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In India, the 73rd constitutional amendment of 1992 decentralises agriculture, irrigation, health, education along with 23 other items to the Panchayats, the village level selfgovernment body. It is envisaged that the three-tier Panchayat system at the District, Block and the Village level would coordinate with different 'line departments' of the government for planning various schemes and their implementation. In West Bengal, a state in eastern India, where the Panchayats were revitalised before the constitutional amendment, the initial years were marked by strong coordination between the Panchayats and other departments, especially land and agriculture, making West Bengal a 'model' case for the Panchayats. However, where service delivery through the Panchayats has been criticised in recent years, the disjuncture between Panchayats and the line departments is a cause for alarm. In this paper, we search for the causes behind the low level of coordination between government departments and the Panchayat at each tier. We analyse the complex process of organisational coordination that characterises decentralisation, and show how decision making in local governments is nested within various levels of hierarchy. The study focuses on the formal structures of coordination and control with regard to decision-making between the Panchayats and the line departments. We show how these processes work out in practice. These involve lack of role definition, problems of accountability, and politics over access to resources and relations of power within, as well as outside, the Panchayat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editors discuss various reports within the issue including the concept of civic leadership in the German eco-city, the institution of self-government in the Indian Panchayat, and the effectiveness of cabinet-style local government in England.

Right to know is closely linked with other basic rights such as freedom of speech and expression and right to education. Right to Information Act has an important economic dimension as it embraces not only political freedom to lead life with dignity, but also unfettered by dominations and discriminations. The experience of West Bengal under the panchayat system stands in sharp contrast with that of other states. Despite its position in terms of reforms of the panchayat system, West Bengal lags behind several other states till date in terms of devolution of power, finances and functions of the panchayat. The extent of people's participation in the planning process is remarkably less. How we should fight these shortcomings? The solution is given by 'Information'. Information is the key factor by which the future of panchayats can be made bright, before that we should not forget that for efficient performance of panchayat and democracy, it requires the active participation of citizens. It is true that the government officials and planners are often confronted with problems for which they have no design solution and this cause leads to the path of failure to implement the participatory decisions of their constituencies and mismanagement of fund. Here lies the relevance of Right to Information. It helps the Panchayati Raj Institutions to meet their goal effectively and promote participation which will bring development to the state. Information, awareness, participation, development is thus a process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors examine how successful the Right to Information (RTI) Act in the context of women issues in India. The authors state that the campaign towards RTI Act links all the natural rights of citizenship to wages, to food, and to a life free of violence. Also discussed is how the RTI has been used by local government village bodies as a campaign to mobilize women to participate in panchayat activities and how it works for women issues such as their right to land.

The participation of grassroots in the political process entails the proactive role of media. The mainstream mass media with its market-driven content and diverse audience is inadequate for grassroots empowerment. The participatory community media allows the grassroots to be involved in the management and in the content production process. The Community Radio policy of India has been designed to increase grassroots involvement in the economic and social development process. But intentionally political empowerment of the grassroots has been excluded from its influence. This paper explores the potential of community radio as a participatory media in the panchayat areas of West Bengal and its effectiveness in attaining political empowerment for the panchayat members. The West Bengal Panchayat Act, 1977 made provision for grassroots participation in the formation of local governments and involvement in its decisions. But political empowerment has eluded the grassroots because of the influence of external factors. The presence of a community media channel like the community radio would have mobilized grassroots participation in the political process. This paper investigates the role and prospect of community radio from the perspective of political empowerment of the communities. The mass media's linear approach, rare interaction and insignificant feedback were not ideal for grassroots empowerment. There was a need for an alternative participatory media. The community radio is the appropriate answer to the requirement. This paper explores the efficacy of the community radio to fulfill the requirement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: We analyze tunnel wells (surangams), traditional water harvesting systems, which have been innovated and nurtured by farmers in the Enmakaje panchayat in the state of Kerala in South India for decades. We show how the genesis and design of the indigenous knowledge-based water harvesting systems are shaped by agro-ecological conditions. We also identify issues that affect the sustainability of tunnel wells in the changing agrarian context in this region. The significance of tunnel wells is declining, even though the smallholders, who dominate the agricultural landscape, are highly dependent on tunnel wells to meet their water requirements. Grass roots efforts are needed to revive this traditional water harvesting system. