Search

Copyright of Jurnal Ilmu Hukum, Humaniora dan Politik (JIHHP) is the property of Dinasti Publisher and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Do female public servants receive a stronger negative public reaction from being involved in corruption than their male counterparts? While there are good theoretical reasons to suggest they do, the empirical evidence on this question to date, which primarily focuses on elected officials, remains inconclusive. To shed new light on this matter, we investigate a larger but hitherto understudied group: street-level bureaucrats. Using a conjoint experiment conducted in Paraguay, one of the most corrupt countries in Latin America, we evaluate public preferences for corrupt versus non-corrupt bureaucrats. Contrary to existing theories of gender and corruption, our results suggest there is no significant difference in how citizens react to male and female corrupt bureaucrats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By using annual time series data spanning 1995 to 2021, this study examines the key factors that influence foreign direct investment (FDI) inflows to Malaysia. This study employed the conventional determinants of FDI and incorporated an under-studied corruption variable to capture the political impact on FDI inflows to Malaysia. The ARDL bounds test results identified short- and long-run positive relationships between FDI inflows and two tested variables: market size and education. A positive long-run relationship was also found between inflation rates and FDI inflows. By contrast, infrastructure facilities were found to be negatively related to FDI inflows in the long run. More importantly, the results ascertained that higher corruption levels hamper FDI inflows to Malaysia in the long term. Moreover, the Granger causality test revealed that market size, inflation rate, and infrastructure facilities are critical causal factors that explain the fluctuations in FDI inflows to Malaysia. In light of the results obtained, some policy recommendations are highlighted to help enhance the attractiveness of FDI, thereby stimulating economic growth in Malaysia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains the structure of corruption networks as response to ex ante transparency, defined as visibility of authorities whose cooperation clients may need, in due course, to execute corrupt transactions. It also characterizes the optimal transparency policy given the network response, as a function of connection costs, sanctions, the corruption surplus and the detection probability (hence the anti‐corruption budget and ex post transparency). Corruption chains may emerge in equilibrium if authority is expected to be shared by multiple offices, where the office with higher solo assignment probability becomes the intermediary. Otherwise, clients penetrate the bureaucracy by inducing the star network, or contend with single connection. I show that the optimal policy always assigns one office, sometimes alone, sometimes jointly with others. It is often possible to deter corruption networks through an ex ante transparent policy that parcels out authority to multiple offices with probability 1—a common feature of many US bureaucracies. Decomposing transparency into its components reveals nuances in the transparency–corruption relationship, suggesting that ex ante transparency is instrumental except in environments in which anti‐corruption enforcement is extremely effective or extremely ineffective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article investigates the cross-industry spillover effect of tax enforcement and corruption. I propose a two-sector optimal tax administration model by incorporating vulnerability to tax enforcement (VTE) and corruption into the Allingham–Sandmo framework. Based on two large surveys of Chinese firms, I test the model by using industrial capital-intensity as a proxy for firms' VTE and exploiting turnover of prefectural secretaries of the Communist Party of China between 2000 and 2007 as a driving force of corruption. The findings suggest capital-intensive industries, which are vulnerable to tougher enforcement, pay higher effective tax rates, and, therefore, have stronger incentives to bribe in order to reduce their tax burden. The bribery produces negative spillovers that raise the effective tax rates of their labor-intensive counterparts. Further evidence confirms that older prefectural secretaries are prone to be corrupt and exhibit stronger tenure effects both on the effective tax rates and on firms' corruption expenditure (JEL H21, H26, H32, D22, D73). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the effect of state-level monitoring on municipal governance, focusing on outcomes in financial reporting quality, local corruption, political entrenchment, and municipal financial soundness. I exploit the staggered adoption of fiscal monitoring policies that entail a regular review of municipal financial reports for signs of fiscal distress. I find that introducing these monitoring policies is associated with an increase in the proxies for reporting quality, a decrease in the number of corruption convictions, and a reduction in re-election likelihood for incumbent politicians. Consistent with the purpose of the policies, my evidence shows that fiscal health ratios of municipalities improve after initiating state monitoring. Collectively, my results are consistent with state fiscal monitoring improving several important aspects of municipal governance. Data Availability: Data are available from the public sources cited in the text. JEL Classifications: G18; G38; H1; H11; H7; H83; M4. