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This study explores the political communication strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood following Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi's dramatic removal from power in July 2013. Combining content and discourse analysis to comprehensively examine the Arabic communiqués issued by the Brotherhood from July 3, 2013, to March 22, 2016, the study seeks to provide a better understanding of the movement's identity, evolving ideology, communication practices and its politics amidst a heated debate amongst scholars about these topics. The thesis makes an important theoretical contribution to social movement theory, suggesting that propaganda techniques can be used to systematically codify precisely how the organisation has sought to frame itself and its opponents. It thus contributes valuable knowledge to existing literature about the Muslim Brotherhood itself and social movements in general. It argues that since 2013, the Brotherhood have followed a political communication strategy that seeks not only to resist regime representations of the movement as a terrorist organisation but frames itself to domestic, regional and international audiences as a moderate movement committed to democracy and progress. The thesis argues that the movement designed its political communication strategy to achieve three strategic goals: (1) discrediting and delegitimizing the military regime that ousted President Morsi (2) winning the hearts and minds of the public and constructing itself as a legitimate representative of the Egyptian people and the Islamic faith (3) establishing the group as a legitimate political actor by presenting itself as a moderate, non-violent movement that upholds and adheres to democracy and a civil state. Accordingly, this study shows that social movement theory's concept of legitimacy as a crucial moral resource has been central to the Brotherhood's communication strategy in the face of widespread demonization. The Brotherhood's communication thus suggests an ideology that has become more politically pragmatic and moderate in tone. Indeed, the content of what the Brotherhood say about themselves has arguably consolidated the movement's ideological evolution from hard-core Islamists to avid defenders of democracy and advocates of minority rights. In particular, the Muslim Sisters have served as crucial female human resources as the group faces unprecedented persecution by Egyptian regime. Paving the way for the emergence of female leadership, this suggests that negative political opportunity can lead to the empowerment of marginalized groups within a social movement. Contrary to much existing literature that suggests a repression-radicalisation nexus, I argue that moderation has been the movement's official response to the state's demonization of the Brotherhood. To reinforce its moderation, the movement has introduced a new term, not previously in the Brotherhood's dictionary: "the peaceful Jihad," thereby articulating an alternative conceptualisation of religious struggle. The ousting of Morsi afforded a political opportunity to deploy cultural and moral resources of legitimacy, moderation and democracy manifested through strategic self-framing. Finally, the thesis examines the discursive mechanisms the Brotherhood has used to communicate these messages. Using strategic framing as a theoretical framework and the seven devices developed by the Institute for Propaganda Analysis (IPA) in the late 1930s as a deductive tool, the thesis demonstrates that the Brotherhood's communication strategy strongly aligned with the seven devices developed by the IPA: more than one technique was identified in 98% of the movement's communiqués. The thesis thereby advances scholarly understanding of "strategic framing" by suggesting that the IPA's persuasive techniques can be used to reveal the specific mechanisms through which the Brotherhood seek to achieve their communication goals. By raising awareness of these techniques as a critical means of setting the Brotherhood's agenda, the thesis also serves to empower audiences and policy makers consuming these messages.

This thesis evaluates the role of survivor speech in discussions of sexual violence taking place in the media. By undertaking a case study analysis of the media coverage of three cases of 'stranger rape', child sexual exploitation and historic child sexual abuse respectively, the discursive contexts within which victim/survivors are giving their account of the experience are examined. The study focused on a selected set of discursive parameters which establish the specific contexts in which the voices of victims/survivors are presented to media audiences. These parameters are collated as discursive frames, within which each victim's/survivor's experience is formulated by the voices partaking in the conversation on sexual violence in the media. The identification of the frames of sexual violence was preceded by an analysis of the naming processes employed by these voices. Analysis of the case studies was focused on multimodal texts from print and broadcast media which offered input in the form of the voices of victims/survivors. Texts were sampled mostly from genres of current affairs and news features. This thesis also reviews the suitability of existing epistemologies and research methodologies for the examination of media-based conversations of sexual violence, focusing on distinctly feminist approaches of discourse analysis. By uncovering the discursive contexts which victims/survivors have to negotiate each time they speak out about their experience in the media, the analysis in this thesis is able to contribute a media studies-based perspective to debates about the process of surviving sexual violence and the corresponding positionality of the terms 'victim' and 'survivor'.

