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Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Iraqi-Saudi relations witnessed differences between the two countries during the formation of the two countries at the beginning of their establishment until the end of the Baathist regime. The research dealt with these differences from the era of Nuri al-Said until 2003, the end of Saddam Hussein's regime, and also dealt with the course of these differences, which sometimes reached the rupture between the two countries. The course of relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. The study also dealt with the events that took place in the region, which influenced the course of Iraqi-Saudi relations, including the events of Kuwait in 1962 and the Second Gulf War in 1991, which led to the rupture between the two countries. The last years of the Baathist regime witnessed some positive developments in the relationship with Saudi Arabia, The resumption of diplomatic relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on United Nations reaction on the illicit trafficking in cultural property and the armed conflict in France. It mentions about the illicit revenue for impoverished groups and revitalized criminal smuggling networks that specialized in antiquities. It discusses about the conflict since the 1991 war.

Copyright of Al-Mustansiriya Journal of Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Youth engagement is a critical dimension of youth development where the youth population engages in social action. In Kuwait, the patriarchal and hierarchical social structure has rendered youth participation and civic and community engagement a slow and elusive experience with notable effects on the economic trajectory of the country in an era of "youth bulge" in the Kuwaiti society. Despite an extensive cradle‐to‐grave welfare system, the presence of skilled and knowledge workers among the Kuwaiti population is negligible, undermining long‐term prospects of economic growth and development. As a result of increased use of the Internet and social media, there are growing calls for greater freedoms and reform of the traditional socioeconomic structure among the youth. Contextualizing from a historical perspective, this article comparatively analyzes the various contexts of youth participation in the pre‐ and post‐oil Kuwait, examines the socioeconomic transformation of Kuwait during and after the Gulf War of 1991, and reviews the current challenges of community participation among the youth and outlines a series of recommendations for the way forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990, Australia's Labor government committed a naval task force to participate in the enforcement of sanctions, and subsequently, the Gulf War to expel Iraq from Kuwait. The Australian government justified its response to the Persian Gulf crisis in various ways, including the threat it posed to national and international security, and by employing representations of Australian identity and the radical Otherness of Saddam Hussein. The paper considers these aspects, then focuses on two ostensibly complementary justifications. Firstly, the rapid commitment was represented as a necessary act of collective security connected to revitalisation of the United Nations. Secondly, it was justified as contributing to the development of a post‐Cold War new world order (NWO), framed within Australian regional security interests and shaped by the US alliance. The paper argues that the Australian discourse melds the justifications, despite collective security, based on UN leadership, sitting uneasily with a NWO premised on US leadership, without having to attend to the tensions between the two justifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Al-Mustansiriya Journal of Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The global security environment has been in flux for almost two decades now, and Turkey has been at the center of the major global shifts that have taken place since the end of the Cold War. The demise of the Soviet Union, the democratic revolutions in the Eastern European countries, the Gulf War, the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Arab Spring and the subsequent domestic turmoil in some of its neighboring countries, such as Syria, have influenced Turkey dramatically. Among the recent major challenges, one can count an unprecedented refugee flow, the loss of interest by the U.S. in the Middle East and the ensuing opening of a sphere of influence for authoritarian countries like Russia and Iran to fill the vacuum, the revival of terrorist attacks and the halting of the long-awaited peace process to achieve a long-lasting solution to the Kurdish problem, and the strained relations with the EU. All of these challenges coincide with a period in world history characterized by the decline of the institutions-based order, rising nationalism and authoritarianism in the most advanced democracies and-last but not least-a shift from a unipolar world to a multipolar one. In order to meet these challenges, I recommend that Turkey employ a grand strategy of democratic assertiveness, which consists of (a) persistent democratic reforms in the domestic realm and (b) an assertive defense strategy in the military realm. In the present article, I analyze the existing state of the international environment to identify the risks and opportunities and to assess the overall instruments available to policymakers. I conclude with a presentation of the main pillars of Turkish grand strategy for a concrete recipe for policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Asian Journal of Women's Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Basic Education College Magazine For Educational & Humanities Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

