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In Switzerland as in most European countries, family care patterns have changed considerably as a consequence of many socio-demographic, eco-nomic and environmental changes during the last decades: lower birth rates, higher divorce rates, higher life expectancy, increased longevity, and unprece-dented increase of professionally active women (Höpflinger and Stuckelberger, 1999, Stuckelberger and Höpflinger, 1996). The family network available for caring is becoming smaller and geographically more distant. First, families have fewer children, thus the number of potential care providers is diminishing, but live longer and healthier with a potentially wider age range of care providers within the family. Although women remain at the centre of providing instrumental and emotional support to older people in Switzerland, a shift can be observed in the family: professional working time sharing witnessed by the raise in the number of women on the labour market, the strong increase in divorce rates or single parents which all gives less time to women for providing care. The care giving pattern within the family relies on the civil status and household composition: in a couple, the main provider of care is the spouse, as in the case of a widow(er) or single / divorced older per-son the children and grandchildren take on an important role. The fact that two to three generations are at retired age at the same time has also created new care patterns within the family: the older person taking care of their older par-ent or / and their grand children. The incentives that the state welfare will put in place to support the supporter financially will have a strong impact on the fam-ily care providers and family relations. Second, the social and geographical mobility of the family networks have also increased through migration (internal and international) and interethnic mar-riages. Furthermore, family care provision has gone through profound changes linked to the complexification of the family and social structure during the last century: higher age at first marriage, higher rates of divorce. The number of family members of different generations living under the same roof has signifi-cantly decreased and the natural family care tradition of caring for the aged at home or in close proximity is diminishing or disappearing, even in remote rural or mountain areas of Switzerland. All those elements show a clear tendency towards the family structure and family relations becoming more complex. Third, the technological revolution is creating new forms of health care sys-tems and communication, which is affecting society, health care professionals and family relations (e-care, tele-care, smart housing, etc.) more and more. This trend is already starting to lead to generation gaps in offer / demand ex-pectations between different health sectors, market constraints but also within the family between generations (European Population Forum, 2004; Stuckel-berger, 2003). Fourth, the economic and care dependency ratio between generations has modified the link ‘family-society' at the structural level: it is not so much the longevity as the population distribution over the life cycle that accounts for the multiple generation family and gives a clearer view of the needs and potential provision of family care. Table 1 gives an overview of the population distribu-tion in a life cycle perspective which very clearly shows the distribution per decade of the relative proportion of a generation needing care or economically dependant on the professionally active population. The percentage distribution per life cycle periods has since 1900 been increasingly tending towards a de-crease in the professionally active population and an increase in the ratio of professionally non active vs. the active population. This socio-demographic factor is one of the keys to the ongoing modification in inter-generational rela-tions and family care and economic concerns of policy-makers: less and less people must provide for the care and economic support of more and more people (Höpflinger und Stuckelberger, 1999; Stuckelberger, 2005; Wanner et al, 2004).

Migrants often have lower mortality than natives in spite of relatively unfavorable social and economic characteristics. Although migrants have a short-run advantage due to the selective migration of healthy workers, persistent health and mortality differences between migrants and natives may be long-run effects of different experiences in childhood. We made use of a natural experiment resulting from rural-to-urban migration in the mid-19th century. Mortality was much higher in urban areas, especially in rapidly growing industrial cities. Migrants usually came from healthier rural origins as young adults. Data used in this study is available from 19th-century Belgian population registers describing two sites: a rapidly growing industrial city and a small town that became an industrial suburb. We found evidence of three processes that lead to differences between the mortality of migrants and natives. First, recent migrants had lower mortality than natives, because they were self-selected for good health when they arrived. This advantage decreased with time spent in the destination. Second, migrants from rural backgrounds had a disadvantage in epidemic years, because they had less experience with these diseases. Third, migrants from rural areas had lower mortality at older (but not younger) ages, even if they had migrated more than 10 years earlier. We interpret this as a long-run consequence of less exposure to disease in childhood.