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Employing a view of culture as a communicative phenomenon involving discursive engagement, the authors argue that the struggle to break free of poverty is as much a cultural process as it is political and economic. The authors analyze public meetings in Indian village democracies, gram sabhas, where villagers are constitutionally empowered to make decisions regarding budgetary allocations for village development and beneficiary selection for antipoverty programs. They examine 290 transcripts of gram sabhas from South India, looking at how they create a culture of civic/political engagement and how the definition of poverty is understood within them. They highlight how gram sabhas impart discursive skills and civic agency and illustrate how the poor deploy these skills in a resource-scarce and socially stratified environment. The intersection of poverty, culture, and deliberative democracy sheds light on cultural processes that can be influenced by public action in a manner that helps improve the voice and agency of the poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural local governments in India provide essential services to over 70 percent of the national population. Yet, little is known about the efficacy of the financing system that supports these local governments, nor is there a fiscal information system that will allow a tracking of rural local government expenditures and revenues. In this article, we describe the role of rural local governments in India's federal system, and use a database, newly gathered for West Bengal State, to present an analysis of rural local government financing patterns. We find that expenditures are significantly higher in less populated and more backward gram panchayats. At the margin, however, higher rates of literacy also are associated with higher levels of spending, suggesting an education effect. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The afore mentioned quotation imposing conditionality upon the right of women to life is not sustainable in the present social conditions. Such conditionality imposed by the society is the root cause of honor killing. Due to spate of honor killing in the country it has led the Govtl to decide what laws should be put in place to stop this heinous crime. Whether the Hindu Marriage Act should be reformed or not is being debated. The latest case of honor killing was when the two teenage girls were shot dead by a cousin in Noida for daring to run away to meet their boy friends. Many such killings are happening regularly on account of boy friends involving known or unknown girls in Punjab, Haryana and Western Uttar Pradesh. These are socially sanctioned by caste panchayats and carried out by mobs with the connivance of members of the family members along with Panchayat people. This paper examines the origin, types and the legal aspects of Hounour killing and various suggestions have been put forth to combat the practice of Honour killing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Studies from Tamil Nadu, South India, have reported the world's highest suicide rates. As per official reports, Kerala, another South Indian state has the highest suicide rate among the major states in India. Objective: The purpose of this analysis is to estimate the rates and age-specific incidence of suicide in a rural community in Kerala, under continuous observation for the last five years. Settings and Design: The study setting comprised of seven contiguous panchayats constituting a development block in Kerala. A prospective cohort study design was used. Materials and Methods: Through regular home visits, every death that occurred in the community was captured by local resident health workers and the cause of death assigned. Statistical Analysis: Suicide rates by age and sex and relative share of suicide deaths to all-cause deaths in men and women were calculated. Results: During the five-year period from 2002 to 2007, 284 cases of suicide were reported. The suicide rates were 44.7/100,000 for males and 26.8/100,000 for females. Male to female suicide ratio was 1.7. Among females aged between 15 and 24, suicides constituted more than 50% of all deaths. Male to female ratio of suicide varied from 0.4 in children aged 14 years or less to 4.5 in the 45-54 year age group. Conclusion: Our analysis shows that the level of under-reporting of suicides in rural Kerala is much less than that reported in Tamil Nadu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neoliberal policies aim at privatization of natural resources receiving positive signal from the governments today. Business companies are engaging in this game to make profit. The people who are depending on natural resources as means of livelihood and share the resources like ground water and river water as a common property face serious challenges from the privatization policies. Movements are active in different quarters of the globe raising voice against selling of natural resources to private companies including multinationals. In India this is a new area of social movement activism. One of the recent movements was the people's resistance to excessive ground water extraction by the Multinational soft drink giant Coca Cola Company in a village, Plachimada in Kerala. The movement attracted both national and global attention. It compels many to depict it as a movement against neoliberal globalization from below. This paper attempts to look at the people's movement for right to wafer in Plachimada from a critical perspective about neoliberalism. It also fries to find out the limitations as well as possibilities of such resistance from the grassroots in light of vanous reactions to it mainly the local Panchayat, political parties, state government and judiciary [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the social condition and representation of women in panchayats in West Bengal, India. It explores the provision in Indian Constitution which provides protection of women's rights and the role and problems faced by women panchayat members in all the districts. It also cites the findings of studies on the participation of women in the local self government wherein the picture has changed with the introduction policy of reservation of seats for women candidates in pachayats.