• Blood NAD and Sirt1 are low in GW veterans with GWI. • Treatment with NR increased NAD and alleviated fatigue-like behavior in a mouse model of GWI. • Consistent with human GWI, blood NAD and Sirt1 are low in our mouse model of GWI. • Brain NAD levels were normal in GWI mice but are increased in both GWI and control mice after NR treatment. • Treatment with NR increased Sirt1 activity and reduced neuroinflammation in the brains of GWI mice. • Targeting sirtuin activity with NR may represent a new avenue for treating GWI. Gulf War Illness (GWI) affects 30% of veterans from the 1991 Gulf War (GW), who suffer from symptoms that reflect ongoing mitochondria dysfunction. Brain mitochondria bioenergetics dysfunction in GWI animal models corresponds with astroglia activation and neuroinflammation. In a pilot study of GW veterans (n = 43), we observed that blood nicotinamide adenine dinucleotide (NAD) and sirtuin 1 (Sirt1) protein levels were decreased in the blood of veterans with GWI compared to healthy GW veterans. Since nicotinamide riboside (NR)-mediated targeting of Sirt1 is shown to improve mitochondria function, we tested whether NR can restore brain bioenergetics and reduce neuroinflammation in a GWI mouse model. We administered a mouse diet supplemented with NR at 100μg/kg daily for 2-months to GWI and control mice (n = 27). During treatment, mice were assessed for fatigue-type behavior using the Forced Swim Test (FST), followed by euthanasia for biochemistry and immunohistochemistry analyses. Fatigue-type behavior was elevated in GWI mice compared to control mice and lower in GWI mice treated with NR compared to untreated GWI mice. Levels of plasma NAD and brain Sirt1 were low in untreated GWI mice, while GWI mice treated with NR had higher levels, similar to those of control mice. Deacetylation of the nuclear-factor κB (NFκB) p65 subunit and peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor gamma coactivator 1-α (PGC-1α) was an increase in the brains of NR-treated GWI mice. This corresponded with a decrease in pro-inflammatory cytokines and lipid peroxidation and an increase in markers of mitochondrial bioenergetics in the brains of GWI mice. These findings suggest that targeting NR mediated Sirt1 activation restores brain bioenergetics and reduces inflammation in GWI mice. Further evaluation of NR in GWI is warranted to determine its potential efficacy in treating GWI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Minnie Bruce Pratt (1946-) and Mab Segrest (1949-) are white middle-class lesbians that both came of age during the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement in rural Alabama. Today, they are considered influential figures in feminist and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) literary movements and recognized as important activists in late twentieth-century feminist, LGBTQ, and anti-racist political struggles. Examining Pratt's Rebellion: Essays, 1980-1991 (1991) and Segrest's Memoir of a Race Traitor (1994), I argue that both texts deconstruct the sociopolitical dynamics and ideologies that inform the inculcation of white middle-class southern womanhood specifically and hegemonic white southern culture generally through performing a form of anti-racist praxis that I call geospatial critique. This term addresses how Pratt and Segrest mine spaces that they occupy for histories of struggle, paying specific attention to how white settler-colonialism and chattel slavery produced particular epistemologies of race, class, gender, and sexuality that continue to influence social identities and practices in the present. Initially developed during Pratt and Segrest's collaboration on Feminary, a lesbian-feminist journal located in Durham, North Carolina, between 1978 and 1982, geospatial critique, I suggest, is a direct response to or a way of undoing the racial training that was part of the production of whiteness in the south from the turn to the first half of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Gulf war illness (GWI) is a chronic condition characterised by musculoskeletal pain, cognitive problems and fatigue. • Levels of translocator protein (TSPO), a marker of neuroinflammation, are increased in the brain of veterans with GWI. • These results support a role for neuroinflammation in GWI. Gulf War Illness (GWI) is a chronic disorder affecting approximately 30% of the veterans who served in the 1991 Gulf War. It is characterised by a constellation of symptoms including musculoskeletal pain, cognitive problems and fatigue. The cause of GWI is not definitively known but exposure to neurotoxicants, the prophylactic use of pyridostigmine bromide (PB) pills, and/or stressors during deployment have all been suspected to play some pathogenic role. Recent animal models of GWI have suggested that neuroinflammatory mechanisms may be implicated, including a dysregulated activation of microglia and astrocytes. However, neuroinflammation has not previously been directly observed in veterans with GWI. To measure GWI-related neuroinflammation in GW veterans, we conducted a Positron Emission Tomography (PET) study using 11C]PBR28, which binds to the 18 kDa translocator protein (TSPO), a protein upregulated in activated microglia/macrophages and astrocytes. Veterans with GWI (n = 15) and healthy controls (HC, n = 33, including a subgroup of healthy GW veterans, HC VET , n = 8), were examined using integrated 11C]PBR28 PET/MRI. Standardized uptake values normalized by occipital cortex signal (SUVR) were compared across groups and against clinical variables and circulating inflammatory cytokines (TNF-α, IL-6 and IL-1β). SUVR were validated against volume of distribution ratio (n = 13). Whether compared to the whole HC group, or only the HC VET subgroup, veterans with GWI demonstrated widespread cortical elevations in 11C]PBR28 