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This thesis examines the varying responses by different sections of the Australian community to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The hypothesis of this work argues is that the different responses were predictable, given the backdrop of Cold War thinking of the time, community attitudes, and the political mix in Australia in 1956. The responses accurately reflected Australian social, political and religious attitudes in the 1950s.

Until recently, the Oromo were largely unknown among scholars of Africa. Since the Abyssinian conquest of the vast Oromo land-known today as Oromiyain the late-nineteenth century, Oromo within the Ethiopian empire state (where they number more than half the population) have remained politically, linguistically, economically and historically marginalised. Since the late 1970s, almost a century after their conquest, when the Derg military junta's campaign of terror was at its peak, and continuing with the present regime, large numbers of Oromo have fled Ethiopia to neighbouring countries. By 1997 a small number (approximately 500) had resettled in Melbourne, Australia. Over these past two decades Oromo nationalism has grown into a mass movement in east Africa and among the worldwide exilic communities. Central to the growth of nationalism has been the assertion of a pan-Oromo national identity (Oromumma, 'Oromoness'). Like all identity politics, Oromo nationalism remains academically deadlocked between essentialism and social constructionism: Oromo anti-colonial nationalists posit an atavistic account of Oromo identity, while 'Western' scholars generally conceive of it in politically disabling constructionist terms.

This thesis examines Vietnamese-Australians' attitudes towards citizenship and political participation in Australian society. Concepts of citizenship that seek to go beyond multiculturalism provide the framework, and quahtative interviews are used to gather the research data. Information-rich subjects were actively sought, so the Hst of interviewees includes people who are relatively well educated and in positions of some leadership. In that sense, it does not mirror the overall Vietnamese-Australian community. However, these people can think deeply about the issues under examination in this thesis and their contributions have been extremely valuable. Discussion centres on citizenship and barriers to participation, the Vietnamese community associations, and the 'friendship' agreement between District 1 of Ho Chi Minh City and the City of Maribyrnong. Analysis of the interview data reveals that Vietnamese-Australians value citizenship and are generally aware of rights and responsibilities. All Vietnamese-Australians retain an emotional attachment to Vietnam, while some feel an even stronger political obligation towards their homeland. For some people, this could detract from their participation, as has been shown by the strong reaction of the 'official' Vietnamese community to the 'friendship' arrangement organised by Mai Ho, as Mayor of the City of Maribyrnong. Interviews reveal a range of responses concerning this incident, illustrating that the Vietnamese-Australian community is growing in complexity and diversity. It appears that there are educated, second-generation Vietnamese-Australians who are growing into adulthood with ideas for the friture of the Vietnamese-Australian community. Politicians such as Mai Ho and Sang Nguyen have overcome enormous obstacles to achieve positions as public figures, however, data from interviewees suggests that their main role has been symbolic. They have shown that it is possible to participate, and for others to follow. These new representatives will have an Australian education, a more sophisticated command of English, and an awareness of an expanded citizenship that allows for greater inclusiveness. While using their skills for the Vietnamese-Australian community, they are also likely to be involved in the Australia-Vietnam relationship, and in contributing another voice to the broader Australian society.

My rationale for tackling this particular issue for my thesis work stems from the immense fascination in the rhetoric, appearance and rationale of extremist right-wing and ultra-nationalist pohtical organizations I have personally experienced. I desired to determine whether an Australian national racist organization, namely Australian National Action (NA), could in the future be a force to be reckoned with, or whether they will forever remain as an insignificant and languishing fringe group. To explore this possibiUty, I had hoped to delve into the dynamics of this organization via the utilisation and answering of several probing and pivotal questions.