This thesis aims to investigate the diverse roles information and communications technologies (ICT) play in shaping individuals’ mobility behaviour. In doing so, three strands of interrelated research questions are empirically analysed to better understand the use of ICT and its implications for travel among both working adults and millennials. A cross-sectional analysis is firstly performed to examine the variations in the relationships between Internet use and non-mandatory travel patterns according to household working status. By employing data from the 2005/06 Scottish Household Survey (SHS) and the two-part model, the ICT-travel relationships are found to be characterised by individual employment status and intra-household interactions, which impose different constraints on individuals’ non-mandatory mobility patterns. A repeated cross-sectional analysis using the difference-in-differences (DD) estimation and the pooling of cross sections from the 2005/06 SHS data and the 2015 Integrated Multimedia City Data (iMCD) subsequently examines the evolutions in the ICT-travel relationships over time, and how temporal changes differ between the general adult population and the millennial generation. Findings suggest that the changes over time are generally characterised by diminishing complementarity and increasing substitution. Moreover, while the temporal changes for the general population are mostly found among the medium-to-heavy Internet users, for millennials, it is the light or medium-to-light users who see significant temporal changes. Finally, using the longitudinal datasets from the British Household Panel Survey (BHPS) and the Understanding Society Survey, an exploration is undertaken of the direct and indirect effects of prior experience with using ICT (as children) on millennials’ current travel behaviour. The structural equation model is applied to examine the relationships between ICT use, travel choices, and environmental attitude. The longitudinal analysis finds that millennials’ long-term exposure to ICT (since adolescence) may shape their current travel patterns by influencing their environmental attitudes. The findings from these analyses highlight the importance of considering the effects of personal, household, and social characteristics on the ICT-travel interactions. In addition, the research focuses on dynamic interactions and on the indirect or higher-order roles of ICT in affecting travel behaviour as well as on the implications for transport planning practices and policy making.

In the context of online communication, the use of Arabish (an amalgam of the Latin script and numerals employed as a tool for communication in Arabic) by a young Saudi demographic has been steadily increasing in the context of informal instant messages supported by smartphones. Within the context of Saudi Arabia itself, however, there have been few studies of note. Therefore, this thesis aims to address that gap in the literature through examining Saudi Arabish as a social practice, particularly in Riyadh city, informed and invested by the concepts of class distinction and habitus. In keeping with Bourdieu’s concept of social distinction and power relation, the Arabish user is viewed as a social agent who employs the practice as a source of social distinction or social mobility that also represents the status of its users. This study considers Arabish within a broader vision, considering the macro conditions (society, discourses, institutions, family, social groups and ideologies) and linking them to the micro level of interactions (selfperception, position and habitus). The aim of this study is to narrow the gap between the macro and micro consideration that has been evident in the literature, particularly in the Saudi context. This study, therefore, employs a qualitative research methodology based on critical discourse analysis and content analysis, through utilising observations, semi-structured interviews and written Arabish examples as its main tools for the gathering of data. The examined subjects comprise nine Saudi members from Riyadh city, who come from three different social classes. Drawing on Bourdieu’s theoretical framework, the data show that social inequalities and class distinctions are factors influencing the perception and practice of Arabish, and the CS between Arabish and English. The data also suggest that the value vested in English as a language owes much to the confinement of Arabish usage in general to a constituency of younger Saudi users. However, class conflicts are evident, and therefore the study concludes that while Arabish is the signifier of the collective young group in Saudi Arabia, CS was found to be the new signifier of subgroups among Arabish users, while it is through social ties and the networking of high-capital users that sub-groups are established in order to preserve and sustain their social superiority.

This thesis is concerned with investigating the exaggeration of health-related research in the media. Typically, research findings published in peer reviewed journals are transmitted to the news via press releases created by universities and journal press offices. Research has shown that exaggeration of key aspects of the research relevant to the health-related behaviour of readers is often exaggerated in the news. Observational research has shown that the presence of exaggeration in press releases is related to exaggeration in the news (Sumner et al., 2014). Firstly, I report my largely successful replication of this key study using more recent retrospective observational data. I show that discourse on openness in animal research and exaggeration of findings is linked to positive changes in science reporting. The study in chapter three compares data collected before versus after the release of Sumner et al. (2014) to detect any change the reporting of research findings following the release of this high profile paper. Between the sample periods, exaggeration in press releases had reduced, suggesting that press officers had become more cautious in their reporting of research findings. Chapter four describes a randomised controlled trial which directly modified the output of press offices to observe whether press release content had a direct effect on news. A high level of condition non-adherance meant that this "per protocol" comparison was not possible. An "as treated" analysis demonstrated the same relationship between press releases and news articles as in the replication in chapter two, and the conparison in chapter three.