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public corruption is a concern for democracies around the world. In the U.S., states have responded to this issue by publishing personal financial disclosures (PFDs) for public officials online. PFDs are a conflict-of-interest disclosure designed to relieve agency conflicts between private citizens and government officials by documenting overlaps between officials' financial interests and public responsibilities. This paper explores whether and how online PFD supports anticorruption enforcement. I present a stylized model illustrating how online PFD leads investigators to increase case referral volume and quality. Empirically, I find that online PFD for local officials is associated with increased referral rates and greater likelihoods of prosecution conditional on referral. I conduct 126 field interviews of federal prosecutors, journalists, and ethics commissions to understand the mechanisms behind these results. I conclude that online PFD supports the enforcement of local corruption by reducing disclosure acquisition costs for enforcement agents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In their work "Political Corruption: The Internal Enemy of Public Institutions," Ceva and Ferretti defend a conception of corruption as a breach of the duty of accountability for officeholders. I address two key aspects of their proposal. First, I contend that whistleblowing disclosures should be limited to acts of last resort, rather than as a common practice of ensuring answerability. Second, I argue that their account does not adequately distinguish between degrees of involvement in corrupt activities. Within hierarchical organizations, not all officeholders possess the same capacity and power to counteract unjust practices. Different contributory roles entail varying degrees of responsibility within the normative structure of answerability defended by the authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theory of political corruption must give a plausible descriptive account of what counts as politically corrupt conduct, and a plausible normative account of the reasons why (if any) such conduct is wrongful, and distinctively so. On Ceva and Ferretti's sophisticated descriptive and normative account of corruption if and only if the act is carried out by a public official acting in her capacity as officeholder, and she knowingly acts to ends which are not congruent with the terms of her mandate. By their own admission, Ceva and Ferretti focus for the most part on just, or nearly just, regimes – which include democratic regimes. In this paper, I probe the strength and implications of their account for political corruption in clearly unjust regimes, in which individuals' basic civil, political and socio-economic rights are routinely and systematically violated. I argue that their account does not straightforwardly apply to these cases, and that their cursory treatment of all-things-considered justified corruption in those regimes exposes a gap in their account of corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this response essay, Ceva and Ferretti reply to their critics and clarify some key aspects of their book. Specifically, the discussion starts by elaborating on the notion of an ethics of office accountability, explaining that the specification of institutional norms of officeholders behaviour is the result of practices of officeholders' interaction (including democratic practices) and reflection. The second theme is the responsibility for political corruption. The authors emphasise the importance of focussing not only on retrospective responsibility, for the sake of punishing corrupt behaviour, but especially on accountability as a form of self-reflection by the officeholders on the weaknesses of their institutional work together. This exercise is preliminary to their assuming forward-looking responsibilities for anti-corruption. The third and final part discusses political corruption as a specifically interactive wrong. For the authors, the magnitude and moral salience of the wrong of corruption, as well as the different wrongs implicated both from an interactive perspective and in consideration of the harm caused to third parties, must be assessed in light of the context and the moral standing of the public institution in question. In this sense, political corruption is a pro tanto wrong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political philosophers rarely take on the topic of political corruption, despite the fact that corruption is so costly to human wellbeing, and so clearly separates well-governed from poorly governed polities. Ceva and Ferretti's book is the most complete attempt to remedy this deficit to date. Their key contribution is to conceptualize institutions in such a way that the offices they define link clearly to public ethics. Officeholders are accountable for their power mandate, not just within a hierarchy, but ethically, because their duties serve the public purposes that justify the institution. This said, their approach works best for impartial institutions in which the public duties of offices are clear and actionable, such as professional bureaucracies. We also need an ethically driven conception of political corruption for political institutions that contain and channel political partiality, especially democratic institutions within which the ethical purposes of public legislation are argued, deliberated, and voted. Extending a public ethics account of political corruption to democratic institutions can and should be a next step in this important project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurnal Ekonomi dan Kebijakan Pembangunan is the property of IPB University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to the topical issues of increasing the corporate social responsibility of business through the introduction of anti-corruption audits at enterprises, the main component of which is analytical procedures. The purpose of the article is to develop a set of analytical procedures in the anti-corruption audit system to ensure the economic security of business entities for individual business processes in order to identify problem areas of the formation of individual corruption risks. As a result of the conducted research, the economic essence of the concept of "analytical procedures" was clarified and their place in the anti-corruption audit system to ensure the