Copyright of Tropical Ecology is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The primary purpose of the paper is to examine the process of empowerment at the grassroots level through the 73rd amendment of the Indian Constitution. Basis on the empirical study of the panchayat elections, the paper argues that the despite constitution provision which are implemented the informal power remains in the hands of the upper caste rich landowners making the formal structures of power ineffective in villages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empowerment of women emphasizes on creation of environment which promotes equality between women and men. The state has, through it policies, planning and schemes, tried to create this environment. The National Perspective Plan for Women (1988) emphasized on two aspects, the economic development and integration of women into the mainstream of our economy, and equity and social justice to all women. The more recent offoris of the state in this direction has been dual, provision of thirty-three percent reservation for women in Panchayat Raj Institutions and promotion of micro credit scheme of Women Self Help Groups (WSHGs). Both these measures possessing independent capacities of bringing in positive change, if synergized can bring in silent revolution at grassroots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creation of the Ministry of Panchayati Raj at the Centre and its activities as per the Common Minimum Programme of the UPA government with a view to strengthen the new Panchayati Raj System, has created tensions between the Central and State Governments. In Tamil Nadu it has become a serious issue as the State is known for its espousal of State autonomy. Though the Indian National Congress (INC) and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) are in coalition both at the Centre and the State, they have maintained divergent stands on the Panchayati Raj System. Both governments adopted divergent approaches and methods to strengthen Panchayati Raj, in the process contradicting each other. However, both the Centre and the State take the same position on the issue as to whether panchayat should be a State subject. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geographical area of this study is West Bengal - a constituent state (province) of India. The state government policy aims at administrative decentralization through Panchayats (or Village Councils) in rural areas. It is a 3-tier system, comprising a Gram Panchayat in every village, Panchayat Samity1 (block2 level), and Zilla Parishad (district level). Focusing mainly on Panchayat Samity members, the study explores the knowledge, attitudes, participation, and involvement of the Panchayat Samity members in National Health and Family Welfare Programs. The categories of respondents are the Health Committee members of Panchayat Samity, and health personnel of Block Primary Health Center and Rural Hospital. With a positive frame of mind, they are found to be involved in promoting awareness about health and family planning, and in providing child immunization and other health measures to predominantly agrarian communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An attempt has been made to understand and evaluate the use of gram panchayat libraries in Gulbarga district by the users with respect to their personal characteristics, frequency of using library, purpose, information services and efficiency of grain panchayat library system. The results call for building a functional and sound gram panchayat libraries and emphasis on user education programs for optimal utility of Grain Panchayat libraries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The modern institution of arbitration and the present phase of consumer protection are rested on strong historical foundations. In ancient India, disputes were resolved at the village level and judicial administration was largely localized. The modern concept of arbitration has evolved from the ancient institution of Panchayat--an age-old institution--which was vested with enormous powers for the adjudication of disputes. Like the institution of arbitration, consumer protection is also an ancient concept. The present Consumer Disputes Redressal Mechanism (popularly known as Consumer Courts) in India with less informalism like arbitral tribunals provides easy access to justice. The present paper highlights the historical perspective of arbitration and consumer protection and examines the approach of consumer courts in construting the arbitration clauses in consumer contracts in relation to consumers' rights to approach them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decentralisation is the only way to make people self-reliant by entrusting them with actual responsibilities which in turn curbs the rural powerful and makes the system more transparent. The establishment of Gram Sawaraj in Madhya Pradesh is a significant step towards direct democracy. Grah Sabha plays an important role in development at rural leveling India. The aim of the government of Madhya Pradesh is to strengthen the Gram Sabha by introducing favaourable policy changes. The key roles entrusted to the Gram Sabha are micro planning, social audit of Panchayat functionary ratification of Panchayat accounts, balance sheets, identification and approval of beneficiaries and supervisory and regulatory functions. Gram Sabha have been authorized to take decision regarding implementation of all matters relating to the development of the village. Not only Gram Sabhas but also voluntary institutions can work under the supervision of Gram Sabha. Gram Sabha is also responsible for construction and maintenance of good oulverts and dams and protecting public properties of the villages. This paper emphasises upon democratic decentralization, particular by the concept of Gram Sabha in Madhya Pradesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the statutory reservation Provision more than one million rural women have now assumed Panchayat Seats as member and one third of them as chair person in almost all states and Union Territories. The induction of Women in Panchayat institution is in sharp contrast to their representation in other Political Strata as well as in earlier Panchayat institutions. But the very integration of Women has evoked conflicting wave's elation, euphoria Particularly in Print and Public Pronouncements and apprehension and even enmity in Social and Political Para lance. In this light the Present study has attempted to examine various issues related to the Socio-economic and Political background and Personal characteristics of Women elected of PRI's and (heir Participation in different stages of the implementation of development Programmes and welfare activities and the extent of improvements that have occurred in their mobility, freedom, socio-economic status and empowerment after representing the panchayats. The Conclusions of this study will be useful for Researchers, Planners functionaries and the students of Politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the issue of dependency and underdevelopment in Nepal. It mentions that Nepal's poor economic conditions and deficient natural resources caused it to be dependent on foreign aids. Underdevelopment, on the other hand, is said to be caused by various reasons including geographic factors, economic factors, political factors, and the exploitation of the masses by the ruling class. According to the author, the dependency and underdevelopment problems in Nepal are closely associated and cites that Nepal's total dependence on foreign aids made it unable to support and finance developmental projects.

