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At the request of Janice Cunningham of U.S. West Communication (US West), Archaeological Consulting Services, Ltd. (ACS) performed subsurface testing along a proposed utility (fiber optic communication cable) right-of-way. The right-of-way will be located within the southern access road for the Grand Canal, which passes through Pueblo Grande Historic Landmark (Pueblo Grande). The canal is owned by the Bureau of Reclamation (Reclamation) and administered by the Salt River Project (SRP). Additional testing was conducted to the east of the monument on land administered by the Arizona Department of Transportation (ADOT). The purpose of the testing was to determine the depth of recent fill along the canal and to discover if cultural resources associated with Pueblo Grande would be impacted by the installation of the proposed communication cable. Three prehistoric features were exposed in the trenches located along the Grande Canal; no significant cultural remains were found in the two trenches excavated on ADOT property.

Historic American Engineering Record (HAER) No. AZ-17 presents a written historical summary and relevant historical documentation about the construction and use of Grand Canal, which delivers water to users on the north side of the Salt River for agricultural, industrial, and municipal uses. Historic American Engineering Record (HAER) No. AZ-30 provides similar documentation about the construction and operation of the Crosscut Hydroelectric Plant, which sits at the head of Grand Canal and relies on canal water flow to generate power. The reports contain narrative descriptions, photographs, drawings, and maps. Although the Salt River Valley and the Phoenix Metropolitan area lie within a semi-arid, desert-like region of central Arizona, modern farming and urban development were made possible by the damming of the Salt and Verde rivers by the U.S. Bureau of Reclamation during the early 1900s. While the Salt River Valley was developing as a result of successful efforts to control the river's flow for irrigation, the young cities of the Valley were experiencing the social and technological changes of the late 19th century. One of these was the coming of the electrical age. The first widespread use of electricity in the Valley was to increase the amount of the irrigated acreage by pumping groundwater. Due to a lack of readily accessible fuel, valley citizens soon realized the importance of hydroelectric generation, and the Salt River Project (SRP) realized the importance of developing it. The Crosscut Hydro plant was the largest and most important low-head hydro plant built on the SRP canal system. It was also the center of the SRP electrical distribution system for many years. The hydro plant was built at the head of the Grand Canal (see HAER No. AZ-17) and has always been operationally dependent on the flow of water through the Grand Canal to generate power.

As dramatic and graphic as the rural scene of China has been, the city has been the source of the majority of the grandeur that we ascribe to China and the Chinese. The intricate network of rice terraces and small reservoirs have rural setting, but the organizational finesse that made the water flow and ebb efficiently was basically urban-based. The massive monuments to human persistence such as The Great Wall, the Grand Canal, and the control of the Min River as it floods onto the Ch’eng-tu Plain were all the product of organizational and military strength that likewise emanated from governmental offices housed in hsien, provincial and imperial urban centers. The countryside has received the geographic coverage, but the city has been the catalyst and agency of initiation for this unparalleled modification of a landscape.

During the period from late 1824 to 1826, a crisis in the Grand Canal system led to intense and sustained imperial involvement in chiangsu regional government. The collapse of the Yen-hsu retaining embankments on Hung-tse Lake in northern Chiangsu sparked the crisis and caused serious flooding in the Huai-yang region east of the Canal, which destroyed sections of the Canal at the critical Huai—Yellow River junction, and dissipated the lake's unsilted water reserves that were crucial to the crossing of government grain boats at the Huai—Yellow River junction on their annual northward journey to Pei-ching. As a result, the transport of strategic grain supplies destined for the capital was brought to a virtual standstill, precipitating a major government crisis that challenged the newly established Tao-kuang Emperor and indeed cast a shadow on the dynasty itself because of the intense

Urban communities on the Grand Canal consist of cities surrounded with ramparts, and slender and long streets formed along the coasts of the canal. Those cities in North China, are formed artificially and comparatively regular rectangles, while in Yangtze Delta their forms are made irregular hindered by creeks.In North China canals surrounding the cities mean moats and their main use is the defence of the cities, but in Yangtze Delta those creeks are for water transportation, irrigation and for everyday life. In the cities of North China waterways are not often seen. But in Yangtze Delta the cities have many waterways which play an important part in transportation and in other daily activities of the people.The scale of the towns of those long streets along the coasts of the canal depends upon the parts those towns play in transportation. In North China the farther the towns are situated from the walled cities, the less thriving are they, and that is also the case with Yangtze Delta, where, however, at the foot of a bridge of the canal those towns regain their activities.A phenomenon common to the north and south of the Yangtze is Su Ho Ton (Blind Alleys), which seem not to have been made purposely for the befence of the cities but to have been born spontaneously.

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(1987). Great Thoughts by the Grand Canal. Interdisciplinary Science Reviews: Vol. 12, No. 2, pp. 111-113.

