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Who reports Africa in the British press? This longitudinal study is aimed at addressing the issue. It applied content analysis methodology, the use of four British national newspapers and a sample duration that spanned between 1992 and 2017. It uncovered that Western journalists consistently dominated the reportage of Africa without any exception throughout the sample period. Apart from Western journalists, other journalists or sources involved in the media coverage—African local journalists, Afro-Western journalists, joint journalists, and news agencies' African reports were insignificantly used. Also, this study further revealed that the use of news agencies' African reports had a continuous decline from 1997 to 2017. Therefore, the domination of the British press coverage of Africa over the years by Western journalists results in the portrayal of Africa from an imbalanced single prism of Westernised perspective, thereby resulting in the poor coverage of Africa and the spread of further ignorance of the continent to the global audience, which hampers both tourism and Western business investments to Africa. This study concludes that who reports Africa in the UK press is embedded in neo-colonialism, white hegemony, and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although most scholarship reads Ousmane Sembene's oeuvre according to the dynamic between colonizer and colonized, this article examines his 1981 novel, Le Dernier de l'empire [The Last of the Empire], through an expanded optic: the global Cold War. The trope's complexity manifests in, for example, references to the Soviet Union, Maoist China, and the Vietnam War, as well as to political instability on the African continent. Sembene demonstrates how the Cold War was not simply an American and Soviet affair through repeated use of the catalogue as literary device. In so doing, the novel interpolates Third Worldism into the Senegalese context. Aesthetically, Sembene blends griot storytelling techniques, flashback (analepsis), and Soviet montage to critique neocolonialism in the postcolony. The narrative depicts the threat of military coup to the succession of power according to how postcolonial actors interpret the Cold War's intellectual and geographic multipolarity. In sum, the novel creolizes the Cold War in both content and form., INTRODUCTION This article's focus is the Cold War as a complex trope in Le Dernier de l'empire [The Last of the Empire], which was published by L'Harmattan in 1981. The [...]

Matthew Omelsky has recently coined the term 'African Anthropocene' to describe how the intertwined crises wrought by global capitalism and man-made ecological disaster have disproportionately affected the African continent. This paper discusses a short story collection by the Ugandan writer Dilman Dila, A Killing in the Sun (2014), as one instance of an African aesthetics that uniquely registers and responds to this dual crisis. I focus in particular on the 'vampire story' that opens this collection, arguing that Dila not only reinvents, but, in critical ways, 'mutates' the canonical Euro-American vampire figure. In reimagining the aristocratic European vampire as a mutant, genetically modified swarm of mosquitos, Dila's story suggests new, environmental forms of the monstrous emerging at the confluence of ecological catastrophe and corporate neocolonialism. At the same time, I show how Dila's fiction draws on the history of colonialism in Africa in imagining modes of survival within this vampiric ecology. In order to unpack the political implications of what I call Dila's 'mutational aesthetics,' I trace Dila's attempts to imagine forms of human-nonhuman entanglement that delink from a Western episteme and its ideological carapace of 'the human,' providing instead post-humanist visions of survival and refuge., The scene is a remote Ugandan town. A plague of outsized vampire mosquitoes--the mutant descendants of a benign species engineered to be unable to carry malaria--has desiccated the vicinity's mammalian [...]

There has over the decades been a recrudescence of francophobia in many francophone African countries. This has attracted the attention of scholars across the world and has fuelled a discourse which has myopically constructed francophone Africans’ francophobic sentiments either as a purely xenophobic movement or a nationalist feeling. Meanwhile, for many members of the African diasporas and intelligentsia, francophobia is essentially an expression of their pan-African convictions. In effect, for many francophone pan-African political activists, the act of fighting and mitigating neocolonialism in their countries is inextricably tantamount to exhibiting francophobic sentiments. Such an act is also tantamount to deploying various forms of animosity against France. This is so perhaps because France is arguably perceived as the most dominant neocolonial force in their countries. In this paper, this popular trend is illustrated with close respect to the Cameroonian experience. Using secondary sources and critical observations, the paper specifically looks at how various manifestations of French neocolonialism have given birth to waves of anti-French sentiments among the intelligentsia and in the media; and how this anti-French feeling is mostly expressed in the name of Pan-Africanism. The paper thus examines how Pan-Africanism has, to both the Cameroonian intelligentsia and the media, meant adopting a virulent anti-French discourse or rhetoric. In line with this central objective, the paper answers three principal research questions: what body of evidence proves that there is French neocolonialism in Cameroon? How has French neocolonialism engendered a virulent pan-African discourse that is basically anti-French? And how has this pan-African francophobic discourse been observed or manifested among the Cameroonian intelligentsia and in the country’s private media?