Abstract: India has a traditional community justice forum, known as the panchayat, which settles disputes, keeping them from escalating into serious problems. However, this forum is in decline, with serious consequences for Indian communities. Here we analyze how the demise of the panchayat in the Dalit (untouchable) community of Pudur contributed to serious conflicts and crime. Panchayats have been impacted by India’s democratization, economic development, and urbanization. Dalits, especially, want to be independent, equal, and economically prosperous. In Pudur these needs have disrupted collective sentiment to an extent that fulfillment of them has become difficult. That several non-Dalits live in Pudur has made panchayat success even more unattainable. Socially disorganizing forces—modernization, opposing values of equality and caste hierarchy, intergenerational frictions, and Pudur’s unique history and caste composition—have all contributed to the panchayat’s demise and social ills. Modern societies looking for innovative solutions to crime through community justice can learn from Pudur’s negative experiences. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article explores the impact of information technology (IT) as an enabling force to meet the challenges of a digital age upon the rural people in West Bengal, India. It is argued that the introduction of rural electronic governance (e-governance) in Burdwan, West Bengal is likely to generate development gains when it is closely adapted to the needs and capacities of the Panchayats. It is concluded that the technique of functioning of the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) should be changed to a modern direction to deliver better services to its stakeholders.

Copyright of Tropical Ecology is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The anomalies revealed in the conduct of the Panchayat elections, 2008 in Punjab underlines the critical need to undertake measures for better institutionalisation of the State Election Commission as an autonomous body and also having a re-look at the procedural aspects. Punjab dismal experience similar to that of some other states like West Bengal provides the pertinent lessons for doing away what has increasingly become two-track electoral democracy in India despite the implementation of the 73rd and the 74th constitutional amendment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creation of trust and norms, popularly known as social capital, is a desired goal of grass roots democracy anywhere in the world. Social capital formation requires high-level trust, awareness and empowerment of people towards their collective goal. Community participation is a necessary prerequisite towards this end. This paper analyses the relationship between Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRIs) and social capital in the context of Aapni Yojna--a state government/NGO-funded water/health and sanitation project in Rajasthan. Unlike other NGO projects it functions through active role of PRIs. Success of the programme in delivering water, health and sanitation reveals that genuine community participation and collective capital can be achieved only through intermediary role of PRIs in selecting beneficiaries and prioritising local needs. Without the support of gram sabha it is difficult to mobilise participation. At the same time Aapni Yojna shows that with the direct initiative of gram sabha, externally funded project can also be made sustainable even in a backward state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Every society wants an efficient government to deliver public goods to the people. Only an efficient leader can give an efficient government. An informed and responsible citizen will emerge only when efficient governance is in position. A government should be efficient to protect the people and property, enable the people to earn their livelihood and achieve prosperity and live peacefully. Though there are innumerable government departments in India carrying out activities at the grass roots level through various schemes and programmes, the people's needs are not met. While the spending on development has not reduced, the demands of the people have increased. Secondly, these government departments are not uniform at the Gram Panchayat level. Thirdly, there is no scientific database at the Gram Panchayat level. In India, governance and development are exclusively for a class of people and as a result the poor, women and Dalits are marginalised in getting due access to governance and information related to development. To overcome the problems, Panchayat Raj Institutions need to be strengthened. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In India, a silent revolution has taken place in rural areas where people are becoming conscious of their rights. One-and-a-half decades after the introduction of the panchayati raj system at the grassroots level, it is now appropriate to take stock of the situation of women participation and empowerment in India. Generally, there have been contrasting responses to this phenomenon. One, an overwhelming reaction to the entry of women in panchayats, which many term as superficial, as most women are token heads, harassed in public sphere and hijacked by their male relatives; and the other, a positive response to their involvement and participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores political aspects of empowerment, its impact on self-empowerment and social change, highlighting the decision-making capabilities of a selected group of tribal women representatives of panchayats in Orissa. Due to reservation of seats provided in 73rd Amendment Act, tribal women have easy access to rural local government structures. But their socio-economic environment, though egalitarian in some respects, is less conducive for meaningful participation. The myth surrounding their incapability excludes them from the decision-making process. Some of them have the efficacy, which is ignored by the traditional power holders. It is argued that real empowerment can be possible by a two-way approach and through inclusion in all the processes of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study on the sociological understanding of the working of the Panchayati Raj System in Orissa, India. It discusses the content and nature of the participation of people in panchayat bodies including the participation of women, functionaries, non-functionaries and weaker sections. It states the functions of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) including community development, poverty eradication and watch dog function.