This thesis investigates different styles of government which accord different opportunities for participation of 'power to the people'. An understanding of democratic theory is thus essential as perspectives on democracy illustrate numerous styles of democratic practice and opportunities for citizen involvement. While an object of this theses is to locate styles of democracy used by modern liberal governments, the focus of the research explores the exercise of responsible citizenship. Democratic behavioural techniques of the citizen are carefully examined both in theory and practice. The case being made is that citizens, accustomed to a participatory style of democratic government, have been trained in the 'arts of participation' to act as a caretaker of both their lives and environment. With a shift in the style of government towards an elitist democratic approach, practised by the Kennett Government, the responsible citizen, as caretaker, is excluded from government decision-making processes. In response to the closing off of participatory mechanisms in favour of the elitist style of government, the responsible citizen, is turned into a person engaging in acts of civil disobedience in order to maintain his or her vigilance over the lives and environment of his or her community.

The following thesis is about the formation of the Democratic Labor Party(DLP). Its prime aim will be to show that ideology was the overriding factor which brought about the DLP's existence. In attempting to prove this contention the following thesis will be subdivided into three parts. Firstly, an emphasis will be placed on outlining the lack of historiographical consensus concerning the DLP's formation. Three main schools of thought will be identified. It is hoped the inconsistencies within each group will allow the reader to see the scope that exists for a new argument. Secondly, this thesis will argue that the DLP's existence was d i r e c t l y related to the Catholic Social Studies Movement (Movement) and ALP Industrial Groups. This connection will be highUghted by drawing together DLP policy, Movement/Industrial Group directives, populist ideals and views from contemporaries associated with Democratic Labor. Issues concerning the family, economics, social decentralisation and patriotism will all be used to illustrate and reinforce this link. Thirdly, this thesis will introduce some key Catholic activists and discuss their definition of "true" Labor ideals. By bringing forward this final point, the following thesis will seek to complete the argument that ideology was at the heart of the DLP's genesis and existence.

After numerous proposals, the final decision was to write a piece which demonstrated that Australian national identity and the most recent push for an Australian republic are intertwined, and that one issue, at present cannot be discussed without the other.

This thesis gives a brief scenario of events which culminated in the invasion of East Timor by the Indonesian armed forces in December 1975. It looks at the nature of the consequences of life under Indonesian occupation; examines the quality and nature of the resistance by the East Timorese people against their new coloniser; examines the leadership of the resistance movement and its re-structuring and examines the role of the United Nations and international diplomacy. There is also a discussion of East Timor in the context of global politics and the National Council of Maubere Resistance Peace Plan.

This thesis argues that Aung San Suu Kyi is an "organic intellectual" who offers a vision for an alternative democratic political system in Burma. She integrates the characteristics of modem democracy and the universal values of human rights within the religious and cultural precepts of Burmese society. In addition, she is adding to the political discourse in relation to Asian values and context. It is also argued that in global politics Aung San Suu Kyi demonstrates that the narrowness of Realism theory in International Relations (IR) theory is of limited value in enabling the international community to respond to the complex issues confronting communities currently under authoritarian mle. Her own people focussed political philosophy based on universal values and moral principles underpinned by her deeply held Buddhist beliefs challenges the dominant power discourse in IR theory. This thesis was not fully able to take into account the possibilities for a transition to democracy in Burma. Suffice to say that recent theory on transitions from authoritarian rule points to Aung San Suu Kyi as a charismatic leader and her advocacy of dialogue as key ingredients in any future transition to democracy.

This thesis examines the banning of a communist speaker. Lieutenant E.A.H. Laurie, at Melbourne Teachers' College in July, 1944 and argues that the decision to ban Laurie was unwarranted and politically motivated. The banning, which was enforced by the Minister for Public Instruction, Thomas Tuke Hollway, appears to have been based on Hollway's firm anti-communist views and political opportunism. A. J. Law, Principal of the Teachers' College, was also responsible for banning Laurie. However, Law's decision to ban Laurie was probably directed by Hollway and supported by J. Seitz, Director of Education.

