rights. It highlights that Indigenous Peoples in Argentina have specific constitutional rights at the federal level and in several provincial states. It also mentions the existence of international instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

2024 is the year of simultaneous general elections. All citizens can participate, and every vote counts, including that from people with disabilities. This paper aims to determine the fulfilment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in general elections in Bengkulu City to welcome the general elections to be held simultaneously in 2024. This legal paper used an empirical method with a qualitative approach by collecting primary data from persons with disabilities in Bengkulu City. In-depth interviews were used to find out the fulfilment of the political rights of persons with disabilities in the general elections in Bengkulu City. This paper concludes that the political rights of persons with disabilities in elections in Bengkulu City had not been fulfilled optimally. These rights included the rights to (i) be registered to cast a vote, (ii) access polling stations (TPS), (iii) cast their votes confidentially, (iv) receive information, including information about the elections, and (v) take part in elections. This was because the organizers, namely KPU, failed to play their role optimally. They failed because they had limited funding and persons with disabilities themselves were self-isolating and did not know their political rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jahrbuch der Historischen Gesellschaft Luzern is the property of Historische Gesellschaft Luzern and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuario de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Alcalá is the property of Dykinson SL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista ID EST: Investigación, Desarrollo, Educación, Servicio, Trabajo is the property of Fundacion de Estudios Superiores Monsenor Abraham Escudero Montoya FUNDES and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates the narrative roles of voice and silence as signifiers of political authority in Livy's Ab Urbe Condita. I focus on two episodes in which the theme of voice is a pervasive presence: the mission of the Latin praetor Titus Annius Setinus to the Roman Senate (8.3.8–6.7) and the suppression of a proposal concerning the admission of Latins into the Senate in 216 BCE (23.22). The historian sets the two accounts – both concerning the integration of the Latins into the Roman state – in an explicit relationship with one another. I argue that a central thread of both is their representation of the debates over the extension of political rights to foreigners as contests in authoritative speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politische Theorie is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Practically, all the countries of the world have at least one Supreme Audit Institution (SAI), but the organizational model and its attributions are different. Academic literature has identified three major types of models: Westminster, judicial and council, but there are also hybrid or original models. This study evaluates the differences between them and the correlations of each institutional type with economic development, education, political rights, civil liberties, and national cultural variables. Comparisons are made within the institutional theories regarding three types of isomorphism: coercive, mimetic and normative. These isomorphic trends are only partially evidenced by the empirical analysis carried out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Documentación de las Ciencias de la Información is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Citizenship rights are the very fully evolved natural rights in the context of modern social life in the new and contemporary century; in another word, the principal elements of citizenship rights provide for absolute, permanent, indisputable, and objective human rights, where no human individuals are superior to others in this respect within the governing equity, and in a more general sense, citizenship rights are as a single spirit manifested in the mold of various statues, not in several individual articles that are the subjects of a specific law. In respect of the subject matter, citizenship rights could be divided and separated into two principal categories in the constitution, which comprise general and fundamental rights and social rights, which in turn, encompass political, administrative, economic, cultural, and judicial rights. In this research, we study and analyze citizenship rights through a bibliothecal and analytical method emphasizing on public rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Existing studies show that democracies are no better than autocracies in terms of women's legislative representation. This finding seems counterintuitive because democracies are more politically inclusive and foster greater respect for civil and political rights, compared to autocracies. We revisit the relationship between democracy and women's legislative representation by considering the interaction between democracy and global norms of gender equality in politics. We argue that democracies are better able than autocracies to translate a global norm of gender-balanced political representation into actual domestic practices. Further, we contend that the effect of democracies also depends on the external normative pressure. Using a time-series cross-sectional dataset covering 147 countries from 1951 to 2013, our analysis shows that the more democratic a country is, the more responsive it is to global norms promoting gender equality in politics. It also demonstrates that the effect of democracy on women's representation strengthens, as global normative pressure for women's inclusion in politics grows. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are extensive internet control, surveillance and restricted online anonymity reconceptualized into virtues of effective state governance, rather than violations of civic rights? The Russian government has instrumentalized ostensibly sound legitimations – countering terrorist and extremist propaganda, combatting child pornography – to bring about a dramatic decline in internet freedom. While these policies have been widely studied, scholarship examining how the Russian government legitimates and cultivates popular support for restricting online freedoms remains scarce. This article therefore studies how restrictions of internet freedom are framed in political and media discourses. It focuses on the case of Telegram, a popular messaging application that was banned in Russia in April 2018 for its refusal to provide the FSB with access to encrypted messages in compliance with anti-terrorism legislation. It finds that media framing of the ban was more diverse than the official governmental line. While national security framing was important, the 'rule of law' frame occurred most frequently, and conspiracy framing was markedly infrequent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critiques black citizenship in America. Using the "warring ideals" of W.E.B DuBois, it posits that African American citizenship is a complex interplay between the universality of citizenship, i.e., the ideals of the western liberal tradition, and the lived realities of citizenship. Highlighting the paradox of race, the article underscores that black citizenship has never been a guarantee in American society. "Warring ideals" encompass a struggle between aspirational ideals of what American citizenship is supposed to be and what it actually is—especially for those who are marginalized. Lived realities of citizenship often mean coming to terms with daily encounters with racism and structural discrimination which affirm and reaffirm citizenship boundaries. The manuscript also evaluates how watershed movements such as the civil rights, black power, and Black Lives Matter movements have attempted to reconcile the ideals and the realities of American citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Changing models of party organization and party democracy: the emergence of the cartel party. The Politics of Party Funding: State Funding to Political Parties and Party Competition in Western Europe. Moreover, party reliance on private donations could also be argued to attenuate the ties between parties and their grassroots, and the introduction of public funding could be seen as a way of freeing up party activists from fundraising so they could do more political work on the ground (Briffault, [11]; Christiano, [15], p. 258; Ewing, [27], p. 133). Canada's union-allied New Democratic Party (NDP) agreed to reforms that severely restricted the funds that trade unions could donate to it on the grounds that, as stated by one of the party's spokespeople, "the only people who should be allowed to contribute to political parties are those who are actually eligible to vote at election time" (cit. [Extracted from the article]

Yet in the grey literatures of global development, infrastructure is explained less critically, often pitched as a way to link states to society, connect remote communities, facilitate the soft infrastructure of social development (for example education and healthcare), and ensure that "no-one is left behind" (UN, 2015). Latin America's contested environmental geographies remain globally significant, in particular for the negotiation and analysis of predatory extractive frontiers and for fertile decolonising agendas that include claims for territory, plurality, and ontological multiplicity. Furthermore, they emphasise that local governance and government matter, despite the considerable importance of federal- and state-level power. Rather, communities make claims on the state for investment and completion of the project, which ultimately amount to the demand that the state is accountable to society. [Extracted from the article]