I was a good deal struck … by the alteration that had taken place in his personal appearance. He had grown fatter both in person and face, and the latter had most suffered by the change — having lost, by the enlargement of the features, some of that refined and spiritualised look, that had in other times, distinguished it. The addition of whiskers, too, which he had not long before been induced to adopt, from hearing that some one had said he had a faccia di musico, as well as the length to which his hair grew down on his neck, and the rather foreign air of his coat and cap — all combined to produce that dissimilarity to his former self I had observed in him. He was still, however, eminently handsome: and, in exchange for whatever his features might have lost of their high, romantic character, they had become more fitted for the expression of that arch, waggish wisdom, that Epicurean play of humour, which he had shown to be equally inherent in his various and prodigally gifted nature; while, by the somewhat increased roundness of the contours, the resemblance of his finely formed mouth and chin to those of the Belvedere Apollo had become still more striking.

Between February 6 and 12, 1986, Scott L. Fedick and Lyle M. Stone of Archaeological Research Services, Inc. (ARS), performed an archaeological survey of approximately 525 acres of Salt River Project (SRP) owned land in the vicinity of the SRP Administrative Offices complex in northwest Tempe, Maricopa County, Arizona. This study also involved background literature and archaeological site file research, and was undertaken at the request of the SRP Environmental Services Department in order to determine if important prehistoric or historic cultural resources were present which might be affected by future land use actions. This report summarizes the results of background research and archaeological survey, and provides recommendations for the disposition of cultural resources identified within the SRP property.

IN JULY, 1937, the Japanese concentrated their troops about the crenelated battlements of Peiping and invaded China south of the Great Wall. Quickly they overran most of north China, thrust into the Yangtze Valley and captured and raped the Chinese capital at Nanking.

THOUSANDS of peasants had been killed by bombings from the air. Towns had been set afire and villages laid waste. The army had been licked and the invaders were swarming in dozens of racine columns upon the abandoned city of Hsuchow.

In 1892 Judge Joseph H. Kibbey, one of Arizona's illustrious pioneers, described the Salt River Valley before the settlers came as a desert, uninhabited except by jack rabbits, coyotes, and rattlesnakes. Its main vegetation was sagebrush and cactus. It was a level, fertile valley about fifteen miles wide, through which the Salt River flowed west for forty miles to its junction with the Gila. The Salt River was a fluctuating stream. Sometimes it was a raging torrent which flooded the level land on either side, and sometimes it dwindled to a mere trickle. To the early settlers, stated Judge Kibbey, the water of this unstable river became an as essential to the maintenance of human life as air itself. The first homeseekers entering the Salt River Valley following the Civil War were quick to realize that the key to the development of that area was irrigation. Before them lay the remains of ancient waterways that stretched for miles along both banks of the Salt, attesting to the fact that in the dim past other civilizations had flourished there. They noted, too, that the gradual descent of the river through the valley was so gentle that at almost any point a ditch could be made. Encouraged by the prospects, early settlers cut small channels and began raising garden vegetables, as well as hay and grain, finding markets for these products in the reactivated army posts in the territory. In time, however, the agricultural potential of the valley became more apparent, and associations were organized to construct elaborate waterways capable of irrigating thousands of acres. Typical of these large-scale ventures was the Tempe Irrigating Canal Company, which for over fifty years stood as a monument to the efforts and determination of Arizona's desert pioneers to create permanent homes in a semiarid region.

IN NATURE, 1902 (vol. xlvi., p. 611), Prof. Benham records the discovery of a fresh-water Nemertine living in the River Cherwell, at Oxford. He found only a single immature specimen, which was accidentally destroyed before the specific title was definitely determined. I have recently (October) obtained numerous sexually mature specimens of a Nemertine, living among weeds in the Grand Canal, at Clondalkin, co. Dublin.

Cet article utilise l'analyse cout-benefice afin de discuter des aspects economiques du projet du GRAND Canal. La r6alisation de ce projet demande qu'une partie ou que toutes les eaux de la Baie James soient changees en eau douce, en emmagasinant le deversement des rivieres bor6ales de l'Ontario et du Quebec. Ces eaux seraient pompees vers les Grands lacs pour la consommation, l'exportation et la stabilisation des niveaux du lac. Quoique les estimations des couts et des benefices sont tres sommaires, le projet du GRAND Canal semble peu rentable. Les benefices nets estimes representent une fraction moindre des couts estimes, meme avant la quantification des couts sociaux, des couts environnementaux et des couts d'opportunite de 1'eau. Changer cette evaluation necessiterait l'identification precise d'un grand marche potentiel pour 1'eau exportee ainsi qu'un plan d'ingenierie bien specifie afin de livrer 1'eau a un cout moindre que celui envisage presentement. L'analyse cout-benefice s'avere utile pour organiser la discussion et pour accentuer l'importance d'obtenir un estime realiste des marches potentiels. Les techniques developpees par l'analyse cout-b6nefice aident a eviter une fausse interpretation de l'evaluation de l'impact economique et ainsi permettent d'eviter de mettre l'emphase de fagon excessive sur l'emploi cred par ce projet.

