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The objective of this paper is to analyse the “lapidation” (polishment) of the image and the discours of Luis Inacio Lula da Silva from 1980 (the official foundation of Workers Party) to 2006 when he was reelected as the president of the country. Our basis of reflection will be the concepts of hegemony, politics of opinion and simulacra. Due to this application we´ve divided the period in three phases: the first (1980/2000) the goal of the Worker´s Party was to become hegemonic in the brazilian civil society; on the second phase, from 2002 to 2005, the main concern was to fit Lula´s discours to the diversity of public and opinions; and, on the third phase, due to corruptions scandals, simulacra was established connecting the image of Lula to the references of the former President Getúlio Vargas and the first image of Lula himself. O objetivo deste artigo é acompanhar o polimento do discurso e da imagem de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva de 1980, ano da fundação oficial do Partido dos Trabalhadores, a 2006, quando foi reeleito à presidência da República, valendo-se das reflexões a respeito dos conceitos de hegemonia, política de opinião e simulacro. Em decorrência destas aplicações, divide-se o período em três fases: na primeira (1980/2002) impunha-se como meta o partido tornar-se hegemônico na sociedade civil; na segunda, de 2002 a 2005, imperou a preocupação de adequar Lula à diversidade de públicos e opiniões; e na terceira, em razão das denúncias de mensalão e afins, o recurso do simulacro, tendo como referências Getúlio Vargas e o próprio Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

PhD thesis in Political Science, awarded with the CAPES Prize of Theses 2009 (Ministry of Education). Abstract: The arrival of Luis Inacio Lula da Silva and the Workers' Party to the federal government in 2003 represented the culmination of a long and deep process of institutional transformation, which changed significantly the organizational features of the party. In part as “inevitable” effects of a party that was gradually inserting itself into governmental institutions, but also due to strategic decisions of the dominant coalition that controlled the party since the mid-nineties, these changes have paved the way of PT to the federal government. Emphasizing both exogenous and endogenous factors as sources of change, this thesis analyzes these transformation processes from an organizational perspective, articulating external challenges and the party’s genetic model (Panebianco, 1988) with the strategies of the petista leadership.

Este ensayo analiza el papel del Partido Socialista Obrero Español en los orígenes de la insurrección de octubre de 1934, aplicando la teoría del encuadramiento. Revisa las diferentes interpretaciones de la insurrección propuestas por los estudiosos. Considera los diversos factores que contribuyeron a la construcción por los socialistas del encuadre de acción colectiva que condujo a la insurrección, tales como la interacción entre líderes y seguidores, la concepción marxista de la democracia burguesa, la influencia de la Revolución rusa, la derrota socialista en Alemania y Austria, el optimismo revolucionario de Largo Caballero y el temor a un golpe derechista. Finalmente discute si el propósito de la insurrección era defender la República, prevenir el triunfo del fascismo y/o establecer un régimen socialista revolucionario.This essay analyses the role of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party in the origins of the October 1934 insurrection applying the framing theory. It surveys the different interpretations of the insurrection proposed by scholars. It considers the various factors implied in the Socialists’ construction of the collective action frame that led to the insurrection, such as the interaction between leaders and followers, the Marxist view of bourgeois democracy, the Spanish insurrectionary tradition, the influence of the Russian Revolution, the Socialist defeat in Germany and Austria, the revolutionary optimism of Largo Caballero and the fear of a rightist coup. Finally it discusses whether the insurrection purpose was defending the Republic, preventing a Fascist regime and/or establishing a revolutionary Socialist regime.

Com certa freqüência, a imprensa é acusada de "incendiária", alimentando as crises políticas, de forma irresponsável, na busca por melhores manchetes. A partir da análise de editoriais dos três principais jornais da imprensa brasileira entre maio e dezembro de 2005, meses do escândalo do "mensalão", este artigo observa outra faceta: como a crise é constituída como "desvio" a ser corrigido pela punição ou exclusão de determinados atores e comportamentos, impedindo que se coloque em questão os fundamentos do regime político.Press is frequently accused of being "incendiary", nourishing political crisis in an irresponsible way, in search of better headlines. This article relies on an analysis of editorial stuff of the three leading Brazilian newspapers to observe another facet: how the crisis is constituted as a "deviation" something to be corrected by punishment or exclusion of certain actors and kinds of behavior. Thus, the foundations of the political system are never put in question.

