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International audience; Syria, fully rooted in the Middle East is situated at the crossroads of major ancient and current in-fluences affecting this region. Earlier, these were successively the Phoenicians, the Hebrews, the Hittites, the Assyrians, the Medes, the Egyptians, the Romans, the Byzantines, the Persians, the Arabs or the Ottomans. Today, these are Turkey, Shiite Iran or the Sunnite Arab countries. Syria's sizable popula-tion gives it a primatial status in the Near East and a second place among the Middle East. Its popula-tion is a real medley because of its diversity.Consequently,it's very difficult to operate such a state which, furthermore, has never been able at all to choose its frontiers, suffered a contraction imposed by France in the north west and since independence in 1945, has been dragged into many regional geopolitical conflicts. The study of its population makes it possible to suggest various prospective scenarios.; La Syrie, pays ancré dans le Moyen-Orient, se trouve au carrefour des grandes influences s'étant exercées ou s'exerçant sur cette région. C'était hier, selon les périodes, les Phéniciens, les Hébreux, les Hittites, les Assyriens, les Mèdes, les Égyptiens, les Romains, les Byzantins, les Perses, les Arabes ou les Ottomans. Ce sont aujourd'hui la Turquie, l'Iran chiite ou les pays arabes sunnites. L'importance de sa population lui donne à la fois une place primatiale au Proche-Orient et une place seconde au sein du Moyen-Orient. En raison de la diversité de ses habitants, son peuplement est une mosaïque. En résulte la difficulté de faire vivre un État qui, en outre, n'a nullement choisi ses frontières, a subi une contraction que la France lui a imposée au nord-ouest et s'est trouvé impliqué, depuis son indépendance enfin acquise en 1945, dans les conflits géopolitiques régionaux. L'étude de la géopolitique de sa population permet de proposer des scénarios prospectifs.

Various etymologies have been proposed for Arabic allāh but also for Syriac allāhā. It has often been proposed that the Arabic word was borrowed from Syriac. This article takes a comprehensive look at the linguistic evidence at hand. Especially, it takes into consideration more recent epigraphical material which sheds light on the development of the Arabic language. Phonetic and morphological analysis of the data confirms the Arabic origin of the word allāh, whereas the problems of the Syriac form allāhā are described, namely that the Syriac form differs from that of other Aramaic dialects and begs explanation, discussing also the possibility that the Syriac word is a loan from Arabic. The final part considers qur'anic allāh in its cultural and literary context and the role of the Syriac word in that context. The article concludes, that both, a strictly linguistic, as well as cultural and literary analysis reveals a multi-layered interrelation between the two terms in question. The linguistic analysis shows, that Arabic allāh must be a genuinely Arabic word, whereas in the case of Syriac allāhā, the possibility of both, a loan and a specific inner-Aramaic development are laid out. Apart from linguistic considerations, the historical and cultural situation in Northern Mesopotamia, i.e. the early Arab presence in that region is taken into scrutiny. In turn, a possible later effect of the prominent use of Syriac allaha on the use in the Qur'an is considered. It is emphasized, that we are presented with a situation of prolonged contact and exchange, rather than merely one-way borrowings. Publisher PDF

The story of the Tower of Babel in Gn 11:1–9 gave rise to a rich literary tradition, in which the topos of the primeval language emerged. Whereas the interpretative tradition originating among the Jewish commentators upheld that the original language was Hebrew, in the heart of the Eastern Christian communities some authors supported this theory, but others stated it to be Aramaic. The aim of the present article is to show how a celebrated chronicler like Michael the Syrian (12th c. CE) composed his version of the account narrated in Gn 11:1–9 by echoing different textual sources, but at the same time by combining both translation and narrative techniques in composing his text.