This article develops a systematic evaluation of the theory of internal colonialism proposed by Pablo González Casanova for the understanding of the social reality of Latin American countries. In this way, rebuilds the concept on two levels. First, attends attend to the connection between internal colonialism and the general problem of colonialism, later, examines the uses of this category for the interpretation of the historical processes in our region. The hypothesis is that the conceptualization tends to focus mainly on a methodological level. Because of that, their consequences for colonialism theory are not sufficiently developed and the links between internal and external colonialism are blurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tomás Rivera's novel Y no se lo tragó la tierra has been widely analyzed by literary critics who remarked its importance within Americanismo and Chicano studies. Lene Johannessen has noted that Y no se lo tragó la tierra is a novel of formation. This article offers a different reading from that which defines the novel as a text about assimilation. I show that the nucleus of Rivera's novel presents a critique of neocolonialism at the American-Mexican border, and thus, challenges the institutions that have contributed to the oppression and submission of Chicano migrant workers. By relying on textual analysis, scholarship about autobiography, and Louis Althusser's theory of ideology, I argue that the narrator's rebelliousness serves as a model for Chicano migrant workers to defy the ideology that has kept them impoverished and marginalized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Before the 18th century, the word was not categorized in any form but just the universe. This exposition has however shown that from the 18th century, certain events in Europe led to the categorization of the world into a two-world order as first and second (civilized vs. primitive) and later into a three-world order as 1st, 2nd and 3rd world. The exposition has identified the milestones that led to this categorization as colonialism, neo-colonialism, imperialism and ideological war (cold war). The exposition has noted that due to the collapse of the Soviet bloc, the world was pushed back to a dualistic status-North and South. However, as the North and South dialogue was gaining momentum, globalization came onto the scene and pushed the world back to a one-world order-the global village. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout New Zealand's history, the nation has maintained a close and privileged relationship with its island neighbours in the South Pacific, exemplified by centuries of trade and migration. As the effects of climate change encroach on South Pacific nations such as the Cook Islands, Fiji, Samoa and Tonga, New Zealand has implemented an aid programme via the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade in order to mitigate the effects of the changing climate on these countries economically and socially. However, research depicts an aid programme that may do harm alongside good--by prioritising climate change mitigation over more sustainable and community-centred strategies, New Zealand has created a situation in which these countries become dependent on our solutions to their problems. By researching the controversial record of climate adaptation and mitigation strategies funded by developed nations across the South Pacific, it becomes evident that New Zealand's programme of climate aid in the region is neocolonial and unsustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh, is a leading proponent of empowering the oppressed and inspiring the marginalized and forgotten to come together, unite, and encourage one another to speak up and fight for their rights. His dynamism takes the Bengali nation to independence as a legendary nationalist and sage. His leadership and pro-people political initiatives were effective and fruitful enough to dismantle the repressive political, economic, cultural, and other policies that the West Pakistani rulers imposed on East Pakistan. The author of this paper aims to demonstrate Sheikh Mujib's role in transforming a politically apathetic population of seventy-five million people into politically aware citizens who ultimately contend for power and establish a free country. Especially, this paper focuses on Sheikh Mujib's famous 7th March Speech, which is considered one of the most inspiring speeches in world history. This qualitative research paper explores Sheikh Mujib's 7th March Speech as the final inspiring force that powers resistance to West Pakistan's neocolonialism on East Pakistan after the partition in 1947, using postcolonial subalternity as a theoretical framework. To serve the study's purpose, the 7th March Speech of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is examined through the lens of a significant historical event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how Adichie and Igoni employ Halliday's ideational metafunction as a linguistic strategy of representing different ideologies, identities and social relations. Many ideological and identity studies have been done on Adichie's Americanah and Igoni's Blackass (BA, henceforth) but enough critical studies have not been done using Hallidays ideational metafunction. Therefore, the theoretical orientation is anchored on Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL henceforth) as a tool to explicate the linguistic resources that express ideology, identity and social relation in the texts under study. The study reveals that Adichie and Igoni espouse the process itself, participants in the process and circumstantial elements to communicate their views about ideology, identity and social relations. The results indicate that Adichie campaigns for ethnic/national identity, symmetrical relations, social equality but battles against racism, social inequality and asymmetrical relations. Igoni's ideological and identity interest is on anti-colonialism; neo-colonialism, racism, social inequality, asymmetrical relations and identity crisis. The