For a long time, migration has been neglected both in population and family history. This article briefly explains this absence and shows how, for the past 20–25 years, the concepts of migration and family systems have been elaborated and partly linked. At present, most researchers probably agree that highly diverse configurations existed, such diversity being a consequence of the many factors acting and interacting to determine migration as a part of family and population dynamics. The concept of system, often used but rarely defined, and the notions of ecotypes and sociotypes are discussed in an attempt to go beyond confusion and particularity, to manage complexity, and to articulate macro- and microlevels. Several illustrations of systems observed in preindustrial Europe are also provided. Since the concept of system explicitly stresses continuity and long-term reproduction, the way rural societies have been able to cope with change in industrializing Europe through various compromises between resistance and adaptation is also examined.

Cet article vise a contraster la fecondite d’une zone rurale catholique (le Pays de Herve) avec celle d’une zone ouvriere, laicisee et socialisante (Tilleur), en s’attachant a la fois a la situation pre-transitionnelle et aux debuts de la transition. L’opposition entre ces societes, toutes deux situees dans l’est de la Belgique, est approchee de trois manieres. D’abord, a travers leurs histoires economique et sociale respectives. Ensuite, par l’etude des temps clos, de l’illegitimite et des conceptions prenuptiales, ces mesures etant concues autant comme des indicateurs de controle social que comme des indicateurs de religiosite. La troisieme partie, dans laquelle nous utilisons les methodes de l’event history analysis, nous permet de contraster les patrons de fecondite respectifs des deux localites et d’observer les changements qui se produisent entre la periode pre-transitionnelle et les debuts du declin de la fecondite. Alors que le Pays de Herve se caracterise par la persistance des controles sociaux traditionnels et que le centre industriel se distingue par la rupture envers ces controles, il ressort pourtant que, de part et d’autre, les debuts de la transition s’operent sans grand fracas. Au sein de ces deux populations, des strategies de fecondite centrees sur le nombre d’enfants desires et sur leur composition par sexe existaient avant la transition. Ces rationalites culturelles s’accentuent lorsque le controle des naissances se diffuse : le declin de la fecondite s’inscrit de la sorte, au moins dans une premiere phase, dans une continuite de culture familiale, au lieu d’apparaitre comme une revision radicale.

Cet article traite de l'impact de l'implantation de l'organisation par projets sur la relation de travail dans une entreprise de construction ferroviaire helvétique. Cette forme d'organisation remet en question l'échange « subordination vs sécurité » à l'œuvre dans le modèle taylorien faisant émerger des formes de précarité plus ou moins importantes pour les travailleurs, mais fait également place à une plus grande autonomie et responsabilité dans la manière d'organiser son travail. Partant d'entretiens semi-directifs menés auprès de salariés et responsables de ressources humaines, notre propos vise à souligner l'implantation partielle et sélective de ce mode d'organisation du travail qui ne supprime pas les rapports de subordination mais les transforme, contribuant à l'exacerbation des tensions à l'intérieur du groupe ouvrier. Prêtant une attention particulière à l'ancienneté, nous montrons que les critères de sélection et de promotion en vigueur dans l'entreprise sont particulièrement défavorables aux jeunes recrues qui font les frais de cette transformation inachevée tant sur le plan matériel que symbolique.

An intravenous (i.v.) formulation of itraconazole was evaluated in disseminated fungal infection models in guinea pigs. In acute disseminated Candida albicans and Aspergillus fumigatus infections, treatment at 5 mg/kg of body weight twice a day (b.i.d.) significantly prolonged survival. In these models and in animals with chronic disseminated cryptococcosis, itraconazole given i.v. at 2.5 and 5 mg/kg b.i.d. greatly reduced the proportions of organs with culture-detectable fungal burdens. The efficacy of i.v. itraconazole in these animal models justifies its further investigation for the treatment of life-threatening mycoses in humans.