The last study offering an exhaustive presentation of loanwords in the Qur’ān is Arthur Jeffery’s The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’ān (1938). This lexicon comprises the 275 foreign words (not including proper nouns) found in the Qur’ān. It compiles previous studies dealing with lexical borrowing – a topic at the heart of the Oriental research in an era when it focused on the origins of Islam. The quantity of sources mentioned in Jeffery’s study was somewhat detrimental: throughout the past century, The Foreign Vocabulary of the Qur’ān was considered a conclusive work whereas the author’s intention simply was to collect everything written on the subject. It was meant to be a starting point for further studies but no additional research was undertaken in the field. Though outdated, these studies cannot be ignored. This article examines the problematic aspects of Jeffery’s work. The list and the hypotheses on the origins of the loanwords need to be revised and updated along two lines: first, they need to include new linguistic knowledge, in particular in Ugaritic and in North Arabian and South Arabian epigraphy, which was in its early stages in 1938; second, they need to be placed in their political and socio-cultural contexts. This renewal in research is important since the loanwords in the Qur’ān constitute the historical traces of the ancient contacts between the Arab populations and their neighbors. These loanwords contribute to a better understanding of the Qur’ānic text and, generally, of the beginnings of the Arabic language.

Texte intégral en ligne : URL : http://www.bethmardutho.org/index.php/hugoye/volume-index/500.html; International audience; This article deals with Syriac manuscripts copied or preserved in India. It shows how they are a good mirror of the history of Syriac Churches and communities in Kerala: manuscripts copied prior to the arrival of the Portuguese may not have been very numerous and seem to have been mainly intended for liturgical use. From the 16th century onwards, several script traditions developed which are linked with different communities.

This doctoral thesis deals with xenia in Great Syria from Constantine’s reign to Justinian’s. The comparison between the Greek and the Syriac uses of the notion of hospitality brings to light important semantic modifications that reflect irreducible differences between the Pagan and Christian conceptions of hospitality. This notion gets Christianized in the course of the 4th and 5th centuries, to the point of becoming a theological topic, privilege of monastic milieux, particularly Syriac ones. But how far does the Christianization of mentalities necessarily imply a deep modification in cultural and social practices of reception and a complete change in the material structures in which reception activities take place? The study of hospitality structures and facilities reveals the durability of the localization of reception structures at the level of the Syrian territory throughout late Antiquity, even if, at the level of the structures themselves, the diversity of the solutions adopted seems to testify to a real attachment to regional traditions. Finally, the examination of the protagonists of hospitality shows that monks are far from being the only actors of hospitality in Great Syria. Besides, there is a contradiction between the standard universalist discourse of Christian welcoming and reality, as we can decipher it. The links between hospitality and dissidence have to be considered. New criteria of selection of hosts and guests appear in Late Antiquity. Heresy re-introduces the idea of specific criteria into use, which causes the “deconstruction” of the social pattern and new political stakes, which seem to influence the birth of the Non-Chalcedonian Church., Ce travail de doctorat porte sur la xenia en Grande Syrie, du règne de Constantin à celui de Justinien. La comparaison des usages grec et syriaque de la notion d’hospitalité a mis en évidence d’importantes modifications sémantiques qui reflètent des divergences irréductibles entre les conceptions païennes et chrétiennes de l’hospitalité. Cette notion se christianise au cours des IVe-VIe siècles, jusqu’à devenir un objet théologique, apanage des milieux monastiques, syriaques notamment. Mais la christianisation des mentalités implique-t-elle nécessairement une modification profonde des pratiques sociales culturelles de l’accueil et une mutation complète des structures matérielles où se déroulent les activités du recevoir ? L’étude des structures d’hospitalité a révélé la pérennité de la localisation des structures d’accueil à l’échelle du territoire syrien tout au long de l’Antiquité tardive, même si la diversité des solutions adoptées, à l’échelle des structures elles-mêmes, semble témoigner d’un réel attachement aux traditions régionales. Enfin, l’analyse des acteurs de l’hospitalité a révélé que les moines sont loin d’être les seuls acteurs de l’hospitalité en Grande Syrie. Il existe par ailleurs un paradoxe entre le discours normé et universaliste de l’accueil chrétien et la réalité telle que nous pouvons la décrypter. Les liens entre hospitalité et dissidence doivent être envisagés. De nouveaux critères de sélection des hôtes apparaissent à la fin de l’Antiquité. L’hérésie réintroduit l’idée de critères particuliers, ce qui engendre une déconstruction du modèle social et de nouveaux enjeux politiques, lesquels semblent conditionner la naissance de l’Église miaphysite.