results prove that ideology, identity and social relation embedded in the texts have been decoded with the aid ideational metafunction. In conclusion, the study supports that language is a channel that enables writers or speakers to construct ideas, opinions, concepts, emotions, ideologies, identities and social relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the challenges that institutions of higher education in Africa continue to encounter following the implementation of neoliberalism policies, which brought major changes to the structure and management of higher education. The most notable changes were the re-conceptualisation of education from being a public good to a private good and the introduction of cost-sharing policies. This shift had implications for the funding and restructuring of higher education. Literature is replete with examples of a myriad of challenges faced by students and higher learning institutions due to the disruption. Besides, academic freedom has been compromised and at some institutions courses deemed ‘nonmarketable and less attractive’ have been terminated. Freedom to explore, think and educate has been hampered by impositions from donor nations. In view of this, the article argues that, although entrenching neoliberalism in African universities has changed the structure and management of institutions, it also resulted in an increase in the cost of education related businesses. The article notes that the policy shift continues to make higher education inaccessible to the majority of students from poor families. The trajectory of these changes started in the 1980s, when the World Bank championed a new economic model that introduced a new cost-sharing mechanism based on Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPS). The orientation of this shift was towards marketisation, and the privatisation of higher education affected students and universities in different ways. Outside pressure from multinational agencies continues to shape the operationalisation of higher education in Africa. This article views such pressure negatively as it is reminiscent of colonialism and can cause universities to lose their identities and autonomy. Based on a conceptual analysis of secondary literature and data, the article concludes that African universities have to problematise and engage critically with neoliberalism policies and resist secondary colonialisation by exercising greater autonomy regarding decisions that affect their constituencies, the courses being offered and the general goal of education to promote the public good. The disruption of academic programmes and needy students’ lack of access to higher education ought to be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Interdisciplinaria de Estudios de Género de El Colegio de México is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Contemporary Journal of African Studies is the property of Institute of African Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Présence Francophone is the property of College of Holy Cross, Department of Modern Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the changing nature of Chinese engagement abroad in the scrap business. Based on primary sources and interviews conducted by the author, it identifies the factors that, at different times, led Chinese scrap dealers and recyclers to extend the scope of their professional activity beyond the borders of their home country. Drawing on recent scholarship in discard studies, the author argues that it is necessary to move beyond the environmental dumping narrative in order to better understand Chinese national policy and its implications. This narrative serves as the main official justification for the bans on imports of recyclable waste that the central government adopted in recent years. However, there is good reason to believe that, by adopting a highly restrictive stance on the international waste trade, the central government sought first and foremost to bolster the municipal solid waste management sector within China. In turn, official support for domestic industrial players makes it possible for some Chinese corporations to emerge as providers of waste collection and recycling services at the international level. The trend, described in the paper, has already begun. It marks a shift from globalisation from below to globalisation from above. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the way the Indian Emergency of 1975–77 is represented in Shashi Tharoor's The Great Indian Novel (first published in 1989) as a watershed moment in the history of postcolonial India. Tharoor frames the crisis as a pivotal event that inversely mirrors the moment of Indian independence, and, thus, foregrounds the failure of the Indian state to deliver the promises of that euphoric time. The article argues that, compared to other texts in the corpus, Tharoor's novel primarily uses gender as a focalizer of Emergency anxieties, recuperating the traumatized and stigmatized female body as a powerful "trope of exception". Tharoor's narrative represents the Emergency as a crisis that precipitates endemic social problems persisting in the longue durée of Indian pre-colonial and postcolonial history. Omnipresent in the country's epic memory, and recurrently narrated in multiple modern retellings of the Mahabharata, these social ills are recaptured, yet again, in Tharoor's novel in the form of a political allegory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines certain kinds of travel and tourism as extensions of colonial and examples of neocolonial forms of Orientalist engagement between the global North and global South. Focusing on areas that border the Indian Ocean, and the South Asian context in particular, I interrogate the gendered, racial, and geopolitical attachments that have historically drawn and continue to draw travelers to the region for tourism. I refer to these attachments as cartographies of salvation. In connecting the history and representations of travel to the area to the forms of leisure and spiritual tourism popularized by the 