Despite the high number of cases of overt political violence in the Mediterranean and the richness of media art in the region, there has been no comprehensive research about political violence and contemporary media art production in the region. Departing from the question of networks in media art from the Mediterranean, this research looks at the artists’ imagination of the region informed by practices of various forms of violence through critical outlook on the issues of visibility. In doing so, it inquires into treating the Mediterranean itself as a medium. It conducts four case studies whose common focus is on the networks of relations that reproduce, strengthen, and reinforce models of political violence at various levels, using anecdotal evidence and content analysis methods. The case studies give a a) microscopic view of a computer virus; b) life-size view of an individual human body; c) landscape view of urban transformation; and d) bird’s eye view of occupation, consumption and destruction. Taking Michel Foucault’s concept of biopolitics as its theoretical framework, the study analyses the contemporary blend of disciplinary, sovereign, biopolitical, and necropolitical practices within granular and grand levels across the region and claims that temporality is the key element in the transformation and survival of forms of violence.

In this research project, I address critical questions about Italian post-feminism, by exploring the way the peculiarities of Italian media and culture have contributed in producing a specifically Italian form of post-feminism. While a post-feminist subjectivity, in terms of neoliberal, individualist, narcissist standards among young women, has been observed and commented on by a few Italian authors, the important relation between post-feminist sexuality and subjectivity, Berlusconi’s political and cultural project, and the media has not yet been analysed in depth. To investigate this, I employ a feminist postructuralist approach to the study of media and society, and explore the way the media produces and reproduces discourses of gender and sexuality that have circulated in Berlusconism. The thesis highlights how young femininity has emerged in the national popular imagination as barometer of social change, at the same time becoming subjected to increased scrutiny and policing. In the first two chapters I discuss the theoretical framework and methodology of the thesis. I then explore Berlusconi’s influence on media and politics (Chapter 3). I define Berlusconi’s cultural and political hegemony in terms of a neoliberal authoritarian populism, in which the media played a fundamental role by articulating representations of femininity and female sexuality that work to secure the status quo and existing relations of power. Following this, is the analysis of the case studies, in which the connection between the legal system and the media provides a surface of emergence for the figuration of post-feminist femininity. This is articulated through cultural discourses about commercial sexuality (Chapter 4), phallicism (Chapter 5) and mental health (Chapter 6). Ultimately, this research project sheds light on the way media representations of femininity and female sexuality relate to Berlusconism, where longstanding sexist and misogynist discourses have been accompanied by new ones, integral to neoliberal governmentality.

This thesis provides a transdisciplinary investigation of ‘deviant’ media categories, specifically spam and noise, and the way they are constructed and used to (re)produce territories and people. Spam, I argue, is a media phenomenon that has always existed, and received different names in different times. The changing definitions of spam, the reasons and actors behind these changes are thus the focus of this research. It brings to the forefront a longer history of the politics of knowledge production with and in media, and its consequences. This thesis makes a contribution to the media and communication field by looking at neglected media phenomena through fields such as sound studies, software studies, law and history to have richer understanding that disciplinary boundaries fail to achieve. The thesis looks at three different case studies: the conceptualisation of noise in the early 20th century through Bell Telephone Company, web metric standardisation in the European Union 2000s legislation, and unwanted behaviours on Facebook. What these cases show is that media practitioners have been constructing ‘deviant’ categories in different media and periods by using seven sonic epistemological strategies: training of the (digital) body, restructuring of territories, new experts, standardising measurements (tools and units), filtering, de-politicising and licensing. Informed by my empirical work, I developed two concepts - processed listening and rhythmedia - offering a new theoretical framework to analyse how media practitioners construct power relations by knowing people in mediated territories and then spatially and temporally (re)ordering them. Shifting the attention from theories of vision allows media researchers to have a better understanding of practitioners who work in multi-layered digital/datafied spaces, tuning in and out to continuously measure and record people’s behaviours. Such knowledge is being fed back in a recursive feedback-loop conducted by a particular rhythmedia constantly processing, ordering, shaping and regulating people, objects and spaces. Such actions (re)configure the boundaries of what it means to be human, worker and medium.