Reprise à la base de la question des éditions multiples de l'Histoire ecclésiastique, en s'appuyant sur les indices philologiques et les traces conservées par les manuscrits et les versions anciennes (syriaque et arménien). L'article propose une révision drastique des hypothèses antérieures et revient aux éléments fondamentaux, dont il propose une interprétation nouvelle.

El presente artículo se ocupa de un excerptum sobre la batalla habida entre las tropas de Antíoco Eupátor y Judas Macabeo incluido en el Kitāb al-ʻUnwān de Agapio de Manbij. Para ello ofrecemos un análisis del excerptum con la intención de mostrar las fuentes utilizadas por el autor. The present paper deals with an excerptum about the battle between the troops of Antiochus Eupator and Judas Machabeus included in the Kitāb al- ʻUnwān by Agapius of Menbij. It offers an analysis of this excerptum and shows the sources used by the author

This dissertation presents the results of a computer-assisted linguistic analysis of the __Book of the Laws of the Countries__, a religious prose text, attributed to the 3rd-century theologian Bardaisan, which is one of the earliest representatives of Syriac literature. Using the computational tools and methods that were developed in the Leiden project __Turgama: Computer-Assisted Analysis of the Peshitta and the Targum: Text, Language and Interpretation__ by dr. Wido van Peursen, I have analysed this corpus on different linguistic levels: orthography / morphology, phrase structure, and clause structure. This analysis enables us to gain deeper insight in the peculiarities of the Syriac language of the 3rd century; the same period in which the Hebrew Bible was translated into Syriac, resulting in the so-called Peshitta. As such, the Book of the Laws of the Countries represents a corpus written in __native__ Syriac, to which the translated Syriac of the Peshitta can be compared. This will allow us to attain a better view of the considerations which played a role in the creation process of the Syriac Bible; e.g., the amount to which translation was influenced by interpretation, the two possible meanings of the Syriac word __Turgama__.

En ouverture d'un volume consacré aux mystiques de langue syriaque, l'article rappelle les questions essentielles soulevées par la définition de la mystique, puis présente les principaux auteurs grecs qui ont eu une influence en ce domaine dans le monde syriaque. Sont aussi envisagées les questions liées aux définitions des genres et formes littéraires propres au domaine mystique.

According to the Syriac Acts of the Persian Martyrs, the Sasanian king Shapur II began persecuting Christians in Persia soon after Constantine's death in 337 CE. Previous studies of the Acts (and related material) set Shapur's persecution within the context of Constantine's support for Christianity in the Roman Empire. Religious allegiances are said to have been further amplified during the Roman-Persian war over Rome's Mesopotamian provinces that followed Constantine's death. According to most interpretations, by the mid-fourth century Christianitas had become coextensive with Romanitas: Persian Christians were persecuted because they worshipped Caesar's god and, thereby, allied themselves with Rome. By contrast, this dissertation reconsiders Christian historical narratives, the rhetorical and identity-shaping nature of the martyrological genre, and assumptions about the clear divisions of religious groups in late antiquity. Although the notion of Christianity as a "Roman" religion can be found in some of the historiography of persecution in Persia, our knowledge about Christians in fourth-century Persia is a harmonized event history woven from a tapestry of vague and conflicting sources that often exhibit later religious, political, and hagiographical agendas. To demonstrate how Shapur's persecution came to be interpreted as the result of religious changes within the Roman Empire, the dissertation first reconsiders how Constantine is imagined as a patron of the Christians of Persia in Syriac and Greek sources. The second part looks at the ways by which constructed imperial ideals territorialized "religion" in the post-Constantinian era. Finally, the third part presents the first English translations of the Martyrdom and History of Simeon bar Sabba'e, a fourth-century Persian bishop whose martyr acts are central to the historiography of the period.