In this study, the collaboration betwen French and Belgian research teams allows for the comparison of industrial towns and traditional towns. The delay in the epidemiologic and sanitary transition of the former with regard to the latter, compared to averages of the situation existing in both countries, especially characterized by the persistence, indeed aggravation, of strong childhood morta-lity before the tenth birthday. This phenomenon also depends on the length of time the parents have been established in the town, as well as their familiarity with the industrial world. Moreover, this article gives a detailed account of the relationship between massive immigration and mortality. A under-mortality for the immigrants has been found, as well as its principal facors : a double selection, first at the departure from the village and second at the arrivai in the industrial town., La collaboration entre l'équipe belge et l'équipe française permet ici de comparer des exemples de villes industrielles et de villes traditionnelles. On constate le net retard de la transition épidémiologique et sanitaire des premières par rapport aux secondes (et par rapport à la situation moyenne de chaque pays). Le retard est en particulier caractérisé par le maintien, voire l'aggravation, d'une très forte mortalité enfantine jusqu'au dixième anniversaire. Celle-ci dépendant par ailleurs de l'ancienneté de l'implantation des parents dans la ville et de leur degré de connaissance du monde industriel. En outre, cet article analyse de façon détaillée les relations complexes entre l'immigration massive et les caractéristiques de la mortalité. Il met notamment en évidence une sous-mortalité des immigrants adultes et ses facteurs principaux : une double sélection des immigrants, au départ des villages puis à l'arrivée dans la ville industrielle., Alter George, Bourdelais Patrice, Demonet Michel, Oris Michel. Mortalité et migration dans les villes industrielles au XIXe siècle : exemples belges et français. In: Annales de démographie historique, 1999-2. L'usine, les hommes, la ville. L'intégration dans les villes industrielles. pp. 31-62.

This study examines demographic growth and change in Tilleur in the valley of Meuse in Belgium during 1807-80 during the process of industrialization and urbanization. The proportion of immigrants (foreigners and Flemings) increased from 15% in 1807 to 65% in 1856. After 1856, population and industrial growth stabilized. During 1856-66 the proportion of natives stabilized, and the proportion of Flemings increased. It is argued that in Tilleur there were two phases: a foundation phase of industrial and population growth and a phase of maturation with decreased non-native population and greater similarity between groups. Immigrants contributed to the birth rate in greater proportions than their proportion in the population of Tilleur. During 1847-66 native population increased annually from 2.4% to 3.8%. Migrants' annual increases were diminished by the effects of mortality but expanded by the influence of in-migration. During 1857-66 the proportion of foreigners declined and marked the transition to a new phase. During 1830-66 the sex ratio grew from 93 to 119. During the Industrial Revolution in Tilleur, women shifted from outnumbering to undernumbering men. The iron and coal in the region attracted men. The sex ratio among the Flemish was 214 in 1866. In 1830 the proportion of fertile women was higher among immigrants and declined thereafter. Age at marriage rose for natives and declined for immigrants. The native population structure by sex, age, and marriage did not favor the birth rate. During 1866-80 the birth rate of foreign immigrants and rural natives declined, the birth rate of natives doubled, and the gap between these two groups narrowed. The changes among immigrants during the foundation phase led to fertility decline in the maturation phase. Marriage and migration interactions linked the industrial revolution with the demographic transition.

La parenté : une coquille vide ou un réseau vivace de rencontres, d'affection et d'entraide ? A l'heure où l'« insécurité sociale » s'accroît, peut-on encore compter sur ce réseau pour faire face aux coups durs — maladie, chômage, ruptures — et aux contraintes quotidiennes — éducation des enfants, dettes ou investissements, appuis professionnels ? Et qui se montre solidaire ? Envers qui ? Dans quelles limites ? L'évolution des familles (divorces, remariages, etc.) menace-t-elle ces liens de parenté ?

Cette étuse consacrée à la détection des données atypiques dans la régression, discute des méthodes récentes de diagnostic. L'originalité du travail réside dans l'analyse comparative des méthodes classiques (fondées sur les moindres carrés) et les méthodes de la statistique robuste, du point de vue notamment de leur portée et de leur limites. On distingue deux catégories d'observations atypiques : les donnéesaberrantes, qui n'obéissent pas au même modèle que la majorité des autres données, et les points leviers, qui sont atypiques dans l'espace des variables expicatives. Les techniques de la statistique robuste fournissent par rapport aux méthodes classiques, des diagnostics nettement plus sûrs pour la détection des données aberrantes, au prix cependant d'un coût d'estimation plus important. En ce qui concerne les points leviers, les méthodes classqieus paraissent aussi performantes que celles de la statistique robuste.