The article analyzes the alliances established by the Workers' Party (PT) in the 2000 and 2004 elections in all Brazilian municipalities. Over the course of Brazil's current democratic experience, the PT has proven to be the country's most successful party in establishing a "party name". For important segments of the electorate, the PT acquired its identity based on its link to the Left and its rejection of corrupt methods in traditional Brazilian politics. Meanwhile, the Brazilian political system offers strong incentives for a strategy of broad and indiscriminate alliances. Through an analysis of alliances in the municipal elections, centered on government-opposition and Left-Right dichotomies, the article shows how the PT dealt with the opportunities created by (and constraints imposed by) its position in the political camp. __________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ Dans cet article, on examine le profil des alliances établies par le Parti des Travailleurs (PT) lors des élections de 2000 et 2004 dans toutes les municipalités brésiliennes. C'est le PT qui a le mieux réussi à former une image de parti dans l'expérience démocratique brésilienne actuelle. Il a raffermi, auprès d'importantes tranches d'électeurs, une identité basée sur son appartenance à la gauche et son refus des méthodes corrompues de la politique traditionnelle, malgré le fait que le système politique brésilien encourage fortement les alliances élargies et floues. En analysant les alliances aux élections municipales, depuis les axes gouvernement-opposition et droite-gauche, on voit comment le PT a fait front aux occasions proposées et aux contraintes dérivant de sa position dans le champ politique.

The big debate within the Brazilian left revolves around the character of the Lula government, in searching for analogies in the history of the international workers movement, and in deepening the analysis of the evolution of the Brazilian Workers Party (PT), Lula and his government. The history of this evolution is fundamental for understanding the real significance of Lula’s victory in the 2002 presidential elections as well as its potential, its limits and its contradictions. It is also indispensable for situating this historical juncture of the Brazilian left within the process of a hegemonic transition within the international arena associated with the rise of liberalism as the dominant model as well as within the particular evolution of Brazilian capitalism.Keywords: accursed Cardoso legacy; Brazil’s Workers Party; governability; Lula government; neoliberalism

O artigo discute a noção de que a persistência de práticas políticas "tradicionais" enfraquece a democracia no Brasil. Com base em estudos de caso realizados em três municípios administrados pelo PT entre 2001 e 2004 - São Paulo, Porto Alegre e Itabuna (BA) -, o autor examina o espaço entre o "tradicional" e o "moderno" e argumenta que um processo de democratização bem-sucedido não erradica práticas como o clientelismo e a patronagem, mas tende a incorporá-las e a edificar-se a partir delas. Sustenta ainda que a democratização da política municipal em países como o Brasil está inextricavelmente ligada à redução da pobreza e à implantação de uma efetiva rede pública de assistência social.This article discusses the notion that the persistence of "traditional" political practices weakens Brazil's democracy. Drawing on the cases of three Brazilian municipalities administered by the Workers' Party (PT), the author examines the space between "traditional" and "modern" and argues that successful democratization does not eradicate practices such as clientelism and patronage, but it tends to incorporate and build on these traditional political elements. Moreover, the article maintains that the democratization of municipal politics is inextricably bound up with the eradication of poverty and the construction of a responsive, state-based social safety net.

"This article analyzes the trajectory of the Workers’ Party (PT – Partido dos Trabalhadores) in Brazil, emphasizing the three points in time that most marked its history: its origin and initial proposals as an ideological oriented socialist party, the changes that occurred when it began to administrate several medium-sized and large cities and implanted the Participatory Budget (Orçamento Participativo), and finally, its victory in the presidential elections and the main lines of the policy implemented." (author's abstract)