International audience; Many religious crisis affected the province of Fârs with great repercussions on Bêth-Qatrâyê and, in the seventh century, with Ishô‘yahb III's arrival on the patriarcal seat in 649, these events grew in size. This paper aims at analysing the mecanisms of his politic of centralization so as to defend ecclesiatical institutions. Tensions between hierarchy (represented by Seleucia-Ctesiphon) and charismatic authorities legitimately invested - especially Simon of Rev-Ardashir and Abraham of Mâshmâhîg - contributed to, and strengthened the contestation of central power within the Syro-oriental Church. Ishô‘yahb enabled to establish an other influential focus: the monks, progressively devoted to the patriarcal cause, who became the relay of the catholicos' authority in these less controlled areas.

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Este artículo trata acerca de las palabras siríacas y persas registradas en transcripción china en la sección botánica del Yŏuyáng zázŭ y las fuentes de los informantes de su autor, Duàn Chéngshì. Duàn cita a un monje de Fúlín (= sogdiano Frōm < Ῥῶμη). Este podría ser el informante, o uno de los informantes, en los nombres de plantas persas y siríacos (Duàn lo considera la lengua de Fúlín). Sus fuentes probablemente fueron vocabularios griego-siríaco-árabe-persa como los descriptos por Al-Bīrūnī en su Libro de Farmacia. Por primera vez se presenta una lista completa de todas las palabras siríacas registradas en la sección botánica con transcripción en chino medio y notas bibliográficas. This article deals with the Syriac and Persian words recorded in Chinese transcription in the botanical section of the Yŏuyáng zázŭ and the sources of Duàn Chéngshì’s informants. A Fúlín (= Sogdian Frōm < Ῥῶμη) monk cited by Duàn could be the informant or one of the informants on Persian and Syriac (“Fúlín name”) plant names. His sources probably were Greek-Syriac-Arabic-Persian vocabularies used in Central Asia such as those described by Al-Bīrūnī in his Book on Pharmacy. For the first time is presented a complete list of all the Syriac words recorded in the botanical section with Middle Chinese transcription and bibliographical notes.

With apostasy and conversion to Islam becoming a major issue among Christian communities in the provinces of Syria and Palestine conquered by the Arabs, accounts about true believers who resisted conversion and died as martyrs for their faith appeared in Christian hagiography and historiography of the eighth and ninth centuries. Different literary forms were elaborated to promote such figures: Syriac monastic chroniclers included short narratives about martyrs in their histories, while full-length martyrologies in the late-antique manner were composed in Greek and Arabic in the Melkite monasteries of Palestine. Many of these stories take place at the court of the Umayyad and first Abbasid caliphs, where the martyr's trial is usually set. Sometimes, the martyr himself is related to the caliph. Hagiographers seem to have been flirting with the idea of the conversion of the caliph himself. Eventually, the idea was explicitly given substance to in the Life of Theodore of Edessa composed in northern Syrian territory reconquered by the Byzantines. What is at stake behind the propagandist purpose these narratives serve is the fate of Christians in the newly formed Islamic Empire and the hope in a final victory of Christianity. The story of the martyrdom of Anthony/Rawh, alternately depicted as a relative of the caliph or a descendant of Muhammad himself, offers a good example of the development of this theme, as the story won fame and underwent transformations. I will study the use made of this legend by historians and hagiographers belonging to different Christian communities, in order to give insight into the polemical and apologetic aims of the Christian authorities in encouraging the promotion of such heroic figures.

International audience

The famous collection of the Odes of Solomon consisted originally of 42 psalms. Unfortunately, their full version has survived in none of the four extant manuscripts, i.e., two Syriac, one Greek and one Coptic. Ode 2 is still missing as well as the beginning of Ode 3 and probably the passages of Ode 1, which is known only in the Coptic version.