2006 memoir, Eat, Pray, Love, I argue that the Indian Ocean region remains for many a paternalistic endeavor or an exotic playground, where one can project a sense of purpose or indulge in an escapist fantasy. This article combines critical tourism studies, feminist ethnography and theory, and critical race studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article puts flesh on the bones of central questions regarding "neocolonialism" and "unhomeliness" in Ahlem Mosteghanemi's The Bridges of Constantine. In her fictional renditions of the unhomely condition, Mosteghanemi invites the reader to delve into the life of her protagonist Khaled, a veteran in the Algerian War of Independence, whose left arm was amputated after two bullets had become embedded in it. Once independence is achieved, he finds himself skeptical about his Algerianness. The novel displays an aura of estrangement seen by a protagonist striving to grapple with what Bhabha would call "unhomeliness". The paper examines Khaled's diasporic journey toward the metropole, wherein the politics of "home" and cultural dislocation are always at the forefront. With a special focus on the author's esthetic dramatization of unhomeliness, the article is keenly interested in revealing the novel's masterful mediation of the political and the national experiences through the characters' personal ones. In other words, it stresses how Khaled's romantic fiasco to marry the heroine "Hayat" broadens his unhomeliness, heralding an identity crisis. The article argues that Khaled's intricate task of identity construction propels him to write a novel, where he is provided a space to undertake the uneasy negotiations between an appalling neocolonial burden and a world of utopian essences. The epistolary novel in this respect allows the establishment of a psychological refuge for unhomely self. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops the idea of neocolonialism as organizational identity work in multinational corporations (MNCs). We argue that neocolonialism – the ethos and practice of colonialism and western superiority in contemporary society – is a means through which identity is worked on at MNC headquarters (HQ). In contrast to extant neocolonial studies of western MNCs, which focus on the subsidiaries (the colonized) and how their identities are shaped by the HQ (the colonizer), we analyse how the HQ is shaped by the subsidiaries. We elucidate two versions of neocolonialism at play: a traditional neocolonial ethos, which prevails at HQ, and a more contemporary version, which is silenced. Our findings show that nurturing a shared and enduring organizational identity across all units of an MNC is a quixotic task. Nevertheless, HQ managers in western MNCs keep attempting to do this, suggesting that neocolonial ethos and practice continue to be relevant in these organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

White cultural hegemony has been used as a determinant of identity privilege in The Bahamas since the beginning of British colonialism. This ideal justifies and confers the dominance of whiteness while also including a moral responsibility to enforce the racial hierarchy as a part of a "global cognitive dysfunction" (Mills 18) that sees non-white actors as intrinsically lesser; an understanding Charles Mills argues is needed to uphold a racialized social contract. This “grammar of racial difference” inculcates the need for whiteness to act as savior through the subjugation and cultural integration of the “other” (Mahmud). However, beyond its role as a dysfunction, this conception of a moral obligation—or colloquially, a ‘white savior complex’—guides understandings of why colonial leaders forged hegemonic relationships with the U.S. despite the country’s apparent intent to achieve independence. These relationships were a strategic part of a colonial-savior complex and adherence to a global system that values 'whiteness.' This paper suggests that despite independence, The Bahamas remains subjected to the dependency role under a system of white privilege, resulting from colonial agreements made with the United States, and multi-national agencies, and regulatory bodies that enforce a hegemonic reconstruction of influence. Ergo, the cultural hegemony of the United States as an industrialized giant merely filled the void that the British rule left behind.

This Paper feeds into the current transcultural debate surrounding tensions between the construction of immersive technologies within westernised paradigms. In the construction of immersive spaces, tech companies have unconsciously subjugated other cultural frameworks and perspectives. Safiya Umoja Noble’s term ‘technological redlining’ succinctly articulate this subjugation in her book ‘Algorithms of Oppression’ where she says ‘The power of algorithms in the age of neoliberalism and the ways those digital decisions reinforce oppressive social relationships and enact new modes of racial profiling, which I have termed technological redlining. By making visible the ways that capital, race, and gender are factors in creating unequal conditions, I am bringing light to various forms of technological redlining that are on the rise’. (Noble 2018: 01) These assumptions are systematic of what Jean-Paul Sartre referred to in the last century as Neocolonialism (Sartre 2001: 2). Political systems intentionally subjugating other cultural narratives, in order to impose colonial paradigms concerning social activity. These are still the dominant perspectives, still controlling global narratives. ‘Neocolonialism can be described as the subtle propagation of socio-economic and political activity by former colonial rulers aimed at reinforcing capitalism, neo-liberal globalization’. (Taiwo; Accessed 02/05/19) Umoja Noble highlights a key challenge to address this balance, which is in the construction of any digitised decision-making platform, the key point is to understand that all initial mathematical formulations that drive automated decision-making are made by human beings who exist in a specific socio-cultural context.