economic security of the enterprise was determined; trends of changes in the corruption index in Ukraine were analyzed and a predictive model of its level in the near future was developed; the main areas of risk of corruption that arise in the course of the activity of business structures are substantiated; business indicators that indicate the probability of corruption at the enterprise are determined; analytical procedures for the detection of fraudulent and corrupt actions in the context of individual business processes: procurement, production, sales and in the management system as a whole are systematized. For each analytical procedure, an algorithm for its implementation has been developed, indicating the appropriate methodical techniques. It has been proven that analytical procedures are, on the one hand, an independent block of methods for obtaining audit evidence, and on the other, a part of analytical work that must be carried out both within the scope of audit activity in general and in the process of enterprise management to increase the social responsibility of business and ensuring economic security. The proposed analytical procedures of the anti-corruption audit make it possible to identify corruption schemes in the relevant business processes, to focus the attention of auditors on the relevant areas of corruption risk, ensure the economic security of the enterprise, contribute to the minimization of corruption risks at enterprises, create an analytical basis for the formation of an anti-corruption program of the enterprise, which ultimately lays the foundation for improving the efficiency of the enterprise, sustainable development and improving its business reputation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focused on the insights of municipal officials and community members concerning the significance of public participation in promoting local economic development at Jozini Local Municipality. The study aimed to determine the challenges hindering the function of public participation in the uplifting of the local community and how these challenges influence community development. This study adopted a mixed-method (qualitative and quantitative) research method to collect and analyze the data. Both methods ensured various data collection techniques, including questionnaires and interviews. Questionnaires were presented to community members because several people could be reached in a brief time as numerous community members were targeted. Interviews also served to collect data from the municipality staff, since they were not that many. The study identified the challenges hindering public participation in community development; it also revealed politics as the bearer of public participation between the municipality and the community. The findings also revealed municipal officials struggle with financial resources during their course of work. Corruption and maladministration among municipalities were identified, hampering community development through public participation. The study suggests that the municipality should improve communication between the officials and the residents, enabling them to raise their opinions. The study also suggests providing adequate funding to be effective in development that will satisfy the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recovering the proceeds looted through corruption crimes represented a necessary matter for the advancement of countries and the development of their economies. Therefore, these countries rushed to establish numerous mechanisms to ensure their right to recover those funds, with the United Nations Convention against Corruption of 2003 at the forefront. The research addressed the effectiveness of those mechanisms mentioned in the United Nations Convention against Corruption in Recovery, and we observed the research that international experiences in recovering funds and proceeds obtained from corruption crimes is a complex and expensive subject, and takes a long time, sometimes reaching dozens of years. This indicates that there is a problem regarding organizing recovery. We concluded that international agreements are still incapable and unable to resolve some of the legal and procedural issues arising from recovery. Hence, the pressure exerted by influential and benefiting countries from corrupt funds has increased the difficulty of achieving a significant result in recovering looted funds. We also concluded the necessity of encouraging entities working to provide appropriate training, practical evidence, studies, and experiences gathered from various successful and unsuccessful recovery cases. This includes urging countries to develop their legislation in line with the requirements of applicable international agreements to ensure the success of anti-corruption measures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the work is to formulate proposals for improving the investigation of manipulation of the results of expected results in sports, taking into account the existing gaps in the Macolin Convention. The research employed formal-legal method, logical-legal method and descriptive method. The main obstacles to implementing the Convention of the Council of Europe on the Manipulation of Sports Competitions were identified. There are legislative, cultural, and economic differences between countries, which do not allow for its implementation in a single way for everyone. The study determined that combating the manipulation of sports competitions is impossible without the proper cooperation of countries and interested participants, aimed at increasing the transparency of the flow of funds in sports, improving sports management and legal framework, etc. The significance of the latest technologies in the fight against threats generated by the growth of the online betting market is noted. The importance of cooperation with the media in the course of investigations of manipulations was emphasised. The practical significance of the results is the possibility of their application to overcome existing