After independence, the Union Government realised the fact that the delivery system is not functioning effectively; it also realised that without people's direct and responsible participation through panchayats, purposeful development in the desired manner is not possible. As a result, the 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act was enacted in 1993 which has initiated a fundamental restructuring of governance and administrative system of the country, based on the philosophy of decentralisation of power to the people. After a decade and more of panchayat raj in India, post-73rd Amendment, there has been a matter of debate and speculation about its performance and impact. The pioneering and innovative initiatives of Madhya Pradesh Government in strengthening and institutionalising decentralised rural self-governance in the post-73rd Amendment phase generated immense interest among the observers and experts who were keen to understand the significant change in the pattern of governance at the grassroots level. This paper makes an attempt to analyse the functioning of panchayat raj in Madhya Pradesh and comprehend the implications and processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article gives an insight about Gandhian views on Rural Development. Gandhi holds the view of the maximization of social welfare and for this he gives prime importance to the welfare of the individuals by reducing inequalities in income and wealth. According to Gandhi every person should be provided with bare minimum necessaries i.e. food, shelter, and clothing. Concentration of wealth to a few groups of people certainly will shatter the dream of a society which will be socialist in nature. Gandhi is in favor of the self-sufficient village economy where the villages will be the independent economic units. In this paper an attempt has been made to analysis the Gandhian perspective of Rural Development in this age of globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governance at local level becomes a critical issue with increasing process of decentralisation at different tiers. With the passage of the Constitution (Seventh third Amendment) Act, 1992, the panchayats in rural areas are conceived as institutions for local governance. Twenty nine subjects listed under the Eleventh Schedule are earmarked by the Constitution for their activities. The present study considers some of them. The experiences in West Bengal in this respect are mixed. Though many subjects are thrusted upon the panchayats, commensurate devolution of functionaries and funds are not made by the State Government. As a consequence, adequate services cannot be extended to the common people by the panchayats at different levels. This is a governance crisis. Coupled with this, the State Government is constituting several committees at the district, block and gram panchayat level for delivery of services like primary education, public health etc. This step is in contrevention to the statutory powers and responsibilities given to the panchayats. In fact, existence of many actors erodes the accountability of them to the people. Again, people's participation in the affairs of the panchayats is also very low in West Bengal. It is just the bare minimum fixed as quorum by law. The panchayats have been given the responsibility to implement various rural development programmes. The utilisation of fund and generation of employment for the poor is not up to the very high level (case of EAS and SGRY cited in the article). Thus governance needs to be revamped at local level through the panchayats by means of building their capacities, both in terms of financial resources and human resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper discusses the relationship between public policy and governance with a veiw to understand the effects of globalization on the process of decentralization at grassroof level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the impact of modernization on India's panchayats (village courts) and the police. Because of modernization, people's attachment to groups and caste hierarchy is declining, and their needs for personal autonomy and social equality are increasing. Some accept these changes and others oppose them, leading to interpersonal and intercaste conflicts in communities, which panchayats find difficult to resolve. Panchayats are weakening and disappearing, while the police are expanding. While these changes are occurring, both the police and the panchayat elders, caught between tradition and modernity, respond to disputes in cooperative and conflicting ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attempt by the Indian government to increase women's political participation in local governance, from next to non--existent, to 33% by stipulating a women's quota for local governance institutions (panchayati raj institutions) is such an exciting unique mass -- scale experiment that of course, this drew upon itself the interest of researchers, feminists, politicians, the media or even the public eye in general. Many studies have been done looking at the successes and failures of the women's reservations as prescribed by the 73rd and 74th Amendment to the Indian Constitution. Even the most sceptical studies generally concede that not all women-politicians are merely puppets in a male party-men initiated play and not able to advocate their or rather their electorate's interest. Yet, the baseline generally is that despite a few „success-stories" of committed women struggling for women's interests in the political field ranging from local first-timer to very experienced, eloquent full-time politician, women still have not captured the political arena and that the reservations have failed to come up to the high and noble expectations of equality and democracy. The