This article critically addresses the crucial aspects for understanding the rights of nature as a resistance platform for indigenous peoples in Ecuador. By basing my arguments in a post-colonial approach to human rights and the concept of coloniality of power, I argue that the lack of inclusion of indigenous knowledge in human rights is a manifestation of neocolonialism. Thus, the introduction of non-Western narratives into the human rights discourse/practice is an attempt to decolonize what has traditionally been a colonialist discourse. Later on, I develop the concept of ‘rights of nature’ arguing that they are a practical example of the inclusion of indigenous narratives in human rights. In the end, the biggest problem is that the dominant Western thought does not challenge the human-nature relationships that are responsible for nature’s degradation. In this regard, I use ethnographic material, post-colonial anthropological theory, and symbolic ecology to argue that Amazonian indigenous nature ontologies —which understand the nature/culture relationship in a very different way— are contained in the rights of nature that the Ecuadorian Constitution enshrines. Therefore, becoming a legal tool with a significant potential for indigenous people’s historical justice. Received: 01 September 2019 Accepted: 05 December 2019 Published online: 20 December 2019

The period of national liberation movements was marked by a struggle for political influence between world powers in the rich newly independent countries. The Congo crisis was the first to witness such an intense use of mercenaries by world powers in modern history. Policies differed – several western countries hired mercenaries to help suppress secessionist insurgencies, while others used them to support the secession of some regions in the Congo (now – Democratic Republic of Congo). Mercenaries were used to suppress Simba rebellion, to help in release of hostages, as well as in training the Congolese National Army. There was much to gain from the use of mercenary forces by the former colonizing nations. While formally they set the colonies free, informally they continued influencing politics in these countries using clandestine forces – the phenomenon which later becomes known as an essential component of “neocolonialism”. The use of numerous “soldiers of fortune” in the Congo will launch a process of corporate mercenarism, leading to the participation of mercenaries and private military contractors in a higher number of conflicts. In a short period of time contractors will become an integral part of military missions worldwide.

The decolonial discourse around Christianity must not avoid dealing with Whiteness if there is going to be any fruitful decolonization. Colonialism and the Western missionary enterprise were not necessarily two distinct and unrelated entries to precolonial Kenya. How then did Christianity, for decades, live side by side with colonialism? In this article, we contend that Colonialism in Kenya could not have been possible without the missionary enterprise activity. The impact of that unholy relationship is felt and sustained in contemporary forms of violence. Unfortunately, critics of such a discourse dismiss the decolonial efforts in African Christianity citing intellectual activism. Such voices of dissent may not be far from the truth as Jesus’ ministry involved elements of activism. Whenever he confronted oppressive institutional structures, he used activism tempered with a degree of pacifism. Looking at the history of historical injustices in Kenya, we see instances whereby missionary Christianity conveniently abetted injustices for colonial structures to sustain the oppression of the indigenous Africans. Such injustices have been unresolved to date because the oppressive structures are still in place in the shape of neocolonialism. Land, for example, is a present source of conflict in Kenya. In the precolonial African ontology, the land was in harmony with the people. For land to be taken away from its owners, a separation of the people from the land had to happen. This was facilitated by a Christian theology that created existential dualism, violently separating the African bodies from their souls and the person from the community. Hence, Christian doctrine that emphasized ‘saving souls’ and ‘personal salvation’ was entrenched. This separation and fragmentation are fundamental to Whiteness. Whiteness universalizes truth, even theology; it puts a face of neutrality that obscures specificity. Such has made the church uncritical of oppressive and unjust political structures. Whiteness realizes that it is hard to enter into something that is in harmony. Therefore, separation needs to happen for Whiteness to succeed. Unfortunately, much of our theological understanding today is tempered with a neocolonial mindset that separates the soul from the body for Christian triumphalism. It anesthetizes the pain of oppression with the eschatological promise of future deliverance. This paper will analyze the impact of Whiteness in Kenya during and after colonialism to demonstrate how the British explorer–settler–missionary alliance ‘oiled’ the religious and economic disenfranchising of African people. Secondly, it proposes a political theology that will restore ‘Shalom’ in a socially, economically, and spiritually broken country. It is such a theology undertaken in Africa that will confront oppressive structures and identify with the marginalized communities in Kenya.

