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Despite widespread disagreement about democratic deficits in the European Union (EU), most critics begin by conceiving democracy as a problem for the EU. Seeing the EU as undemocratic or insufficiently democratic, they devise institutional innovations to democratize it. These innovations seem to require breaking the traditional link between democracy and the nation-state, which in this context appears outmoded or inappropriate. This article challenges that approach, arguing that it gets the relationship between democracy and the sovereign state wrong—or at least, incomplete—by stressing modern democratic theory's empirical ties to the state while underestimating their normative significance. The complex interdependence of normative and empirical assumptions informing modern democratic theory means that detaching democracy from the state is much less straightforward than critics often imagine. The essay argues instead for conceiving the EU as a problem for democratic theory. Doing so reveals that democratic theory is ill-equipped to address recent changes in the configuration of rule and new structures of governance associated with Europeanization, European integration, and globalization more broadly. This change in perspective highlights important limits in recent democratic theorizing about the EU and clarifies the role of European debates in reinterpreting and reconstructing democracy in the age of globalization.Michael Goodhart is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pittsburgh, where he holds a secondary appointment in Women's Studies (goodhart@pitt.edu). He is grateful to Chris Bonneau, Mark Hallerberg, Andrew Lotz, John Markoff, Guy Peters, Alberta Sbragia, Dan Thomas, and to anonymous reviewers of this essay for their kind help and advice. He is also grateful to the European Union Center of Excellence at the University of Pittsburgh for the chance to present an earlier version of this essay and appreciates the suggestions he received at that time.

THE EVOLUTION OF A MODERN BILATERAL RELATIONSHIPIn his introduction to the first American Assembly volume dealing with Canada-US relations, John Sloan Dickey emphasized that "this book aims at a better understanding of the relations in time, place, and human affairs that add up to the phrase each of us uses with such unconscious ease: 'the United States and Canada,' or vice versa."' Nevertheless, the coverage of the bilateral relationship in this excellent volume is dominated by the decisions made and actions taken by the representatives of the national governments in Ottawa and Washington, DC. The second volume, which appeared two decades later, does occasionally go beyond the respective national beltways, with Gordon Robertsoris chapter discussing how Canadian federalism, especially the unfolding events in Quebec, might eventually affect crossborder ties.2 Other chapters deal with the influence of the economy, culture, and the environment on Canada-US relations.Thus, the second volume puts somewhat less emphasis on the importance of the Ottawa-Washington relationship, and this is not too surprising, because between the publication of the first book in 1964 and the second in 1985, Robert Keohane, Joseph Nye, Jr., and others had begun to write about complex interdependence and the growing networks of international ties which go far beyond relations between national governments. Indeed, Keohane and Nye highlighted Canada-US relations in 1977, labelling these ties the quintessential model of complex interdependence, defined by "the absence of force, the lack of hierarchy among issues, and the presence of multiple channels of contact between societies."' For Keohane and Nye, three types of cross-border interactions are prominent in the contemporary world of international relations. The first is interstate interactions, typified by official exchanges between representatives of national governments. The second is transnational interactions which involve at least one nonstate actor such as a corporation, a labour union, or a church organization. The third is transgovernmental interactions which include at least one governmental entity or representative not linked directly to the leadership of a national government. In this chapter, we will focus primarily on this latter category which was largely ignored in the first two American Assembly volumes and which merited only one sentence in Keohane and Nye's own study of the Canada-US relationship.DOCUMENTING MULTIPLE CHANNELS OF INTERACTIONCanada and the United States share a 4,ooo-mile border and another 1,500mile border separating Alaska from British Columbia and Yukon. The evolving cross-border relationship, which affects 32 million Canadians and 295 million Americans, is as complex and diverse as any in the world, evincing many of the features of globalization emphasized by Keohane in the following statement: "Interdependence refers to a state of the world, whereas globalization describes a trend of increasing transnational flows and increasingly thick networks of interdependence."4 The overall complexity in the bilateral relationship is illustrated in figure 1.In economic terms, the United States and Canada maintain the largest bilateral trading relationship in the world, with two-way trade in goods and services in the range of US$1.2 billion per day, up over 150 percent since 1988, the year before the Canada-US free trade agreement (FTA) went into effect. US foreign direct investment in Canada, a type of investment which provides Americans with control over the management of companies operating in Canada, surpassed $192 billion in 2003, with US-owned companies accounting for over 10 percent of Canada's gross domestic product (GDP) and providing 1.16 million jobs for Canadian workers.5 Canadian foreign direct investment in the United States stood at $105 billion at the end of 2003, with more than 470,000 Americans working for Canadian majority-owned non-bank enterprises. …