[ES] Hay pocos estudios de cómo los partidos brasileños se organizan. Este artículo examina la organización del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT) y del Partido de la Social Democracia Brasileña (PSDB), comparando el origen, la estructura interna y la ideología de estos partidos. El PT se originó en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y adoptó un ordenamiento centralizado de comités partidarios y amplia participación de sus afiliados en la toma de decisiones del partido. Mientras, el PSDB surgió en el Parlamento, apoyándose en una constitución interna descentralizada y con autonomía de acción de sus líderes. Los afiliados de estos partidos revelan opiniones diferentes ante una agenda política. Por lo tanto, aunque los partidos se sujetan al mismo sistema político, ellos pueden adoptar organizaciones y estrategias de competencia electoral distintas pero igualmente eficientes., [EN] There are few studies about the way Brazilian political parties are organized. This article analyzes the organization of the Workers Party (PT) and the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB) comparing their origin, internal structure and ideology. The PT was originated in the civil society and adopted a centralized organization of party committees to facilitate a wide participation of its affiliates in the decisions within the party. In turn, the PSDB arose in the Parliament, supporting itself on a decentralized internal organization and with leadership autonomy in decision making. Affiliates of these parties reveal different visions about the political agenda. As a result, even though theses parties are held to the same political system, they can adopt different organizations and strategies of electoral competition with equally efficient outcomes.

"Against the background of the changing relationships between trade unions and political parties in Western Europe, this paper examines the nature and outcomes of union-party alliances in East Central Europe. The paper advances two interrelated arguments. First, the nature of union-party ties in postcommunism is significantly different and can be best described as an inverse dependency relationship in which political parties have always been the stronger partner. Second, contrary to the conventional assumptions based on the experience of Western Europe, strong union-party ties have worked to the detriment of labor in East Central Europe. This paradox is explained by poor reserves of loyalty, which are a direct consequence of the absence of a long history of close ties and mutually beneficial exchanges. The way in which such new alliances respond to economic imperatives is not likely to be affected by commitment concerns, but rather by the balance of power in the relationship. Given the fact that the balance of power is tilted towards parties, disloyal behavior is more likely to occur on the side of political parties than on that of the unions. In particular, in the context of pervasive economic constraints and limited party competition over economic policy issues, strong ties with the unions increase parties' incentives to coopt union leaders in the task of communicating the necessity of reforms to their constituencies." (author's abstract), "Vor dem Hintergrund des sich in Westeuropa vollziehenden Wandels der Beziehungen zwischen Gewerkschaften und politischen Parteien untersucht das Papier Ausprägung und Auswirkungen der Allianzen zwischen Parteien und Gewerkschaften in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Das Papier entwickelt zwei zentrale Argumente. (1) Die Beziehungen zwischen Gewerkschaften und Parteien im Postkommunismus unterscheiden sich entscheidend von den westeuropäischen Erfahrungen und können am treffendsten als Beziehungen 'umgekehrter Abhängigkeit' beschrieben werden, in denen die politischen Parteien immer die stärkeren Partner sind. (2) Im Gegensatz zu den Erfahrungen Westeuropas haben starke Bindungen zwischen Gewerkschaften und Parteien den Arbeitnehmerinteressen in Mittel- und Osteuropa geschadet. Dieses Paradox ist mit mangelnden Loyalitätsreserven zu erklären, die wiederum durch das Fehlen einer Tradition enger und auf gegenseitigem Nutzen beruhenden Beziehungen begründet sind. Die Art und Weise, wie solch neue Allianzen auf wirtschaftliche Notwendigkeiten antworten, wird weniger von Loyalitätsüberlegungen als vielmehr von dem in den Beziehungen herrschenden Machtverhältnis beeinflusst. Da die Macht der Parteien größer ist, neigen sie eher zu Loyalitätsbrüchen als die Gewerkschaften. In Anbetracht der extremen wirtschaftlichen Zwänge und des geringen Parteienwettbewerbs in wirtschaftspolitischen Fragen im Postkommunismus bieten starke Verbindungen zu den Gewerkschaften einen Anreiz für die Parteien, die Gewerkschaftsführer zu kooptieren, um ihrer Wählerschaft die Notwendigkeit von Reformen zu vermitteln." (Autorenreferat)