The material presented here from Tangsic makes it clear, I believe, that a revision of the statement is imperative. Tangsic is the dialect spoken in the village of Tangsi and its immediate vicinity. The location of the village is 120' 11' E, 30' 29' N, in the present province of Chekiang, within an inverted triangle whose apex is Hangchow, 16 miles south, and whose other vertices are Huchow, 31 miles northwest, and Kashing, 41 miles northeast. It is 94 miles southwest of Shanghai on a line through Kashing. For administrative purposes under the last dynasty, Tangsi belonged to the town of Tehtsing, 8 miles northwest, but was assigned sometimes to the county of Hangchow and sometimes to the county of Huchow. Though its population in 1909 was less than 20,000, Tangsi was a trading center of some importance because of its situation on the Grand Canal, the main inland thoroughfare northward from Hangchow. This slight strategic value was liquidated with the construction of the Shanghai-Hangchow railroad, which passed 8 miles to the east. Culturally, the present appearance of Tangsi, distinguished mainly by a bridge, gives no clue to its past history, since the whole area was extensively devastated during the T'ai-p'ing rebellion of 1850-64 A.D. The large estates, temples, and princely homes that marked Tangsi a century ago have become dilapidated slums. In fact, Tangsi's esteem is now chiefly in the hands of library cataloguers and bibliophiles, who will discover that it was one of the very few Chinese villages to publish its own local history, a sizable work in six volumes.2 To fill that much space, it had to produce at some time a number of outstanding men and women, and to be of some small importance to the state. Linguistically, Tangsic belongs to the large family of dialects called Wu, which occupy most of Kiangsu province south of the Yangtze and about half of Chekiang. As a subfamily of Wu one may distinguish the group of dialects surrounding Thai-hu 'the Great Lake', and these in turn may be divided geographically, those to the south having points of difference from those to the east

The Wu dialects of China are a group of dialects spoken in the southeastern part of Kiangsu province and in most of the province of Chekiang. The most characteristic feature of these dialects is the tripartite division of initial stops into voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated, and voiced aspirated, a feature which constitutes a defining differentia of Wu. Within Wu, the voiced initials of Chekiang are more fully voiced than in Kiangsu, and there is less double reading because of borrowing from Mandarin. Another intra-Wu contrast discussed is the fronting of diphthongs cognate with Mandarin ou along the Grand Canal.

"V' ' HE harbour and the upper reaches of the Haiho rapidly silted up and the port was closed to sea-going vessels by the middle of June." From the latest (I933) report of the Maritime Customs to the earliest, the navigational problems of the port of Tientsin have called for attention. For Tientsin is an important port, the leading port of North China; with only two southern ports, Shanghai and Hongkong, surpassing it in value of either their foreign trade or their total trade.' The greatness of the port lies, in fact, in the sources whence the navigational difficulties arise; for Tientsin, 35 miles from the head of the Gulf of Chihli, offers the nearest sea outlet for the North China plain with its abundant harvests and its silt-laden rivers. The more important waterways of North China, excluding the Hwang Ho but including the Grand Canal, focus on Tientsin. Its tributary territory stretches out to the Mongolian plateau and included part of Manchuria until the present alienation of the province of Jehol, an event "likely to have a permanent effect on the prosperity of Tientsin." Under stress of military disturbances in recent years, part of the trade from the northern part of the area has been diverted from Tientsin. It is estimated that the port lost four-fifths of its normal wool trade in I926 for this reason. Influences have been active, too, in an endeavor to divert Mongolian products from the KalganTientsin route to that of the Chinese Eastern Railway. The area from which most of the trade of Tientsin comes is about equal in size to the United States east of the Mississippi River. From its early days as a treaty port raw cotton has figured as a principal export of Tientsin, and it still continues to head the export list. Wool, another important staple, had dropped to fourth place by I931, but it gained in 1933 and nearly offset the loss in cotton in that year. Wool comes chiefly from Kansu and Mongolia. Other important exports are hides and skins, also in large part from Mongolia; eggs and egg products, beans, tobacco, and walnuts from the plain; bristles from northern Hopei and Manchuria; and carpets and rugs manufactured in Tientsin.2 The commercial status of Tientsin gives it advantages in the trend from the household type of manufacturing to the factory, and already the city has important rayon and cotton-weaving establishments as well as carpet factories.3 A careful analysis of the import trade in cotton piece goods is