Investigations in social history confront a fundamental methodological difficulty: How is it possible to comprehend and to present the dual constitution of historical processes, the simultaneity of given and produced relationships, the complex interdependence of encompassing structures and the agency of “subjects,” the relationships obtaining among the circumstances of life, production, and authority, and the experiences and modes of behaviour of those affected by these circumstances?

International civil aviation appears to be a pertinent yet largely overlooked issuearea to study in the light of recent discussions about the changing international system. In this article the evolution of the international aviation system from its inception early in this century is analyzed in terms of regime changes. Three different regime periods are delineated, and possible explanations of the observed regime changes are discussed. On the face of it, the development of international aviation seems to conform with the overall global trend toward complex interdependence. Yet it also raises a number of questions concerning interdependence that might be addressed in the study of other issue-areas. These concern the links between politico-economic issue-areas and military security, the degree of harmony or conflict associated with interdependence, and the role of states generally—and the United States in particular—under conditions of complex interdependence.

Perhaps because of the "complex interdependence" of my long association with Tom Farer, his review essay devoted to the World Order Models Project (WOMP) was a deep disappointment for me on several scores. Two quotations are expressive of my reaction. The first, uttered by a Republican businessman stunned by Nixon's visit to China in 1971: "When Dick Nixon sells out his friends, he really moves the goods." Farer's elaborate mixture of snipes, barbs, innuendo, and geniune criticism represents a sort of accomplishment, it really moves the goods, and has been received with thinly disguised glee by all those disposed to regard WOMP with antipathy in any event. The second quotation is from The Futurological Congress, a novel by the Polish science fiction writer Stanislaw Lem: "Oh Professor-I felt like shoutinghere you sit, and out there the world is coming to an end. "1 What I mean to suggest, of course, is that the perils of the world situation are so severe that we need to gather our energies for constructive efforts. Farer's review, whatever else, is so condescending and acerbic that I doubt that anyone could claim for it a constructive intent or effect.

This paper examines the history of South Africa's parastatal bus services, and the pattern of contradictions that has led to the recent Welgemoed Commission of Inquiry into bus commuter transport for blacks. The initiatives taken by the state via the Welgemoed Commission are analysed within the context of the heightened politicization of bus transport, and the increasing occurrence of bus boycotts. A case study of a recent bus boycott in the East London area provides an illustration of the complex interdependence of capitalist accumulation, state policy and popular response in the context of South African ‘transport geography’ today.

HT HIS article traverses boundaries in two different senses: the conceputal division between foreign and other policy, and the political dividing line between the United States and Mexico. The ideas and frameworks used by scholars of public policy and foreign policy have remained separate even though complex interdependence has come to characterize world politics, and the line between domestic and international affairs has blurred (Hanreider 1970; Keohane and Nye 1977). Public policy scholars have mainly focused on domestic issues and rarely upon foreign policy. For their part, foreign policy scholars have noted and developed theories about the extent to which domestic politics has become mixed with international relations but have not generally utilized public policy categories and insights. This gap in analysis is unfortunate for the understanding of foreign policies with strong domestic implications. Among such policies are those related to bi-national problems arising between nations that share a boundary. The two thousand mile long boundary between the United States and Mexico has a profound impact on U.S. policy toward Mexico which causes it to be different from U.S. policy concerning most other nations except, perhaps, Canada. United States/Mexico relations present an extreme example of complex interdependence, where multiple channels link societies, multiple issues exist that are not arranged in any clear or consistent hierarchy, and military force is not used as an instrument of foreign policy (Keohane and Nye 1977: 24-29). Reflecting this multifaceted and complex relationship between the two countries, U.S. policy toward Mexico generally has lacked coherence and consistency (Bagley 1981). However, no conceptual framework yet exists to order and explain how and why a variety of policies arise. The large body of literature on border studies is expecially rich in explaining social and political behavior, and in documenting the handling of specific issues through individual case studies. U.S./Mexico scholars have found it difficult, however, to derive general rules that explain the particulars of inconsistent U.S. policy.