The Activity of the Site Committee of the Polish United Workers’ Party at the Voivodeship Office for Public Security in Gdansk in 1949–1956 In its capacity as a mass–scale organisation the Communist Party functioned in all large workplaces in post–war Poland. For this reason, a Party committee was established also alongside public security offices (i.e. in Gdansk), where the highest– ranking body was the Site Committee, whose subordinates included basic (POP) and departmental (OPP) organisations and Party groups. The titular Party cell was not, however, typical, and protocols from its sittings (to 1955) were sent directly to the Central Committee of the Polish United Workers Party in Warsaw (until 1953 the Voivodeship Committee in Gdansk did not even receive their copies), while general Party membership statistics did not encompass security apparatus employees. The Site Committee did not interfere in assorted operations, mentioned extremely rarely. It resembled rather a sui generis trade union, whose members could not include employees holding military full time jobs. The sessions discussed social questions, discipline or the organisation of the leisure time of the staff and their families. The Committee forum also served as a tool for the indoctrination of the functionaries.

This article identifies the dynamics of the national security syndrome and the pendulum swing between security and liberalization that are embedded in the Turkish political system. It then explores how these are reflected in the problematic and conflictual processes of Turkish policy formulation with regard to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in the post-violence era. The article presents evidence of a new impasse surrounding Turkey's southeast/Kurdish question. While Turkey is having difficulties in designing post-terror policies, the PKK appears unprepared to fully disarm and give up. The only route remaining seems to be one of political struggle. After identifying Turkey's structural limits to addressing the issue, the article discusses the implications of these on the future of the conflict, on Turkey's foreign relations with the West, and on the increasingly torn domestic political situation.

This article analyzes the issue of party unity, investigating the factors that favor or discourage party breaks. Three independent variables are proposed, forming a model that seeks to evaluate the possibilities for splitting or maintaining party organization. The variables are the intra-partisan institutional arrangement, internal ideological dissent, and the electoral costs of a split. The model is applied to the case of the Workers' Party (PT), seeking to evaluate which factors are the strongest in this party, those leading to a split or those favoring maintenance of unity in the party's organization. The study draws on various data sources, including party documents and bylaws, theses proposed by party factions, and election results, covering four national events in the 1990s. The study contends that intra-partisan institutional arrangements and the electoral costs of a split have strongly discouraged any break in the PT as a political party, and that if all else remains constant, these factors will continue to produce the same effects in the foreseeable future. Dans cet article, on examine la question de l'unité des partis, en cherchant à déceler les facteurs qui provoquent ou empêchent leur scission. On propose trois variables indépendantes formant un modèle qui tente d'évaluer les chances de scission/maintien d'une organisation de parti. Ces variables sont les suivantes: l'aménagement institutionnel et la divergence idéologique internes au parti ainsi que les pertes électorales d'une scission. On applique ce modèle au cas du Parti des Travailleurs (PT), en cherchant à estimer ce qui y prévaut: les tendances qui mènent à la scission ou celles qui favorisent le maintien de l’unité du parti. La recherche se sert de plusieurs sortes de données, telles que documents et statuts du parti, thèses des factions internes et résultats d'élections, concernant surtout quatre rencontres nationales réalisées dans les années 90. On conclut que les aménagements institutionnels internes au parti et les pertes électorales d'une scission éloignent nettement la perspective du fractionnement du PT en tant que parti politique et, toutes conditions gardées, auront le même effet dans un avenir prévisible.

Hidden motives and outspoken personalities. Honour and reputation in the early socialist labour movement in AmsterdamThis article analyses the role of personal reputations and honour codes among the first generations of socialist working-class activists in Amsterdam, in the thirty-year period that preceded the rise of the 'modern' Social Democratic Workers Party (SDAP). The 'old movement' as it became known, did not possess a strictly defined ideology or a very solid organisational structure, but was able to compensate for this by placing a strong emphasis on questions of honour and personal reputation. In doing so, the early socialists successfully appealed to existing mentalities within their class.

The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) was founded on 2 May 1879 bya group of printers and other workers in a small restaurant which still stands,called the Casa Labra, in the calle Tetuan, just off the Puerta del Sol in thecentre of Madrid. The most prominent of the party's founders was PabloIglesias (1850–1925), an austere Galician under whose leadership the partywas notable for its derivative, reductionist understanding of Marxist theory.Wary of the competition within the political arena provided by the rival anarchist and republican movements, Iglesias concentrated on painstakingly developing the party’s organization. Strategy was based on an adherence to legalistic, reformist practice which belied the leadership's frequent recourse to revolutionary rhetoric.