The article presents the discussion on the issues of African and black identities to matters of transcontinental crossings and forms of resistance. Topics include performing social rituals in occupied spaces resulting in the destabilization of power relations through the re-inscription of such sites of neo-colonial occupation; and connecting cultural diversity to the larger economics of western consumerism.

Progress and urban development are practices of dispossession of the territory of the inhabitants. It is just like in the colony it seeks to seize the land from the most disadvantaged inhabitants with the Neocolonial excuse of urban and rural renewal. But in reality, what is done is that they are expropriated, impoverished by not paying them or doing so in deficit, for terms, without compensation and without being relocated, to marginalize and expel them. The above is evidenced in the research called "Psychosocial, economic and territorial implications of urban development projects" Medellín (Colombia) with an ethnographic methodology of participatory action research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article sets out to explore the lessons that can be drawn from the selfless and integrity-driven leadership offered by some pioneer post-independent Kenyan leaders such as Karubiu wa Munyi. With more financial scandals increasing in the public domains, as in the case where over 15 mega corruption scandals remained unaccounted for, by 2018, the need to draw some lessons from the likes of wa Munyi becomes an important matter worth consideration in the 21st century. As we seek to demolish both colonial mentality and neo-colonialism in the 21st century, there is a need to reconstruct the memories of some of our key actors in our African societies, as we seek to rebuild our respective contexts. Having lived under deadly and complicated theo-historical times, but eventually overcame hunger and famine, war, colonial bombs and general poverty, the article hypothesises, he stands out on a pedestal and remains a critical reflective case for masses of people who are walking through the valleys and shadows of death in Africa and beyond. In its methodology, the article develops mainly from the researchers' interviews with wa Munyi who is eventually chronicled, as it seeks to ascertain whether there are lessons to draw from his 'philanthropic' and integrity-driven leadership. Was the virtue-driven leadership of Karubiu wa Munyi a by-product of Africa's Ubuntu [caring for the other] cultural heritage and the evangelical Anglican Christianity that settled in his locality since 1912? And has the society lost its cultural morality and the virtue-leaning evangelical Christianity that was ushered in by the Church Mission Society at the beginning of the 20th century? In this article, Gitugi kia bururi [the critical cornerstone] – the casual description of wa Munyi – symbolises the ideal leaders who remain at peace with themselves and the general society even after retiring from active public duties; as their respective consciences are above board. Africa has to take lessons from such selfless leaders. The materials in this article are gathered through interviews with wa Munyi and other people who are connected to issues under consideration. A review of relevant literature has also been done. Contribution: The article adds to the growing knowledge by its originality; a phenomenon where a little-known civic leader (Karubiu wa Munyi) is used as a lens through which we can understand the modern day Africa. Has the continent that sought independence from the colonialists who came after the Berlin Conference of 15 November 1884 to 26 February 1885 recolonising itself through neo-colonialism and corrupt practices of unimaginable proportions? The article is relevant to the HTS Journal and the world of scholarship as it shows God's works in history, as it confirms that a people who walk through the desolate valleys and shadows of death, and are starring at the total annihilation, do also have a future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historic built environments of the modern colonial era survive in cityscapes of former colonies the world over, often featuring largely in the projected urban identities of cities in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. Tunisia is no exception. The complex relationships between extant architectures of colonialism and current users, designers, and preservationists there are shifting within the context of contemporary globalization. Though ties between Europe, France, and Tunisia are less overt than they once were—now taking the form of international development loans, professional and educational exchanges, tourism programmes, popular culture and the media—they are nonetheless significant in their sustained influence. This article explores the nature and products of neocolonialism in postcolonial heritage management and tourism practices, using several case studies from Tunis including curated medina walking tours, the renovation of the Avenue Bourguiba, and expansion of the renowned Bardo Museum. Rather than dismissing contemporary preservation and tourism management practices, the article invites further debate regarding the influence of foreign actors, conservation approaches, and potential alternatives for the future of heritage management in a rapidly changing Tunisia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article disentangles how empire, emotion and exchange intersect and work to orient and disorient processes of identity formation within post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy. Focusing on everyday cultural exchange practices, it challenges the particular cosmopolitanism embedded in these programmes that hinges upon the affective and the colonial. It reflects on how this entanglement of empire, emotion and exchange operates through modes of governmentality that produce energized, more governable subjects and masks such operations of power. Analysing one particular exchange – YES – this article disorients colonial logics of subjectification by exploring affective exchange encounters that are always already (dis)orienting. It then serves as a disorienting encounter with cultural diplomacy through four provocations, illustrating how empire is (always) (dis)orientating, can (dis)orient, can be disoriented, and must undergo disorientation. First, post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy and its logic of cosmopolitanism suggest empire is always (dis)orientating via its manifestation in 'unusual' sites; while exchange programmes' onus