obstacles in the fight against manipulation in sports and use the proposed methods of countering and investigating such manipulations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption has existed for many years in the world. Therefore, to overcome these problems, researchers need to apply the philosophy of restorative justice. The purpose of this research is to examine the use of a restorative justice system as a final resolution effort in addressing corruption crimes in Indonesia. Therefore, the restorative justice approach is needed as the main solution in resolving corruption crimes in Indonesia. The research methodology used is normative juridical. The results show that restorative justice as an effort to resolve corruption crimes in Indonesia is an approach that emphasizes the restoration of damaged relationships due to corruption crimes by involving all parties involved, including perpetrators, victims, and the community. This research has contributed to the improvement of restorative justice arrangements for unlawful acts of corruption in order to optimize the recovery of state financial losses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research aims to analyse the current legislative framework of Kazakhstan on public control. Several methods were used to implement the set tasks, namely formal-legal, dogmatic, method of legal hermeneutics, comparativelegal, deduction and others. As a result of the analysis of norms that are enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan No. 410-IV "On combating corruption", 410-IV "On combating corruption", Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan No. 383-V "On public councils", the Anti-Corruption Strategies for 2015-2025 and 2022-2026, conflicts were identified. During the study of statistical indicators that show the Kazakhstan Corruption Index in 2018-2022 and the number of detected offences of this category in 2022, the effectiveness of the state policy to combat and prevent corruption was assessed. The experience of such countries as Singapore, Georgia and Sweden was reviewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the intricate relationship between e-governance and corruption perception using the E-Government Development Index (EGDI) and Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) data. Ukraine's legal landscape is examined, highlighting efforts to enhance public administration transparency. This study underscores the role of citizens in fostering e-governance and reducing corruption and crime. Comparative analyses challenge assumptions about income and egovernance, while "smart grids" and digitalization emerge as solutions to energy challenges in Ukraine. Ultimately, this study illuminates the transformative potential of e-governance and its significance in modern governance paradigms during wartime and in situations involving a large number of displaced people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption poses a significant threat to societies' social and economic fabric, eroding trust and contractual relationships between governments and citizens. This study investigates the repercussions of corruption spillover on individuals and explores how they adjust their motivation to engage in tax cheating by exploiting two distinct types of corruption heterogeneities at both individual and national levels. Leveraging newly collected individual corruption experiences locally from the World Value Survey alongside national‐level corruption data from Transparency International, we employ multilevel hierarchical modeling to estimate the effects of corruption on individual tax behavior. Our findings reveal that corruption negatively impacts people's willingness to comply with tax laws, with individuals who have personally experienced corruption exhibiting a more pronounced erosion of tax morale compared to those who have not. By shedding light on the intricate dynamics of corruption's influence on tax compliance, this paper contributes to our understanding of the broader implications of corruption for people and society. This paper can also inform policymakers and stakeholders in designing targeted interventions to mitigate the adverse consequences of corruption and restore citizens' trust in their government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the effect of resource endowment and corruption on countries' inbound foreign tourism. Specifically, we examine whether growing resource endowment crowds out tourism industry and role of corruption in this process. For this purpose, we utilize panel data of 140 countries from 1995 through 2018. We utilize estimation technique in analysis that takes care of possible endogeneity in the models. Our results show that resource endowment and corruption lead to a reduction in tourism demand. However, the prevailing high level of corruption with resource richness may provide life-blood to the tourism sector. On the basis of these results, we argue that the 'Dutch disease' hypothesis for tourism is valid for the tourism sector across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an exploratory study, we examined policing in Mexico through the views of Mexicanas in the United States to understand better the relationships between the police and racial/ethnic minority communities in the United States. By understanding and knowing the perception and direct interaction with the police in their home countries, the U.S. police can better understand the attitudes of racial/ethnic minorities, particularly those foreign-born or of immigrant descent residents, toward the police. Besides, mutual understanding between the U.S. police and racial/ethnic minorities may assist in building better police-community relationships. For that reason, we conducted a semistructured interviews with seventeen Mexicanas who resided in a Deep South state in the United States and explored their experiences and concerns with policing in Mexico. We found that government corruption and police politicization were the number one concern, and the widely accepted