PET signal, in areas including precuneus, prefrontal, primary motor and somatosensory cortices. There were no significant group differences in the plasma levels of the inflammatory cytokines evaluated. There were also no significant correlations between 11C]PBR28 PET signal and clinical variables or circulating inflammatory cytokines. Our study provides the first direct evidence of brain upregulation of the neuroinflammatory marker TSPO in veterans with GWI and supports the exploration of neuroinflammation as a therapeutic target for this disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Adab Al-Basrah is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A president's ability to control the policy narrative during a military intervention is crucial to maintaining public support, especially when American blood might be shed. An examination of policy narratives couching the military interventions in the Gulf War and in Haiti reveal both the fragility of these narratives and the importance of framing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines two concert dance pieces on the Gulf Wars: Kevin Iega Jeff's Church of Nations (1991) and William Forsythe's Three Atmospheric Studies (2006). While both are works of protest, they draw from different aesthetic traditions: the Black aesthetic and postmodern aesthetic, respectively. In an effort to think through the relationship between aesthetic form and the political, the essay explores what is at stake in such a comparison. "Aesthetic Form and the Political" is the complementary essay to "The Ekphrastic Body: Wayne McGregor's Woolf Works," Dance Chronicle 42, no. 2 (2019): 143–69, . [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is Currency Warfare defined as, the use of monetary or military force directed against an enemy's monetary power as part of a military campaign, a just way to fight a war? This article explores the ethics of waging currency warfare against the Just War Tradition's principles of jus in bello (just conduct in war) and its criteria of discrimination and proportionality. The central argument is that currency warfare is inherently indiscriminate but may be proportionate when policy makers consider the nature of the threat confronted and the targeted currency's level of internationalization, that is, to what degree it is used in foreign transactions or used as a foreign currency reserve. I evaluate this argument against historical cases during the Second World War (1939–1945), the Gulf War (1990–1991), subsequent operations against Saddam Hussein in the early 1990s, and the ongoing campaign against ISIS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Even if they know the senior commander's intent they still may not be able to act unless they can persuade the senior commander to release supporting air power or gather vital intelligence. Thus Gary Sheffield describes "High Command" as being 'characterised by interaction between military commanders and their political superiors', noting that while 'a divisional commander on the Somme in 1916 was not a high commander, his equivalent in Bosnia in 1997 most definitely would be'.[17] King also notes that Montgomery's first command was as a platoon commander in France in August 1914 when he led a charge brandishing his sword. King's achievement is to use his distinctive focus as a means of opening up questions about how senior commanders organised their headquarters and fight their battles. [Extracted from the article]

Parts of the fresh groundwater of Raudhatain and Umm Al-Aish freshwater fields have been contaminated with petroleum hydrocarbons leached from petroleum lakes and petroleum-contaminated soil resulting from the 1991 Gulf War. Pump and treat methodology has been suggested for treatment of contaminated groundwater. Selection and design of methodologies for the treatment of contaminants require knowledge related to types and physiochemical properties of contaminants. Therefore, as a preliminary step toward treatment of contaminated water, a study was conducted in order to identify and quantify contaminants in terms of polar and nonpolar material of contaminated water. Groundwater samples were collected from 10 monitoring wells (nine contaminated and one uncontaminated) of water fields. Collected samples were analyzed for total petroleum hydrocarbon (TPH), total organic carbon (TOC), phenol, tannin and lignin, volatile acids and Ultraviolet (UV)-induced fluorescence before and after activated silica gel. The silica gel splits aggregated polar and nonpolar material by retaining polar material on its activated surfaces. The results of the study indicated that both polar and nonpolar materials are present in the contaminated groundwater. TPH, UV-induced fluorescence, phenol, and volatile acid contents were dominantly composed of polar material at 86%, 84%, 73%, and 90%, respectively; whereas TOC, tannin and lignin contents were dominantly composed of nonpolar material at 58% and 60%, respectively. The results suggest that treatment techniques specific for polar and nonpolar contents will be required for the treatment of petroleum hydrocarbon-contaminated groundwater. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey-US relations began as missionary institutions and commercial activities since the beginning of the 19th century, it were continued with limited negotiations during the First and Second World Wars period. With the signing of the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan between the two countries after the Second World War, the relations turned into multilateral relations. With Turkey's entry into NATO, the relations were taken within the framework of independence. However, Johnson's Letter in 1964 strained relations and finally because of Turkey's Cyprus Peace Operation in 1974, Turkey-US relations were disrupted. With the Defense and Economic Cooperation Agreement signed after 1980 and the Strategic Partnership Agreement signed after 2000, it has reached the dimension of dependency again. After the Gulenist coup attempt carried out against the government in Turkey on July 15, 2016, serious breaks occurred in relations between the two countries. However the two countries held some negotiations to seek alliance ways again despite their reservations, because the USA has become a neighbor of Turkey after the American intervention in Iraq in 1991 and after the civil war that began in Syria in 2011. In this study; we will describe in the historical process of Turkey-US relations over the Syria issue, since 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The architect Takamatsu Shin stood out in the 1980s and the 1990s for his machine-like buildings of monumental proportions. Drawing from a recent interview, his writings and his buildings, this article delves into the influence of the bursting of the financial and real estate bubble (1991), the Kobe earthquake (1995), and increased environmental degradation on his work. While Takamatsu's architecture is persistently monumental in its endeavours, his design evolves as it increasingly considers local contexts through the development of a "marginal space", the choice of shareable metaphorical images and materials such as wood. Despite the continuity in his intentions, the fluctuations inherent to the socio-economic upheaval in Japan and in the world are reflected. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the Persian Gulf War, many asserted that the American military exorcized the demons of the Vietnam War. It was inappropriate to make this claim since the war was reminiscent of the conventional conflicts the United States was involved in earlier in the twentieth century. While examining America's unconventional conflicts since the failure in Vietnam, one recognizes Washington is still having trouble dealing with them. It is especially difficult for the world's lone superpower to establish stability in the nations where fighting is taking place. Certain officials in the U.S. government believe residual forces can produce order over the course of time. Within this article, though, it will be demonstrated that residual forces seldom generate such an outcome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in former Yugoslavia (1991–1995) was marked by war crimes which still affect Serbian–Croatian political relations. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), which operated between 1993–2017, was supposed to pass fair verdicts on those responsible for war crimes, but its verdicts have been surrounded by controversy in Post-Yugoslav states. The article analyzes Serbian and Croatian war crimes in Croatian territory between 1991–1995 as well as the verdicts passed by the ICTY against the most prominent war criminals. The actions taken by the Serbian and Croatian judicial systems are also discussed. The analysis presented in the article indicates that the verdicts delivered by the ICTY were selective and difficult to accept for both sides of the conflict. Unfortunately, Serbo-Croatian cooperation on war crimes has been developing for only a few years and has not produced the expected results. For these reasons, war crimes and war criminals still have a negative influence on political and social relations between the Republic of Croatia and the Republic of Serbia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates connections between terms of reference and discursive frames using U.S. newspaper reports on the 1991 Gulf War and Iraqi President Saddam Hussein as a case study. Combining results from a quantitative and qualitative analysis of different terms of reference, three discursive frames were identified: The Statesman, The Madman and Our Saddam. The most common discursive frame was of a foreign head of state. Newspapers also included representations that both demonized Saddam Hussein and discussed him in the context of Middle Eastern in-groups. Previous research has highlighted the demonization of Saddam Hussein in news reports during the war, but the findings of this study suggest that an overtly demonizing discursive frame was a minority view. However, its use nonetheless showed lasting impact beyond the end of the military operation. Press reports thus showed more varied and ambivalent representations than previous analyses may have suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) is founded as a result of regional events that embark on during the 1970s in the Middle East. All members' states gained independence in early 70s and the political pressure from neighbor Iran and Iraq, especially the in late 70s with the regional turmoil after the Iran Islamic Revolution and it was calling for systematic change in the Arab states, seeking to boost Shiite populations in the Arabian Gulf. The Iraq -- Iran war was another crucial event that resulted that new formed countries (monarchies) Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Oman, Qatar and Kuwait excluding Yemen to come together for the creation of a cooperation that is based specifically in economy and security. The council has been a major factor ever since in the Arabic Peninsula and the region but it has not been able to achieve all its goal and objectives since its establishment and over the past decade its existence has been shaken due to countries differences regional and international policies. The Gulf Cooperation Council in essential organization to provide economic and security stability in the Arabic Peninsula and its development and cooperation is needed in order to contribute in the Arab and Islamic World. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Stanovništvo is the property of Demographic Research Center of Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 9/11 caused chaotic order in the Middle East in two episodes. The first episode starts from 2001 and ends in 2011, but the second episode start from 2011 and continues till date. The active military intervention as attacks on Afghanistan and Iraq was not able to destroy the Taliban and Al Qaida. Also, the collapse of Saddam Hussein has created a complex instability in the country. This was a turning point for Iran to widening its influence over Iraq without paying huge cost. The new situation disrupted the regional balance of power and has caused concerns for rival actors such as Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. The current state of instability and regional disorder in Middle East is mismanagement of crises and developments held from 2001 to 2011. This study shows that after 2011, religious conflicts and geopolitical competitions had a huge regional transformation from a relatively static state to a quite chaotic condition. It seems that the time has come and the countries involved in the conflict, must sign a comprehensive and durable convention on all aspects like the Westphalia post-war period. The involved countries must realize that they have to avoid the spread of proxy war to an unlimited war between nations in the Middle East. Sayyad Sadri Alibabalu, Babak Sadri, Muhammad Yaseen Naseem and Azam Ahmadi [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of University of Sharjah Journal for Humanities & Social Sciences is the property of University of Sharjah - Scientific Publishing Unit and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Basic Education College Magazine For Educational & Humanities Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Al-Frahids Arts is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Tracing the illness and death of a woman I became close with in southern Iraq between 2005 and 2007, I show how the work and struggles that went into comporting to life in the face of death must be taken as powerful responses to the ways that death is received in life. I place this narrative within the context of the devastating attacks on Iraq in the Gulf War of 1991 and the subsequent 12-year sanctions that decimated the Iraqi health-care system, particularly oncology. This decimation of the health-care system has left many thousands of Iraqis to face serious illness and diseases on their own, which has given rise to new confrontations with death and dying. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study analyses the political situation in Yugoslavia at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s. It presents Milošević's „antibureaucratic revolution”, the attempt of democratic transition (emergence of political pluralism, first multiparty elections) and the interrepublican conflicts about federation, confederation and asymmetric state union. Its final conclusion is that a joint Yugoslav regime change was impossible, as the republics failed to reach agreement on statehood, mainly because of Serbia's lack of willingness to compromise. After 1991, wars blocked the democratic transformation of the independent republics, leading to the emergence of so-called hybrid regimes in the successor states, except Slovenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the writers in this symposium illustrate, dealing with Iran's nuclear program is one of the most important foreign policy issues of the day. Years of stalled talks, diplomatic dead-ends, and sanctions have made it difficult to see exactly where progress has been made and what efforts are worth pursuing. In this Global Forum, leading foreign policy experts weigh in from around the world on the options for how to move forward with Iran—from diplomacy to fuel swaps to military strikes. Whatever their proposed solutions, the writers express one common theme: We ignore Iran at our own peril. From the US, Thomas R. Pickering (2010), Lawrence J. Korb (2010), and Bennett Ramberg; from Turkey, Mustafa Kibaroglu (2010) ; from Iran, Kayhan Barzegar (2010); and from Israel, Emily B. Landau (2010). Over the months of November and December, this forum will continue at www.thebulletin.org. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Effects-Based Operations focus on results achieved from using military operations--the output. Too often, military commanders and their staffs concentrate on the means--the inputs--sterile metrics like body counts, bomb tonnage, or the number of sorties flown. U.S. airmen have always recognized the inherent logic and desirability of concentrating on effects, and their doctrine going into World War II emphasized this focus. Unfortunately, the intelligence apparatus necessary to analyze a complex enemy economic system did not then exist. Since then, new technologies and new analytical tools--which came into their own during the Persian Gulf War of 1991--have made this decades-old concept a reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gulf War provides an opportunity to estimate the effect of work-related separations on military families. Using data from the 1992 Survey of Officers and Enlisted Personnel, the authors estimate the effect of Gulf War deployment on divorce rates, spousal employment, and children's disability rates. Deployment of male soldiers had no effect on marital dissolution, though it did lead soldiers' wives to work less. In contrast, deployment of female soldiers led to a large and statistically significant increase in divorce rates, suggesting deployment of women placed a marked strain on marriages. Deployment of female soldiers did not affect husbands' labor supply. Finally, the results show no statistically significant increase in disability rates among the children of deployed personnel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]