on celebrating difference appears to conflict with 'where' empire 'normally' orients itself, as post/decolonial scholarship reveals, it is in the seemingly benign/unquestionable where empire does its work most profoundly. Second, the entanglement of emotion, empire and exchange can (dis)orient exchange subjects through how they are governed to perform and oscillate between ever-shifting 'ideal' subjectivities (familiar national/cosmopolitan global/enterprising neoliberal). Third, tracing colonial echoes and spectres in these exchanges reveals empire as disoriented, as that which is analytically 'less conventional'. An arguably 'conventional' analysis oriented around a neo-colonial logic and an imperialistic 'America' while seductive in its simplicity obscures the governmental and performative complexities operating within these programmes. Finally, disorientation enables empire to be challenged and disrupted, opening up possibilities for post-9/11 US cultural diplomacy, and the self-Other relations comprising it, to be reimagined. In short, this paper's analytical disorientation can lead to a reorientation of cultural diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The landscape surrounding reproductive health in Uganda is underpinned by layered interactions between a host of powerful factors, all of which contribute to grim health outcomes for Ugandan women. Yet, over the last two decades, several key interventions have demonstrated success in improving women's reproductive health, including the implementation of diagonal approaches to healthcare delivery and grassroots educational programs. This review synthesizes a diverse body of literature and elucidates the relationship between colonialism, neocolonialism, gender inequality, ethnolinguistic fractionalization, and women's health outcomes in Uganda. To clarify several key terms, gender inequality defined as, "allowing people different opportunities due to perceived differences based solely on issues of gender" (Parziale 978). Ethnolinguistic fractionalization involves considering how multiple languages and ethnic groups can create greater perceived distances between groups. Thus, this narrative literature review will explicate the socio-historical framework impacting women's health and describe several successful interventions in promoting women's health in Uganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights how contemporary structural forces--the intertwined systems of racism, xenophobia, gentrification, and capitalism--have material consequences for the nature of community literacy education. As a case study, I interrogate the rhetoric and infrastructure of a San Francisco K-12 literacy nonprofit in the context of tech-boom gentrification, triggering the mass displacement of Latinx residents. I locate the nonprofit in longer histories of settler colonialism and migration in the Bay Area to analyze how the organization's rhetoric--the founder's TED talk, its website, the mural on the building's façade--are structured by racist logics that devalue and homogenize the literacy and agency of the local community, perpetuating white "possessive investments" (Lipsitz) in land, literacy, and education. Drawing on abolitionist and decolonial education theory, I prose a praxis encouraging literacy scholar-practitioners to question and ultimately divest from institutional rhetorics and funding sources that continue to forward racism, xenophobia, imperialism, and raciolinguistic supremacy built upon them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU is actively pursuing Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreements (DCFTAs) as part of its trade and aid relations with former colonies in North Africa. Utilizing the discourse of pro-poor business growth and win-win free trade, the EU insists that North African countries must acquiesce to DCFTA liberalization to achieve sustainable development. This article critiques the paternalism of EU actors amidst their focus on completing these controversial DCFTAs. Drawing upon Nkrumah's and Fanon's articulation of the concept of neocolonialism, it argues that the EU is cementing colonial-style patterns of production via iniquitous trade and aid arrangements. Moreover, the article illustrates that EU elites in their justification of the DCFTAs are replicating the colonial-era discourse surrounding Eurafrica and the alleged economic "complementarity" and inevitable "interdependence" of the European and African continents: an amnesiac Europe thus simultaneously draws upon European colonial imaginaries in the justification of neocolonial DCFTAs while downplaying, and forgetting, the regressive legacies of colonial trade relations. The article also demonstrates how certain North African campaigners are already drawing attention to the neocolonial contours of the DCFTAs in order to delegitimise these free trade vehicles vis-à-vis North African and European public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this piece, I highlight the critical interventions presented in this collection for archaeology as heritage practice, as well as amplify many of the points that were made in relation to politics, particularly around the intersection of racism and gender/sexuality. Core tensions running through this collection are the many relationships between ways of being, concepts of heritage, visibility/invisibility of communities of people, and the practice and management of heritage. The interconnections between identity and heritage are shown as multiple and nuanced. This collection stands at the precipice of radically calling out the white heteropatriarchy that is the structural foundation of modern archaeology; rather than raising its voice, it is a polite, yet insistent, articulation of why inequity exists and how a feminist heritage practice might be able to address this issue in a new way. I will rely on the work of radical feminist scholars, thinkers, poets, and activists to support and articulate strength: each subheading cites a radical feminist thinker, and through the use of their words, I hope to elevate the work we are all engaged in—and it is work; much more needs to be done. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains comprador intellectual and why Indian-American commentator Dinesh D'Souza fits that description perfectly. Topics discussed include definition of comprador intellectual, views of D'Souza on colonialism, as a point of entry to a holistic critique of what he stands for, and how D'Souza tried to defend perhaps the most important icon of European colonialism, Christopher Columbus.