International audience

Taking into account the Maronites connections with the West the article rises aquestion: in what areas did the Syriac Christian community constitute a bridge between the East and the West? Although not all critical remarks of Kamāl Ṣalībī (b. 1929) on the Maronite view of history are accepted without reservation, his remark that “the awareness of the historic truth constitutes the ultimate foundation for the possibility to build a healthy society” seems valuable. The postulate of the verification of over-interpretation is always valid, nevertheless the discussion: what is a myth and what is the truth in the history of Lebanon continues.

First edition of the mosaic uncovered at Nabgha (Syria). This large mosaic, which is probably dated 407-408 CE, is important for its iconography, the traces of iconoclastic destructions, but first of all through a long Syriac inscription (22 lines), the oldest dated christian Syriac inscription ever known., Editio princeps de la mosaïque découverte à Nabgha en Syrie. Cette grande mosaïque, probablement datée de 407-408 de notre ère, est remarquable par son iconographie, par des traces de destructions iconophobes, mais aussi par une grande inscription syriaque qu'elle porte (22 lignes), la plus ancienne inscription syriaque chrétienne datée connue à ce jour.

First edition of the mosaic uncovered at Nabgha (Syria). This large mosaic, which is probably dated 407-408 CE, is important for its iconography, the traces of iconoclastic destructions, but first of all through a long Syriac inscription (22 lines), the oldest dated christian Syriac inscription ever known.; Editio princeps de la mosaïque découverte à Nabgha en Syrie. Cette grande mosaïque, probablement datée de 407-408 de notre ère, est remarquable par son iconographie, par des traces de destructions iconophobes, mais aussi par une grande inscription syriaque qu'elle porte (22 lignes), la plus ancienne inscription syriaque chrétienne datée connue à ce jour.

International audience

International audience

El Catálogo de los nuevos manuscritos siriacos del Sinaí de Madre Philotea completa la serie de inventarios dedicados a los “Nuevos Hallazgos” de 1975 y a la publicación previa de Sebastian Brock (1995). El presente artículo está centrado, exclusivamente, en los manuscritos pergamíneos de contenido patrístico, monástico o hagiográfico descritos en el Catálogo. Éste presenta un estudio de cada uno de ellos, proponiendo nuevas identificaciones de textos y autores, especificando las fechas y los estilos de escritura para, finalmente, reconstruir los manuscritos desmembrados, en algunos casos diseminados por Europa. Los fragmentos, la mayoría de los cuales son origen melkita, representan un paso importante en la contribución al conocimiento de esta comunidad religiosa. The Catalogue of the new Syriac manuscripts of Sinai by Mother Philothea completes the series of inventories devoted to the “New Finds” of 1975 and the previous publication of Sebastian Brock (1995). The current article focuses only on the parchment manuscripts of patristic, monastic or hagiographic content described in the Catalogue. It provides a study of each of them, proposing new identifications of texts and authors, specifying the dates and styles of writing, and finally reconstituting the dismembered manuscripts sometimes scattered throughout Europe. The fragments, the majority of which are of Melkite origin, are a major contribution to the knowledge of this religious community.

Ce volume rassemble les communications d'épigraphistes, d'historiens et de linguistes dans le cadre d'une réflexion centrée sur les femmes et leur place dans les sociétés - principalement antiques. Elles ont été présentées lors de trois tables rondes, chacune ayant abordé une problématique différente. L'objectif général de ces rencontres était d'envisager les différents domaines où les femmes apparaissent - familial, religieux ou administratif -, de confronter les questions spécifiques à chaque culture et de mettre en perspective le rôle et le statut des femmes dans différents milieux sociaux, en se fondant sur les recherches récentes menées autour du Bassin méditerranéen et dans le monde proche-oriental. http://www.mae.u-paris10.fr/arscan/Femmes-cultures-et-societes-dans.html

International audience; Importance historique et symbolique de l'enseignement dans l'Eglise syro-orientale : étude de la mention d'écoles dans les récits hagiographiques et de ce qu'ils apprennent sur l'organisation du réseau scolaire, place de la fameuse Ecole de Nisibe et lecture symbolique de la révélation divine comme une pédagogie scolaire.