This thesis inquires into the cultural-political constitution of what are commonly known as the Amateur and Amateurism, terms which need to be seen from a new perspective in the digital era. The discussion begins with whether amateur production of culture and media and the role of monetary compensation are changing upon the emergence of the Web and digital technologies. Amateur productions networked to online audience communities are here understood using Simondon’s concepts of individuation, recently re-interpreted by Stiegler and Virno, as transindividual activities that realise human potential in newly structured society and politics. At the same time, however, it is not overlooked that such transindividual activities are technologically mediated by cognitive capitalist digital platforms specialised in mediating and monetising user-created content. Thus, the formation of gift culture around production and circulation of amateur content is discussed with its relationship to the commodity economy on such platforms. In this context, live streaming videos from Afreeca TV and Web-cartoons (Webtoons) have been selected as case studies to investigate audiovisual content production of professional-like amateurs on South Korean-based digital platforms, specifically during the candlelight rallies of 2008 and the impeachment proceedings of 2017. Conducted over three years, a variety of empirical studies on the multimedia interaction between amateur producers and their audience community provides a critical analysis of how the amateur's individual, self-fulfilling activities are transformed into the gift culture-based transindividual and competitive commercial activities and are embedded in the logic of cognitive capitalism. The counter-commercial movement of the amateur self-publishers concerned with the transindividuality of the memory technics is also presented. Their dedication to materalise individual and collective memories through paper-book publishing evokes the original value and ethos of amateurism devoted to the diversity of culture and life.

This interdisciplinary project examines discourses of internet in Nunavut, a territory in Northern Canada. It has two main arguments: that internet in Nunavut is implicated in correlated discourses of frustration and potential, and that internet in the territory is articulated as having multiple faces and facets. Internet in Nunavut, this thesis argues, is experienced as a media technology, as a tool for communication, as political, as failing and frustrating, as online content, as physical infrastructure, and as potential. In making its arguments, the thesis engages with debates about internet governance, the cultural specificity of internet, and the definition of internet itself. Primary research methods for this thesis included: interviews conducted over the telephone or Skype in London (UK), face to face interviews in Ottawa, Toronto and Iqaluit, the analysis of archival materials (in particular, government reports), as well as a limited period of participant-observation at the Community Access Program site in Iqaluit (the capital of Nunavut). The first empirical chapter in the thesis (Chapter 4: “So frustrating”) examines narratives of Nunavummiut users concerning their experiences of internet; the second (Chapter 5: Fractious Collaborations) examines how some Northern internet activists have lobbied the federal government to alter its internet policy, as a means of tapping into Nunavummiut internet's potential; and the third (Chapter 6: A Local Connection) and final empirical chapter explores the Community Access Program (which provides internet access free of charge to the Nunavummiut public), as a means of linking macro-perspectives and discourses of internet.

This study explores how people understand and represent the economy in different spaces across society. It draws on over 120 semi-structured interviews as well as participant observation across four sites: the civil service, the financial sector, the financial press, and one of the UK’s largest housing estates. The multi-sited empirical study builds on and contributes to two bodies of literature. First, through looking at the representations and understandings of the economy across a number of sites it explores how the economy is anchored in different registers of meaning across society. This brings the notion of the economy into the same theoretical framework that has been used to theorise the fragmentation of the public sphere, which has mainly focussed on political, cultural and media fragmentation, but ignored the economy. The second intervention comes in the field of economic sociology. The multi-sited framework allows for an investigation into different forms of agency in socioeconomic praxis. The sites are explored as both internal localised networks of interaction and as spaces situated within broader societal relationships of power. The findings and the argument constructed emphasise the importance of broader structural relationships. In doing so they contribute towards undermining the influential recent trend inspired by Michel Callon's notion of economic performativity, and the localised networked conception of agency at its core. Beyond these theoretical contributions, the thesis also provides a snapshot of contemporary society in the UK. The elite institutional sites looked at are found to generate a self-serving abstract economic discourse grounded in the politics of knowledge representation. This elite economic discourse does not resonate at spaces on the periphery of the public sphere, and in the lack of rational pluralised discourse on the economy many people turn to explanatory frameworks that harness an anti-elite sentiment and appear to fit with their immediate lifeworlds. The result is a fragmented economic imaginary across society that holds little hope of bringing much needed positive economic change.