This thesis explores the writing and adoption of the Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea. It argues that the manner of its adoption fulfilled the requirements for constitutional autochthony: being "constitutionally rooted in its own native soil". This result was due to a combination of three influences, the first of which is the rise of nationalism among the country's first politicians. The ambitions of these politicians for early independence were aided and guided by the commitment and expertise of the small group of expatriates associated with the university and administration: two of the most influential of these were C.J. Lynch and J.W. Davidson. The acquiescent attitude of the Australian Government towards the manner in which Papua New Guinea achieved its independence was the third factor influencing the unusual nature of the Constitution's adoption. The thesis explores the development of nationalism in the preindependent Territory of Papua New Guinea, culminating in the formation of a National Coalition Government in 1972. It details the stages in which the Constitution was planned, written and adopted between 1972 and 1975 and considers the evidence for the influence of Lynch and Davidson in the adoption of the Constitution. The thesis is based on a study of a range of official and personal documents. These include Papua New Guinea's House of Assembly Debates, the Final Report of the Constitutional Planning Committee, drafts of the Constitution held by the family of C.J. Lynch, and the papers of J.W. Davidson held by the National Library of Australia. Interviews were held with a number of people involved in the Constitution's development, and relevant newspapers and secondary sources were also consulted. The thesis aims to contribute to the study of constitution forming, politics, and history in the Pacific Islands. Additionally, the thesis illuminates the role undertaken by expatriates in the independence of Papua New Guinea.

This thesis outlines the debate on the 1951 Communist Party Dissolution Referendum at the University of Melbourne and considers how this casts light on Australia's social, political and higher education institutions at the time.

Fundamental educational change is necessarily an outcome of authentic participation confirmed in community struggle against defined forms of oppression: this is the proposition explored in the course of the three case study experiences presented here. Similarly, the contexts, conditions and terms of participation are considered with regard to defining the character of authentic 'political' success.

The following study will be broken into five sections. The first will general account of Keon's whole life and thus illustrate that he was motivated by three general principles- aiding individuals from modest socio-economic standing, Catholicism, and disdain for the major anti- Labor parties. The second aspect of the study will show that all published material on Keon, whilst partially recognising one stream of his Catholicism, fails to fully tap into his 'ideological baggage'. The other three areas of the study will concentrate expanding upon the principles which shaped Keon's public life. Chapter Three will demonstrate that Keon's readiness to champion the common man's cause can be aligned to populist thought. Chapter Four will highlight Keon's Catholic tendencies and sub-divide them into two categories- 'general' and 'specific'. Chapter Five will draw upon the evidence provided in the previous two sections of the study and illustrate how Labor was the only major political grouping which could accommodate Keon's principles.

This study examines the political economy of popular music policy initiatives during 1982-1996, when the Australian Labor Party was in government Federally and in the State of Victoria. Building on the cultural studies concept of articulation, the popular music formulation theory is proposed as the basis for examining the alignment of the fields of social and industry policy with the existing popular music industry. A series of case studies examine the ALP'S interest in popular music policy, the influence of Australian popular music achievements on the policy formation, the role of activists within the party and the subsequent inquiries and proposals that flowed from the party's concern to establish programs that would offer social provisioning outcomes. Using concepts derived from institutional economics, the thesis shows that the existing popular music industry, in particular multinational record companies, were disinclined to participate in and financially support the policies. Positive outcomes were realised in the creation of institutions such as Ausmusic, the Victorian Rock Foundation and The Push. Although dependent on public subsidy, some of the initiatives offered a new funding model, such as the failed blank tape levy. Alternatively, the examination of community music programs found that some local or micro projects generated industrial characteristics of their own, to become economically self-sufficient, rather than dependent on subsidies. Evidence that the private interests of the existing music industry determined their reluctance to participate in the policy programs became clear with the Prices Surveillance Authority's Inquiry Into the Prices of Sound Recordings in 1990. The research found that from 1982 until Labor lost power in 1996, no effective method had been established for engaging the existing music industry in funding and supporting the policy initiatives. With the possible exception of the evolution of industrial characteristics within community music programs, no resolution to this policy failure is apparent.