International audience

Catalogue of more than a hundred syriac inscriptions from Kerala (India)

Thirty years ago Rainer Degen plausibly identified three manuscripts of the Syriac version of a compilation ostensibly assembled by Ḥunayn ibn Isḥāq, and based on the Galenic treatise On the Properties of Foodstuffs. Ḥunayn supplemented Galen's text by the inclusion of pertinent extracts of various other Greek medical authors, including Pedanius Dioscorides of Anazarbus. This paper offers a survey of the Syriac passages attributed to Dioscorides preserved by this source, along with some preliminary commentary on the translational method employed, and on the relevance of this Syriac source for the history of the transmission of the writings of Dioscorides.

Syriac authors took over and adapted the ancient Mesopotamian genre of precedence dispute, transforming it into a dispute or dialogue, with theological overtones, which is normally between biblical characters. A small number of these dialogue poems concern saints, rather than biblical characters, and it is one of these, where the protagonists are St Marina and Satan, which is re-published here in a critical edition, together with three soghyatha which concern the life of St Marina. All are taken from the Maronite Office for the Commemoration of St Marina (July 17th). Los autores siriacos asumieron y adaptaron el antiguo género mesopotámico de la disputa por la prioridad, transformándolo en una disputa o diálogo con trasfondos teológicos que se encuentran normalmente entre los personajes bíblicos. Un pequeño número de estos poemas dialógicos se ocupan de santos más que de personajes bíblicos y es uno de éstos, cuyos protagonistas son Santa Marina y Satán, el que volvemos a publicar aquí en edición crítica, junto con tres soghyatha que se ocupan de la vida de Santa Marina. Todos proceden del Oficio maronita para la conmemoración de Santa Marina (17 de julio).

International audience

Süryani bilginlerin ve dil olarak Süryanicenin İslâm düşüncesindeki çeviri faaliyetinde önemli bir yeri vardır. Emevilerin son döneminde bireysel olarak başlayan çeviriler, Abbasi halifeleri Mehdi ve Harun Reşid döneminde hız kazanmış ve Me’mun döneminde zirveye ulaşmıştır. Bağdat’ın başkent yapılması, oluşan yeni entelektüel ortam ve kentleşme sürecinde toplumun ileri düzeyde bir bilgiye duyduğu gereksinim, çeviri hareketine zemin hazırlamıştır. Bu süreçte Beytü’l-Hikme’nin kurularak tercümenin devlet eliyle yapılması projesi, aynı zamanda Mu’tezile’nin de sahip çıktığı bir proje olmuştur. Mu’tezile’nin Yunan kültürü ve Süryani bilginlerle asıl ilişkisi teolojik ve felsefi eserlerin tercümesiyle başlamıştır. Çeviri eserler genelde İslâm düşüncesinin özelde Mu’tezilî düşüncenin gelişmesine önemli ölçüde katkı sağlamıştır. Bu bağlamda, bu makale İslâm düşüncesindeki tercüme faaliyetinde Süryani bilginlerin rolünü ve bu faaliyetin Mu’tezilî düşünceye etkisini ortaya koymayı amaç edinmiştir Syrian scholars and the language of syrians, namely syriac, has an important place in Islamic thought. The translations, which have begun individually in the last Umayyad period, have been accelerated in the period of Mahdi and Harun Rashid, who were ‘Abbaside caliphs, and has had a significant degree in the period of Ma’mun. Making Baghdad capital city, the new intellectual environment and the necessity of advanced knowledge of public in the process of urbanisation resulted in translation activity. In this process, the project of making translation activity official by foundation of Bayt al-Hikmat is also claimed by Mu’tazilite. The relation between Mutazila and Greek culture and Syrian scholars had begun with the translation of theological and philosophical books which contributed the development of Islamic and Mu’tazilite thoughts. In this context, this article aims to reveal the role of Syrian scholars in translation process of Islamic Thought and the effects of the process on Mu’tazilite Thought