This thesis, based on a critical “militant ethnography” (Juris 2007) with an auto-ethnographic component, applies the Gramscian concepts of party, leadership and class (Gramsci 1971) to analyse the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group Our London (OL) to mobilise a collective oppositional politics within a highly unequal city. The group - which was loosely structured, socially and politically heterogeneous and run on very few resources - aimed to mobilise around economic inequality in London through a campaign for the 2016 London elections. I was a founding member of the group and heavily involved in its activities for much of the research period; my account is therefore necessarily a partial one and involves critical reflection on my own practice as well as that of the group as a whole. Through analysis of data collected - including through interviews, observation, collation of internal documents, emails and Facebook posts - I outline how the dispositions and orientations of OL’s activists informed their praxis, developing in the process a novel account of activism as a located social practice. I also explore the collective political activities of the group, discussing the need to articulate identities to interests and the central role of what Dean (2016) calls “crowd events” (p8). I situate my analysis of grassroots organising within the context of what is often termed post-Fordism: a form of contemporary capitalism characterised by flexibility and decentralisation in workplace organisation and the rise of the informational economy (Harvey 1989; Lazzarrato 1996; Hall 1988). I argue that Gramsci’s (1971) emphasis on the “feeling-passion” (p418) that underpins political collectivity and the need for political action to “develop, solidify and universalise” (p227) incipient expression of class sentiment are more pertinent than ever in societies that operate, as Gilbert (2013) argues, upon neoliberal logics hostile to the very notion and practice and collectivity.

Interfaith initiatives have grown rapidly in the UK since the 1980s, but have been little researched. This thesis presents an organisational ethnography of London-based interfaith charity 3FF (Three Faiths Forum), with whom the author conducted two and half years of fieldwork as part of an ESRC collaborative studentship. Founded in 1997 to bring together Muslim, Christian and Jewish faith leaders, 3FF has since opened up its remit to those of ‘all faiths and nonreligious beliefs’, and primarily delivers education works to young people. The organisation is unusual within the interfaith sector, but expressive of broader shifts in religious and other forms of collective identities (Woodhead, 2012). Theoretically, this thesis attempts to adopt a non-modern (Latour, 1993) and non-secular approach to knowledge production, arguing that this is necessary to conceptualise processes of collective building that are inclusive of those of different faiths and beliefs, and which do not re-enact racialised hierarchies and coloniality. Chapters trace the mediation of different forms of knowledge, including the mediations of media technologies, from a number of angles. The empirical material covers the complexities of everyday coexistence between faiths; how the organisation navigated high profile ‘faith-inflected media events’ taking place during the fieldwork period; data practices within the internal workings of the organisation; and a theorisation of the organisation’s practice with participants as involving tacit and embodied knowledges, alongside a critique asking where accountability lies when central aspects of the work remain unspoken. The thesis conclusion outlines some of the lessons that can be drawn from this ethnographic case for constructing a ‘plural collective’ on a decolonial basis, which can challenge inequality despite fundamental disagreements about the nature of knowledge and the agencies at play in the world, and which is “open to contingency but still able to act” (Hall, 1987, p. 117).

The Sibe people in Northeast and Northwest China lived largely apart for over 250 years until information and communication technology (ICT) renewed regular contact. This thesis hypothesizes that the changes in Sibe interaction resulting from ICT use are redefining their ethnic identity – or minzu in Chinese. To investigate this hypothesis, data was gathered using a combination of interviews and ethnography of Sibe use of social media across platforms from Sina Weibo to QQ and WeChat. The findings contribute to research on both the concept and practice of minzu today and the role of ICT in the production of identity. They challenge essentialist explanations of the relation between ethnic minorities and the internet found in both cyber-utopian and cyber-realist literatures. First, they demonstrate that ethnicity – or minzu in Chinese – is a social construction and dynamic concept. Second, they show that ICT participates in identity construction in an interaction between users’ social and cultural needs and the characteristics of ICT itself. To support this understanding and show how different players shape ethnic identity in their use of ICT, the core chapters: trace the genealogy of minzu as a concept in relation to Sibe identity; analyze the representation of the Westward Migration of Sibe to Northwest China in official museums and unofficially online; and examine debates about how to transliterate Sibe language on the internet.