subsequent analysis of the "mal- implementation" of women's reservation in local governance often concentrates on the failures, democratic loop-holes and participation-traps of the re-invented panchayat system. Most of these critical studies are not questioning the desirability of the reservations as such, but seek by means of "evaluations" to high-light the system's short-comings. Moreover, in almost everybody's vocabulary, from academics to local NGOs and bureaucrats one will encounter the term "proxy" for all those women, who according to the evaluations and studies done, do not measure up to what is understood as a "real acting panchayat member" or "participating properly". In relation with proxy terminology usually the importance of "male kinship links" in getting elected as well as going about the political work is stressed to an extent which makes women appear to be passive, gullible, malleable and naïve puppets in the hands of their politically ambitious husbands or male relatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In all the three tiers of Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRIs), salaries and wages constitute a major share of current expenditure, while construction is under the category of capital expenditure. PRIs are not in a position to provide even basic minimum facilities, leave alone carrying out the developmental activities. Though the State Government has appointed the State Finance Commission, following the 73rd Constitutional Amendment, its attitude in not even giving the hint of progress towards the full-fledged fiscal decentralisation is abhorred. On the other hand, the Gram Panchayats (GPs) are not taxing even the available revenue sources to augment their own resources, thus depriving the Mandal Parishads (MPs) and Zilla Parishads (ZPs) of the facility to impose surcharge on the taxes levied by the GPs. Employment-oriented activities, which in turn generate tax-paying capacity in the rural people and tax-levying opportunity in the GPs subsequently to MPs and ZPs, can be thought of by the GPs to improve their financial position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the dimensions of poverty during reform period in Orissa, India. It notes that the decline of incidence of poverty in the area during the period has been negligible after the survey on the change of poverty from 1999-2000 revealed. On the other hand, it mentions that the poverty ratio among the different districts shows great gap based on the survey conducted by the Panchayat Department. Several tables depicting the dimentions of the poverty in the place during the Reform Period are also presented.

By examining evidence from India, where quotas for women in local government were introduced in 1993, this article argues that institutional reform can disturb hegemonic discourses sufficiently to open a window of opportunity where deliberative democratic norms take root and where, in addition to the politics of recognition, the politics of redistribution also operates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tells the story of the coming of Radio to Nepal, and the creation of a radio audience, first through listening to overspill broadcasts from neighbouring countries, on sets which required the express permission of the King to possess until Radio Nepal finally began broadcasting in 1950. It focuses on the social aspects of broadcasting, and on the problems of audience research, and argues for the use of listeners' memoirs to supplement more quantitative methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article illustrates the intersections between architecture and agency in Subhash Camp, a squatter settlement in New Delhi, by 'situating activism in place'. It highlights the significance of place in social action by examining the architecture of everyday places - the house, the street and the square - as the sites of both individual transformations and collective consciousness. Through observations of the activities of and interviews with members of Samudayik Shakti, a women's organisation and a men's panchayat, this article highlights a number of related processes in Subhash Camp: how different women experienced different places through everyday spatial practices; how the spatial practices in these places were shaped by different social structures at different scales, from the family to the state; how the architecture of these places was significant both as sites of control and of emancipation of women's bodies; and how this dynamic contributed to the making of social action in Subhash Camp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to analyse the social interface between formal institutions and local fishing communities along the Pamba-Achankovil River Basin in Kerala, India. It examines primarily the nature of the relationship between state agencies and traditional fishing communities in the context of (i) enforcing certain formal regulations of resource use and (ii) implementing resource enhancement programmes. The article also analyses the nature of social interfaces that emerge when local level formal organizations, such as cooperatives and gram panchayats, take up resource management or community welfare schemes on behalf of the traditional fisherfolk in the study region. Social interfaces can be understood in terms of social processes, such as cooperation, accommodation and conflicts between various actors involved in fisheries management. The article is based on ethnographic fieldwork. Interview guides and focus group discussions were the primary tools of data collection. The findings show that the relationships between formal institutions and traditional riverine fishing communities lack mutual trust. Conflicts between fishing communities and state agencies emerge when the formal institutions threaten