culture of bribing and taking a bribe was perceived as a common custom rule in Mexico. With consideration that such experiences are important to understand the relationships between the U.S. police and Mexicanas, policy implications and study limitations were further discussed in the current study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption is a complex phenomenon which can appear in various forms and political corruption remains one of the most common forms. Political corruption further encompasses many forms, one of which is ethnic corruption. Ethnic corruption is one of form of corruption that involves giving certain ethnic groups privileges that other groups do not have. The purpose of these privileges is for the ruling political structure to stay in power. This type of corruption was common practice in the former Yugoslavia and the former Soviet Union, and continues in its successor, the Russian Federation. Pronounced ethnic corruption remains prevalent in many countries across Asia and Africa. With an increasingly polarized voting base in the United States, new forms of ethnic corruption have started to appear. Because of its characteristics, ethnic corruption is one of the most challenging types of corruption to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Foro Revista de Derecho is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Generalized trust is essential for collective action, which is at the heart of many societal problems. Institutional quality has been proposed as a driver of generalized trust, but while the correlation between the two is strong and robust, the evidence on the causal link is scant. We show that this relationship is causal. We first experimentally expose individuals to institutions of different quality, operationalized as their ability to prevent corrupt behavior. We then measure generalized trust using a trust game. The results show that institutional quality drives generalized trust and that this effect is generated by the mere doubt that corrupt behaviors might succeed, even without knowledge of occurrence or success of such behaviors. Cross‐country comparisons with novel data support our results. Our contributions are the first causal experimental evidence on the link between institutional quality and trust and a novel experimental design for modeling institutional quality in laboratory settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Actors in grand corruption schemes often conspire and deliberately create sophisticated networks to extract huge amounts of public resources from government systems. They hide such conspiracies behind hybrid formal/informal arrangements. Using a mixed methods approach, this study investigates the corruption scheme initiated by former Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo and the Brazilian construction giant Odebrecht Group. We argue that separating the networks of the client (Odebrecht) and the agent (Toledo) sides provides analytical leverage for studying complex corrupt arrangements. We found that the organizational forms designed by corrupt actors on either side were essential to ensuring the secret and safe operation of the network. Introducing the concept of organizational form into corruption research helps better understand the nature of these networks. We also found that different parts of the networks are shaped by different types of corruption. The article concludes with implications for practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the impact of corruption on green innovation, as corruption may impede or foster green innovation in developing economies due to their weak governance systems. We develop a dataset of Chinese non‐financial firms listed between 2007 and 2020 and apply static and dynamic regression techniques. The results indicate a highly significant negative association between corruption and green innovation. This supports the notion that corruption culture reduces corporate legitimacy concerns (institutional theory), increases managerial rent‐seeking (agency theory), and hinders green innovation, thus impeding sustainable development and supporting the "sand the wheels" hypothesis. Our analysis also reveals that corruption's negative impact on green innovation is particularly significant for firms with lower media and analyst coverage, non‐state‐owned firms, and firms in heavy‐polluting industries. These results are robust to alternate proxies of green innovation and corruption as well as econometric specifications that account for endogeneity issues and industry, region, and time‐fixed effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Corruption remains a persistent feature in most transitional and fragile countries, raising questions around the processes and outcomes of international development and economic reforms. In the case of Afghanistan, conventional wisdom tends to blame domestic factors, including corruption, in the collapse of the internationally-backed Islamic Republic of Afghanistan, while largely neglecting the co-constitutive nexus between economic reconstruction, criminality, and political authority. Combining the political marketplace framework with a network analysis, this paper traces how a corrupt network formed around the Kabul Bank, grew and metastasised by leveraging neo-liberal and technocratic economic reform policies, and thus, gravely undermined the country's governance and stability. By doing so, it argues that international reconstruction practices and resources reconfigured power in Afghanistan, and helped create a governance system governed by the logic of a criminalised political marketplace. The paper also demonstrates the utility of a political marketplace lens in explaining evolving political dynamics, with a network analysis to generate deeper insights into the complex interactions between the local and global dynamics that produce criminality, corruption, and state capture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Injustice, poverty, socio-economic inequality are analyzed from the point