El artículo ofrece una edición y traducción de una soghitha atribuida a ‘Isaac el Maestro, que se encuentran en el Sinaí siriaco 10. A la vista de la gran cantidad de memre inéditos atribuidos a uno u otro de los tres poetas siriacos de los siglos V y VI de nombre Isaac, un apéndice proporciona una lista alfabética de los incipits de todos los memre atribuidos a un Isaac que se encuentran en manuscritos tempranos datables en los siglos VI y VII. The article provides an edition and translation of a soghitha attributed to ‘Isaac the Teacher’, to be found in Sinai Syriacus 10. In view of the large number of unpublished memre attributed to one or other of the three fifth- and sixth-century Syriac poets name Isaac, an Appendix provides an alphabetical list of the incipits of all memre attributed to an Isaac which are to be found in early manuscripts datable to the sixth and seventh centuries.

National audience

For an historian of religions, the Koran, like all traditions, religious or not, depends on previous traditions, above all by the channel of the Syriac language. It seems to be largely the fruit of a collective work., Il est manifeste pour l'historien des religions que le Coran, comme toute tradition, religieuse ou non, est redevable de filiations antérieures, notamment par la canal de la langue syriaque, ou araméenne. Il est pour partie le fruit d'un travail collectif.

The key purpose of this research has been to study and understand how young people with Syriac ethnicity experience their identity, when living in two different cultures. The Syriac minority is something of a special case when it concerns establishing the identity of an individual, since syriac´s do not have an official country. To be able to do this research an interview has been done with four young students with syriac ethnicity. The four of them is attending their final year at “gymnasiet” in Sweden which is equivalent to USA’s senior year in high school. The multicultural school is today a fact and many immigrants attending the Swedish schools today feels misplaced when they meet the Swedish culture through fellow students and society. A clash between cultures occurs and most of the students, with non-Swedish ethnicity, live some kind of dual life. One side of this twin identity represents the ethnic identity which dominates at home and around relatives. The other side is displayed in circumstances outside of their home, which is at school and in the Swedish society in general. This research shows the general opinion, among syriac high school students, concerning the individual identity and in which way they handle their own identity development when living within two different cultures. One of my main questions to investigate is to find out if young students, with syriac ethnicity, develops a weak root in their ethnic identity by living outside of the syriac community. One of my conclusions is that a student with syriac ethnicity, whom is educated in an intercultural school is rather encouraged in seeking his/her roots. Since the multicultural environment awakens a curiosity in students to seek their own ethnic identity.

The status of the Koran during Muhammad's lifetime, and the Jewish and Christian influences on his Koranic predication. The collection of the Koran according to the Islamic sources. Distinction between "the Koran downhill" and "the Koran uphill". Critical hypotheses on the progressive constitution of the Koranic text. The Syro-Amaraic "lead" and the thesis of Christoph Luxenberg. The Koran could be partly the product of a group., Le statut du Coran à l'époque de Mahomet, et les influences juives et chrétiennes sur sa prédication coranique. La collecte du Coran selon les sources musulmanes. Distinction entre "le Coran en aval" et "le Coran en amont". Hypothèses critiques sur la constitution progressive du texte coranique. La piste syro-araméenne et la thèse de Christoph Luxenberg. Le Coran serait-il pour partie le fruit d'un travail collectif?

The monastery of Mar Musa (Syria) possesses a small Syriac fragment on parchment. The text is identified as parts of Matthew 22 in the Harklean version. The fragment can be dated to the mid 12th century, and so it represents the second oldest known manuscript connected with the monastery. An edition and translation of the fragment is provided. El monasterio de Mar Musa (Siria) posee un pequeño fragmento en pergamino. El texto se corresponde con partes de Mateo 22, de acuerdo con la versión heráclea. El fragmento puede ser datado de mediados del siglo XII, por lo que representa el segundo manuscrito conocido más antiguo conectado con el monasterio. Se ofrece una edición y traducción del fragmento.

International audience