Knudsen, O.F. and Underdal, A. Patterns of Norwegian Foreign Policy Behavior: An Exploratory Analysis. Cooperation and Conflict, XX, 1985, 229-251. In this article the authors use events data for a 7-month period in 1978-9 to explore the following question: Who (in Norway's governmental apparatus) does what to whom (meaning to other states, societies, or inter- and trans-national organizations)? The findings reported indicate support for some of the 'conventional wisdom' propositions on small state behavior, such as a leaning towards cautiousness and instruments of international law and order, but Norway emerges as more of a concerned, perhaps officious, 'citizen' of the world community than 'small state realism' would suggest. The patterns of behavior revealed by this 'snapshot' clearly reflect a relationship of complex interdependence to neighbors in northwestern Europe, expressed in inter alia, a high level of attention, a concentration on matters of 'economic wealth', and a prominent role for 'domestic' sectors of government. By contrast, despite receiving a fair amount of attention, the Third World countries appear essentially as 'faraway strangers', left to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Norway's relationship to the USSR seems to be rather heavily loaded with issues concerning inter-state norms, rights, and duties, and is also characterized by a significantly higher proportion of conflict behavior than is interaction with the West.

The East-West cold war is now irrational. It is out of touch with a world of complex interdependence. Nevertheless, cold war attitudes are sustained by regressive mindsets and the centrality given to nuclear deterrence. In place of the static thinking that has characterized the past this article offers a forward looking theory and practice of coexistence. This approach involves defining a long-term goal and establishing appropriate intermediate steps toward its achievement. The intermediate steps identified are “constructive engagement’’ (10-15 years) and “a legitimate international order” (15-30 years). The final goal is “stable peace,” a condition in which war is unlikely not because of a balance of nuclear terror but because of mutual satisfaction with the prevailing political situation. Progress towards the goals indicated requires a “process utopian” approach. The latter is pragmatic yet reformist. It seeks to identify and pursue benign courses while leaving the end-point uncertain. What exactly the structure of European security will look like must be settled by future generations; in the meantime it is necessary to concentrate on benevolent processes such as nonprovocative defense, common security, denuclearization, and arms restraint. The prospects are mixed, but the trends have never been more favorable. Stable coexistence in Europe is not a real possibility. The article concludes by offering a series of ideas about the future of East Asian security based on the previous discussion of the European situation. Emphasis is given to the importance of taking a long-term perspective, diplomatic patience and persistence, movement to non-provocative tactics, sensitivity to the dynamics of the “security dilemma” in military planning and arms control policy, denuclearization, confidence-building measures, and the consideration of an East Asian “Helsinki.” The prospects for progress in East Asia are not presently as bright as in Europe, but change, when it comes, can be rapid.