or contradict those elements of local culture that sustain livelihood needs. Conflicts and discontent with a particular formal institution can also lead to the modification or violation of coexisting institutional arrangements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of Grain Panchayats in the delivery of health care services in Himachal Pradesh from both theoretical and empirical perspectives. It highlights the weak points in the chain linking panchayats to rural health care delivery. In an environment where the functional effectiveness of statutory village bodies seems to be low, particularly in the crucial area of primary health, new measures have to be taken up to redress the situation. The paradox of successful decentralisation involves, among other things, top-down initiatives for bottom-up implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a comparative analysis of crimes of ‘honour’ in India and Pakistan and an examination of appellate judgments from the two countries, we reflect upon how a rights-based discourse of modern nation-states forms a complex terrain where citizenship of the state and membership of communities are negotiated and contested through the unfolding of complex legal rituals in both sites. We identify two axes to explore the complex nature of the interaction between modernity and tradition. The first is that of governance of polities (state statutory governance bodies) and the second is the governance of communities (caste panchayats and jirgahs). We conclude that the diverse legacies of common law in India and Pakistan frame an anxious relationship with the categories of tradition and modernity, which inhabit spaces in between the governance of polities and the governance of communities, and constantly reconstitute the relationship between the local, national and the global. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the roles of various actors in the environmental clearance procedure in India and suggests improvements to promote more congenial interaction, minimise conflicts and achieve the stated objectives of environmental impact assessment (EIA). Then the EIA system is explored for its institutional and procedural provisions, where major weaknesses have been identified. The environmental clearance process of the Sethusamudram Ship Channel Project is investigated: this project was promoted by the Government and was given environmental clearance recently, amidst widespread protest by the public. A modified clearance procedure with a key role for local communities is suggested that brings it in line with the goals of participatory decision-making to achieve sustainable development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study aimed at investigating the relationship of three management system involved in forestry management in India. The investigation was made to the Forestry Department (FD), Forest Protection Committee (FPC), and Panchayat Raj Institutions (PRI) in the mid-1990s. It was found that the FD has so much interest in both organizational and functional activities of the PRI. Meanwhile, the FPC members believe that the forest officers are their philosophers, friends and guides. It was also found that 80 percent of the villagers said they need the assistance of Panchayat in the activities of FPCs.

The District Poverty Initiatives Project (DPIP) in India was launched in a few states in recent years with a view to ensuring that the most disadvantaged or the poorest have a central role in the design and implementation of subprojects vital to their livelihoods. An elaborate organisational structure at the state, district and village levels was created to give local needs and priorities due attention. Since the most disadvantaged lack awareness of various options and organisational skills, capacity-building of common interest groups is a key strategic element of the DPIP. Another key element is the attitudinal and behavioural transformation of various stakeholders—especially bureaucrats and elected representatives at the village level—through sensitisation programmes. That these innovations may make a difference to the lives of the most disadvantaged cannot be ruled out. However, some risks of so-called community or demand-driven initiatives must not be overlooked, including bureaucratic control and interference at the state and district levels that could result in supply side distortions, and panchayats (councils) at the village level that could cater to the interests of the local power structure, and common interest groups that could exclude the poorest. Unless the poorest have the collective strength to affirm their interests, they are not likely to benefit much from the DPIP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article seeks to examine the changing sociopolitical profile of Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRI) representatives in Bihar. It argues (a) that the political assertion of the upper backward castes—Yadavas, Koeris and Kurinis—in Bihar dares back to the pre-Mandal period; (b) that the OBCs are not a homogeneous sociopolitical community, since they comprise both dominant and deprived castes; and (c) that the upper castes, despite losing political ground at the level of the Vidhan Sabha and Lok Sabha, have been able to retain their foothold at the grassroots level as demonstrated by their substantial representation in the PRI elections of 2001. This has significant implications for political economy in a period of democratic devolution and decentralised development. More importantly, it explains the violence-ridden politics of the state: besides social and economic disparities there is considerable mismatch between political dominance in the upper tiers and at the grassroots levels of Indian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]