of view of factors that threaten the national security of Ukraine. The sources of injustice lie in the nature of man, his natural selfishness, the desire to satisfy his needs at the expense of other people. Social injustice manifests itself in conflicts between society and the government, and individuals. Economic manifestations of injustice are noticeable when the principle of equivalence of remuneration for an individual’s work is violated in social relations or there is non-equivalent punishment for the damage caused. Injustice in the sphere of political relations manifests itself as a violation of the rights and freedoms of citizens guaranteed by current legislation. Injustice in legal relations appears as a violation of the principle of equality of all citizens before the law. Achieving socio-economic equality is hindered by corruption, which is a huge threat to national security. The consequence of injustice is the stratification of society into rich and poor, the destruction of the middle class. Injustice has a specific effect on political relations, the implementation of state policy at all levels, and makes the formation of civil society impossible. The result of this form of people’s life is marginalization and socio-economic degradation of society, which leads to crises, conflicts, anomie, tensions and social explosions. Injustice, poverty, and socioeconomic inequality are significant threats to national security. Modern science should investigate the main factors of the reproduction of social injustice, find ways to overcome poverty and introduce an effective mechanism for the elimination of social and economic inequality. In view of the spread of corruption in Ukraine, failure to bring corrupt officials to justice, which is provided for by the current legislation, and other violations of the law, we can also talk about legal inequality, which is unacceptable in a civilized state and is the greatest threat to the national security of Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Indonesian law, both individuals and legal entities such as corporations are recognized as legal subjects. Corporations, which are governed by civil law, are now increasingly associated with crime, particularly Corporate Crime. Although initially disputed, it is now accepted that legal entities can be involved in criminal acts and that corporations should be held accountable for their unlawful actions. Corporate Crime encompasses situations where corporations break the law for their benefit, often in disregard of applicable regulations and norms. This development marks a shift in criminal law from targeting individuals to also holding corporations accountable. Therefore, principles such as Vicarious Liability and Strict Liability become the basis for establishing legal liability for corporations. These principles ensure that corporations are responsible for their actions, similar to the liability imposed on individuals. Since the legal construction in Perma RI No. 13 Year 2016 is different from individuals, corporations require specific legal principles to regulate their liability. Concepts such as Vicarious Liability, Strict Liability, and others become important pillars in imposing responsibility on corporations. Recognizing corporations as perpetrators of criminal acts shows the evolution of the legal system to adjust to the complexity of modern business practices and uphold justice in an ever-changing society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Digital de Derecho Administrativo is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Family businesses have distinct characteristics that differentiate them from other firms. Researchers must meticulously analyze issues, with a specific focus on the interplay of family business dynamics, considering this factor. The main objective of this research was to provide insight into the adverse effects of family companies, particularly how the power dynamics inside these organizations might enable corruption or fraud and how corporate governance can help in mitigating these phenomena. Specifically, family businesses can be investigated by considering unique characteristics such as ownership and control, generational dynamics, and corporate governance. To address the study topic, a bibliometric analysis was conducted using the R statistical programming language and the bibliometric tools Biblioshiny and VOSviewer. Data were obtained from the Scopus database and examined in documents. The lack of unbiased external evaluation, the ineffectiveness of internal audits, disputes between different generations, the dominance of family members, and the narrow extent of governance all contribute to the exacerbation of tensions that promote corruption inside family firms. Moreover, the findings indicate that CEO duality correlates with the occurrence of corruption and fraudulent activities, such as manipulating profits. Furthermore, the findings suggest a correlation between the qualities of the board and instances of corruption and bribery inside family firms. These factors also increase the probability of financial statement fraud. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Corrupt actors operate in an environment with numerous mechanisms designed to expose and punish their illegal behavior. Therefore, they organize their activity to reduce risk and uncertainty surrounding the situation, which takes place within and beyond a formal hierarchy. This article approaches the subject from a multidisciplinary perspective, applying theories of organization and organizationality—such as communicative constitution of organizations, social organization, partial organization, complete organization, neopatrimonialism, and patronage–to explain the organizing element of different forms of corruption. By introducing the ideas of the organization and organizationality, this study presents a new dimension of corruption and provides new insight into the scholarship on the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sexual misconduct incidents reported