'Die Sozialdemokratie der Republik Polen (SdRP) gilt in weiten Kreisen der polnischen Öffentlichkeit als die Nachfolgepartei der Polnischen Vereinigten Arbeiterpartei (PZPR). Tatsächlich wurde die SdRP während des Auflösungskongresses der PZPR von der Mehrzahl der PZPR-Delegierten gegründet. Die SdRP ist zwar weder programmatisch noch organisatorisch und funktionell als Nachfolgeorganisation der PZPR zu betrachten, aber personell und politisch-kulturell ist sie engstens mit der Geschichte der Volksrepublik verbunden. Die SdRP bzw. das von ihr dominierte Wahlbündnis Demokratische Linksallianz (SLD) entwickelte sich, durch den freien Wählerwillen legitimiert, rasch zu einer erfolgreichen politischen Formation, die die Entwicklung des demokratischen Polen entscheidend mitbestimmt. Anhand vorwiegend polnischer Quellen, Darstellungen und Interpretationen will der Bericht sich einem typischen Phänomen postkommunistischer europäischer Demokratien annähern.' (Textauszug), 'The Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland (SdRP) is widely considered in Polish public opinion to be the successor to the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR). And in fact the SdRP was founded by the majority of the PZPR delegates in the course of the party congress at which the PZPR was dissolved. Though the SdRP is not to be seen as the successor organisation to the PZPR in programmatical, organisational nor functional terms, it is nevertheless closely linked with the history of the People's Republic in terms of its biographical composition and political culture. Legitimated by the free choice of the electorate, the SdRP and the Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), in which it is the dominant partner, rapidly evolved into a successful political formation which is now exercising a decisive influence on the development of democratic Poland. The present report draws on mainly Polish sources, presentations and interpretations to promote a better perception of a typical phenomenon of post-communist European democracies.' (extract)

In the 1980s, the Workers Party in Brazil faced an institutional challenge: to adapt its orthodox socialism to the realities of governance without loosing its commitment to a transformative socialist agenda. This study analyses the process of party building through three experiences with local governance by the PT in the north‐eastern state of Ceará. Strict adherence to the party line generated the spectacular failure of the first PT administration in the area and led to a more pragmatic vision within the party to winning and maintaining electoral power. The PT constructed new public support and made significant electoral gains, based on a platform calling for the provision of credible public services and a responsive and participatory governance process. The failure and success of PT governments in this region have contributed to an internal learning process and institutional debates at both the regional and national levels.

El presente artículo académico busca responderse ¿por qué el proceso de 2002 significó cambios tan expresivos en la política brasileña? Parte de la respuesta a esta cuestión se explica por el hecho de que, por primera vez en la historia del país, fue electo un presidente cuya plataforma y base de sustentación política están situadas a la izquierda del espectro ideológico.

This study is undertaken to evaluate the profile of the PKK (Kurdish Workers Party) and Kurdish political behavior separately in an attempt to distinguish the Kurdish issue from terrorism. PKK's profile has changed between 1978, when it was founded and now, depending on Turkey's internal politics as well as the changing international environment. Basically, it started out as a Marxist‐Leninist separatist organization, but by 1990 switched to demanding a federation of Kurds and Turks, and simultaneously bidding for a role in an independent Kurdestan comprising southeastern Turkey and northern Iraq. PKK's only consistent policy is to have remained a Marxist‐Leninist organization so far. The first part of this article addresses the roots, objectives, and methods of the PKK. The second part assesses the problem within Turkey's domestic environment, with a focus on whether PKK truly represents Turkey's Kurds. The third section tries to answer the question of who provides the logistical and financial support for PKK, thereby exploring the issue's international dimensions. The last section evaluates prospects regarding a “political solution” to the problems of the southeast, which is now being voiced in both Turkey and Western capitals.

Second annual report on the Dail work of the Workers' Party by TD. Pat Rabbitte.