This study is an investigation into the operation on the ground of community radio (CR) in Bangladesh. The thesis argues, on the basis of fieldwork conducted at various CR sites, that the heavy involvement of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) poses a number of problems. Their domination of the sector, and their formative influence in the campaign for the introduction of CR in the first place, has tended to reduce the potential of the medium to generate democratization of communication. Simultaneously, the initiator-NGOs’ dominant role and protectionist approach to operations has generated a lack of active community participation and reduced community access to the medium. We have not, therefore, witnessed the emergence of an alternative public sphere in any meaningful way. Indeed, their efforts to institutionalize programing and broadcasting are indicative of a process moving towards the ‘NGO-ization’ of CR. This process is setting limits to the democratic potential of the medium. The study is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in selected community radio station (CRS) areas, supplemented by qualitative research methods such as interview and focus group discussion (FGD). In practice, the NGO-guided CR only partially reflects the key values that constitute this participatory medium. The marginalised and excluded are yet to own and manage a CRS or have any decision-making authority. In the current status quo, local communities are unable to use the stations as a discursive arena in which to challenge dominant socio-political discourses. Nonetheless, initiator NGOs have trained local volunteers and the contributions of the CRSs during natural disasters is noteworthy. Furthermore, CR has demonstrated its utility as a means to support local development, i.e. as a form of local development radio. This, however, falls short of the true potential of CR. Thus, the thesis concludes with the overall observation that NGO involvement is failing to facilitate the proper democratic development of CR in Bangladesh.

This project examines the historical development of the ideology of mestizaje (racial and cultural mixture) in relation to the making of Mexico as a nation and the consolidation of the figure of the mestizo as the official national race. I am concerned with how mestizaje circulates and is (re-) produced across the public arena of politics, education and popular culture, and how it becomes part of everyday life. I also explore how mestizaje has been re-imagined with the concurrent rise of neoliberalism and multiculturalism from the 1990s onward. My ultimate goal with this dissertation is to show how race and racism remain implicated in Mexican nationalism as they serve to determine the terms of belonging to the nation.

This thesis draws on the conceptual tools of communication theory, and on studies of promotion and branding, to examine Hizbullah's communication strategy and the way the Party has promoted its identity, values and nationalist discourses in the period between 2006 and 2018. To do so, it examines five different sites including buildings and leisure sites in Dahiya, ʿAshura rituals and their mediation on al-Manar, ʿAshura posters, and children's magazines and television programming. By paying particular attention to Hizbullah's religious channels and activities such as ʿAshura rituals and posters, and treating them as part and parcel of the Party's political communication strategies, the thesis emphasises an aspect of the Party's communication practices that has so far remained largely overlooked. It understands the Party's communication channels as educational and socialising agencies that seek to create and maintain Hizbullah's religio-politico nation and to ensure the Party's survival within an increasingly tense regional political environment. The thesis's focus on the specific time period from the 2006 war with Israel until the present day shows that Hizbullah is expanding its resistance and nationalist discourses as it attempts to appeal to a wider local, Muslim, Arab and regional audience. The thesis argues that the Party does this as a tactical and pre-emptive calculation to gain support for a regional war yet to come with Israel. It draws on the modernist and ethno-symbolist schools of nationalism and argues that both are necessary in order to understand the Party's multiple nationalisms. However, the thesis argues that core to Hizbullah's nationalism is one centred around its religio-politico nation that adopts the Karbala battle for resistance activities against whatever Yazid that is declared. Hence, resistance and religion are intertwined within the Party's discourse.

The goal of this research is to investigate sports fan cheering as a collaborative undertaking. This is primarily done by examining video data of informal cheering groups called Student Sections at intercollegiate Ice Hockey contests. Additional video and anecdotal data of spectators at other sports and audiences at other types of performance are also used to illustrate and contrast various forms of en mass collaboration in spectators. The data is addressed from an ethnomethodological perspective, using conversation analysis to break down both the instances of cheering and the sport's play into sequences of turns to see how the turns at cheering orient to the turns at play. The analysis shows that Student Sections orient to a range of factors and interaction resources within the game and within the Section itself. This is done in order to collaborate on the performance of shared turns as a whole and to achieve proper meaning with those turns by managing their placement within the sequence of the game being watched. For the realm of interaction research this study hopes to expand the view of what can constitute a social actor beyond individuals. To this end a new form of social actor is proposed where individuals may mutually coordinate to not just talk amongst themselves but talk as one shared self, engaging as a recognizably unified actor in interactions with external actors. For sport itself a detailed understanding of cheering as a process of interaction offers a radically different approach to understanding fan participation and involvement than current studies focused on unilateral psychological factors like excitement and attachment. With new tools to investigate larger-scale interactions via EM/CA and a better understanding of the vital role interaction plays in cheering it is hoped that this research will promote greater investigation of sport as a research topic in interaction and greater use of interaction research in the management of sport.