to Title IX coordinators and stability in incident characteristics within institutions of higher education (IHEs) over time were examined. Data included two waves of reported incidents in 2016–2018 (n = 2,598) and 2018–2020 (n = 2,778) across Maryland IHEs (N = 40). Findings showed most reported incidents were for Other Sexual Misconduct (e.g., sexual harassment) versus Sexual Assault I (i.e., rape) or Sexual Assault II (e.g., unwanted sexual touching). Types of sexual misconduct differed regarding reporting by responsible employees, nonstudent perpetrators, and the range of accommodations accessed; institutional-level profiles of sexual misconduct were stable across waves. Implications and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores the complex interplay between corruption, economic growth, and logistics performance in EU nations, utilizing a mixed-method approach and data from pre- and post-pandemic periods. Applying the Resource-Based View (RBV) and Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA), it identifies critical conditions impacting GDP growth, highlighting the intertwined roles of pre-pandemic logistics and corruption perceptions. The findings, relevant for policymakers, underscore the importance of robust governance in navigating economic challenges. This novel approach combines RBV and QCA, offering insights into the dynamics of financial and logistical landscapes during global upheavals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article compares United States federal law with various international conventions intended to reinforce expressively and meaningfully domestic laws against public corruption among the signatory countries. It undertakes a detailed analysis of these agreements adopted by the European Union, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the Organization of American States, and the United Nations Convention against Corruption and reviews how the agreements seek to define what creates corruption. It discusses how these conventions use bribery as the main paradigm form of corruption, without considering fully other form(s) of corruption involving misuse of authority resulting in personal enrichment (e.g., extortion and misappropriation of public funds). This Article also looks at United States law, noting that while federal law on the topic is not completely consistent and contains no single provision on corruption, the United States has developed a strong anti-corruption law (The Foreign Corrupt Practices Act 'FCPA') that provides the means to address several forms of the corrupt behavior. Among the issues that American law deals with that are largely ignored by the global conventions are: (1) whether gratuities that do not meet the criterions (conditions) of a bribe should also be punished as corrupt; (2) the role of campaign contributions in anti-corruption law; and, (3) how the federal mail fraud statute - along with the money laundering statute - which prohibits fraud depriving another of the right of honest services, should be adopted by nations seeking to expand their corruption law. This Article argues that American law can offer good examples for the global effort to define and punish corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly evidence of transparency's beneficial effects on trust and perceptions of corruption remains debated and confined to the study of public administration. We contribute to this debate by extending the study of its effects to transparency legislation concerning members of parliament (MPs), political parties, and business interest groups. In an online experiment conducted in Ireland with 1373 citizens, we find that transparency in political donations improves trust in political parties, while asset declaration for conflict of interest prevention reduces perceptions of corruption toward MPs. However, transparency in lobbying is found to have no impact on attitudes toward business interest groups. This supports the common expectation that transparency improves political trust and reduces perceptions of corruption, but also confirms its complex effects. The study improves our understanding of transparency beyond open government providing an evaluation of different regulatory policies aimed at making the activities of parties, MPs, and lobby groups transparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to describe the relationship between the competence concept and the Islamic value of trust (amanah). Trust (amanah) competence is an ability of a person to incorporate a set of knowledge, skills, and trust based on the nature of integrity, sincerity, and responsibility, in order to obtain happiness and success. The new concept of competence requirement is expected to become the foundation for human resource development, so that competent professionals would avoid bad behavior and corruption. This study's contribution to the Resource-Based View Theory, particularly its emphasis on competence, is founded on knowledge and trustworthiness. This article demonstrates the significance of trust (amanah) as a prerequisite for competence, such that a person who is competent in any field would avoid engaging in unethical activity and corruption. Someone who is competent and trustworthy will conduct well and have high moral standards. This study contributes to the theory of Resource Based Theory, namely novelty and the development as well as the implementation of new ideas that are carried out within a certain period of time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Strategic Universe Journal / Univers Strategic is the property of Dimitrie Cantemir Christian University, Institute for Security Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Auditing & Assurance Services (AUDAS) is the property of Journal of Auditing & Assurance Services (AUDAS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do political crises affect the interaction between economic and political outcomes? In this paper, we study one of the consequences of political turmoil by empirically examining whether