The status of the Chagos Island remains a subject of struggle in international relations pitting the United Kingdom and, by extension, the U.S. against the indigenous people of the Chagos who were forcibly displaced and exiled in order to accommodate a U.S. military base involved in evil conflicts in the lands of the Orient. Mauritius joined this struggle on the basis that the islands were separated from Mauritius by the British on the eve of independence in 1968. The Chagosians have for decades insisted on their right to self-determination and their right to return to the land of their ancestors, taking their battles to the streets of London and international courts. In spite of the growing support for their cause around the world and although they have scored some victories in courts and at the United Nations, their dreams remain deferred as the U.K. and the U.S. refuse to act justly and fairly. This is a classic case of neocolonial continuities that haunt post-colonial Africa, rendering independence meaningless for injustice anywhere in Africa is injustice against the whole of Africa. This paper suggests that the use of a decolonial lens of analysis infused with African anti-colonial perspectives enables us to understand the fundamental problems facing the Chagosians and to think of more permanent solutions to this quagmire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study attempts to find out why Chinese companies boosted African economy through investment there while received negation evaluations generally. Different from the three existing views, "neocolonialism", "state capitalism" and "continuation of inefficient aiding policies", in this paper, a new explanation based on developmentalist strategy and group interaction was proposed: the developmentalist strategy formed domestically by Chinese companies effectively resolved the benefit disagreement in interaction with different social groups, however, it no longer applied in a cross-cultural context, and thus triggered complicated "economic-social" consequences and negative evaluations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has over the decades been a recrudescence of francophobia in many francophone African countries. This has attracted the attention of scholars across the world and has fuelled a discourse which has myopically constructed francophone Africans' francophobic sentiments either as a purely xenophobic movement or a nationalist feeling. Meanwhile, for many members of the African diasporas and intelligentsia, francophobia is essentially an expression of their pan-African convictions. In effect, for many francophone pan-African political activists, the act of fighting and mitigating neocolonialism in their countries is inextricably tantamount to exhibiting francophobic sentiments. Such an act is also tantamount to deploying various forms of animosity against France. This is so perhaps because France is arguably perceived as the most dominant neocolonial force in their countries. In this paper, this popular trend is illustrated with close respect to the Cameroonian experience. Using secondary sources and critical observations, the paper specifically looks at how various manifestations of French neocolonialism have given birth to waves of anti-French sentiments among the intelligentsia and in the media; and how this anti-French feeling is mostly expressed in the name of Pan-Africanism. The paper thus examines how Pan-Africanism has, to both the Cameroonian intelligentsia and the media, meant adopting a virulent anti-French discourse or rhetoric. In line with this central objective, the paper answers three principal research questions: what body of evidence proves that there is French neocolonialism in Cameroon? How has French neocolonialism engendered a virulent pan-African discourse that is basically anti-French? And how has this pan-African francophobic discourse been observed or manifested among the Cameroonian intelligentsia and in the country's private media? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the various ways in which contemporary Latin American science fiction films contest the neocolonial and neoliberal narratives, dominant in the region since the 20th century. I identify and examine strategies that filmmakers employ to challenge the common understanding of such notions as time, modernity and technological progress. I outline the visions of dystopias presented in the examined films, while also analyzing the counter-narratives introduced by filmmakers, which are mostly focused on creating a new, hybrid identity for a future citizen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]