the Arab Spring influenced the relationship between corruption and income inequality. Using panel data from 1996 to 2019 for the Middle East and North African (MENA) countries, we find that while corruption is positively associated with income inequality, the interaction term between corruption and the Arab Spring is negatively associated with income inequality. This result is consistent with the view that corruption has become more democratized after the Arab Spring. We use instrumental variable (IV) analysis to address potential endogeneity issues. Our findings suggest that not only studying the direct effects of political crises on economic and institutional variables is important, but studying their effects on shaping the association between economic and institutional variables can be insightful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study advances the literature in cash holdings in that it empirically examines the impact of corruption prevention commitment (CPC) on the cash holding strategic decisions and how such CPC might interact with cash holdings to affect firm value. We employ a sample of UK non‐financial publicly listed firms and our results are of twofold. First, we detect a significant negative relationship between CPC and cash holdings, which is consistent with the expected governance effect of CPC. Second, we find a negative interaction of CPC with cash holdings when investigating cash holdings effect on firm value, suggesting that shareholders consider CPC as an overinvestment in corporate social responsibility (CSR) activity within a strong customer protection framework, such as the UK. Our findings are robust to different econometric estimations and controlling for different explanatory variables. This study offers beneficial perceptions into the notion of sustainability and sustainability standards and their implications on firms financing decisions. Finally, we argue that while this paper investigates the UK context, our results might be applicable to other countries with similar anti‐corruption structure as in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considering the growing criticism by the USA of the bribery and corruption surrounding China's trade with Africa, this study uses panel data on 48 African countries over 17 years to examine whether the relationship between corruption and China's trade in Africa differs from that of USA–Africa trade relations. Contrary to expectations, we find that the relationship between corruption and trade with Africa is the same for both countries. Africa's trade with China and the USA increases as corruption increases. Our results imply that both countries have a similar trend of trading with African countries, and they might not care about corruption in Africa. Ultimately, both countries engage with Africa for their parochial economic and political interest. The results are robust to an alternative measure of corruption and endogeneity test using a two‐stage least‐square estimation technique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Excessive penalty rates may be crime-encouraging in illegal waste disposal. • Optimal sanctioning systems must necessarily account for corruption practices. • Experimental evidence shows that fines may feed corruption in waste disposal. Corruption is known to be one of the real life situations which may jeopardize the effectiveness of fines in deterring crime. We present a model of 'crime with corruption' by which both the dilution of crime deterrence due to corruption, as well as the possibility of crime encouraging fines, are formally highlighted. More importantly, by running an experiment on a subject pool of students for the case of illegal waste disposal, we provide experimental evidence on the validity of our theoretical predictions. We find that increasing fine rate may become crime encouraging, or at least ineffective, beyond a context-specific fine threshold. From a policy perspective, we suggest that the optimal design of a crime-deterring sanctioning system must simultaneously account for both corruption practices and anti-corruption policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study demonstrates that the effect of corruption on development might be dissimilar depending on how development is perceived. This study uses the linear and nonlinear ARDL bounds test estimation technique to cointegration with annual time series data (1980–2023 for WDI and 1995–2023 for Transparency International). Thus, the symmetric analysis reveals that corruption stimulates economic development in the long run; but in the short run, the effect is negative. However, the effect of corruption on sustainability is consistently negative in the short and long runs. The asymmetric analysis establishes a strong effect of corruption and corruption controls on economic development in the long run but with a weak effect in the short run. Yet, on sustainability, corruption has a weak consequence on genuine wealth per capita in the short run, but the long-run asymmetric effect is inconclusive. Governments in Africa, particularly Ghana must pay serious attention to the SDGs with recourse to the expedition of trial on environmental-related corruption cases. Strict adherence to environmental policies by MNEs must also be encouraged to stem the tide of the greenhouse effect (GHG). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reader's guide to "Western Balkans Competitiveness Outlook 2024: Albania." It outlines the competitiveness outlook assessment process, which comprised of introduction of digitalised frameworks for assessing policy dimensions including trade, finance, tax, education, anti-corruption, state-owned enterprises and employment, dissemination of assessment materials, understanding of the policy landscape, scoring and use of benchmark criteria, and score comparability.

A list of acronyms and abbreviations is presented, including AFOLU for agriculture, forestry and other land use, AADF for Albanian-American Development Foundation, and ACN for anti-corruption network.