"Archives! Who needs them?!" This comment was attributed to a consultant working under the direction of a team of businessmen charged with recommending efficiencies and economies in the operations of a state government in New England. The team recommended abolishing the state archives and records management program as a "marginal luxury" of state government.1 Officials in that state disregarded this recommendation, but the attitude that government records programs are a "marginal luxury" still exists among some governmental decision makers and many members of the public. It reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of the role of government records in society. It also reveals a shortcoming of government archivists who fail to articulate the role of government records and the need for an active state records program. That state archives and records management programs are under-supported, not fully utilized, and misunderstood is documented by Edwin C. Bridges in his analysis of reports on state archives programs from the initial round of the NHPRC-funded state historical records assessment and reporting projects.2 Analysis of reports from the second round of these projects does nothing to refute his conclusion that "American state archives are in an impoverished condition and are currently unable to provide adequate care for their records."3 "The image of state records administrators that emerges from these reports," writes Bridges, "is of a small, haggard band of defenders surrounded by forces that threaten to overwhelm them and desperately struggling just to survive."4 His use of the cliche, "the cycle of poverty," aptly describes conditions in many state programs. If this is the situation, then why have a state records program anyway? Is it a "marginal luxury?" In times of fiscal constraint, can a state afford to support its state archives program? What is the role of records in state government? The answer to this last question is the key to answering the others. It is to this question that archivists must thoughtfully respond so that government decision makers, the citizens who elect them, and the bureaucracy that serves them, can vividly understand the reasons to support a state archives and records management program. "Government is the one institution that in one way or another, at one time or another, touches the lives of every single individual within its jurisdiction. It not only affects the lives of all citizens, but inherent in that contact between government and citizen is a complex interdependence of rights and obligations, of mutual responsibility and accountability."5 The

In recent decades, complex interdependence as well as domestic issues have encouraged many constituent governments of larger national polities to assert an international competence of their own, primarily in matters touching upon their respective jurisdictions, such as trade promotion, foreign investment, employment and rights offoreign workers, environmental and energy issues, and tourism. Two forms of the resulting paradiplomacy are identified: transborder regional regimes (dominantly based on informal consociational processes) and "global micro-diplomacy" which bring constituent governments, including those of major cities, into direct contact with foreign national and constituent governments. Examples of the latter include the permanent representations of U.S. states and Canadian provinces in Tokyo, Brussels, Frankfurt, and London. The international initiatives of constituent governments evoke various reactions from national governments, ranging from lack of concern to positive or highly negative responses, depending on their perception of these activities as being politically marginal, complementary with, redundant to, or conflicting with national foreign policy. From these activities there emerges the concept of a territorial state as a multivocal actor. Neither a blessing nor a curse, subnational presence on the international scene has become afact of life in an interdependent world.

Human resource planners have begun to recognize the complex interdependence of internal and external social, political, economic, technological and demographic factors and their impact on planning for the human resource contribution to business development. This paper documents one industry’s approach to analysis and forecasting of environmental trends and events, and the integration of these analyses into a human resource planning process.

The various phases in the formulation of a major NASA project include the inception of the project, planning of the concept, and the project definition. A baseline configuration is established during the planning stage, which serves as a basis for engineering trade studies. Basic technological problems should be recognized early, and a technological verification plan prepared before development of a project begins. A progressive series of iterations is required during the definition phase, illustrating the complex interdependence of existing subsystems. A systems error budget should be established to assess the overall systems performance, identify key performance drivers, and guide performance trades and iterations around these drivers, thus decreasing final systems requirements. Unnecessary interfaces should be avoided, and reasonable design and cost margins maintained. Certain aspects of the definition of the Advanced X-ray Astrophysics Facility are used as an example.

Bu tez, Avrupa Ekonomik Topluluğu (AET)/Avrupa Birliği (AB) ile Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği (SSCB)/Rusya Federasyonu (RF) arasında doğal gaz temelli kurulan karşılıklı bağımlılık ilişkisine, karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık teorisi aracılığıyla odaklanmaktadır. Tezin iki temel argümanı vardır. İlk olarak, Avrupa'da Soğuk Savaş'a ve aralarındaki ideolojik rekabete rağmen, AET ülkeleri ile SSCB arasında karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık oluşmuş ve bunda da doğal gaz ticareti kayda değer rol oynamıştır. AET'nin güvenilir bir enerji kaynağı ihtiyacı ve güvenilir bir tedarikçi arayışı ile SSCB'nin Avrupa ile ekonomik ilişkiler kurma ihtiyacının örtüşmesiyle, Soğuk Savaş'ın sonu ve AET'nin AB'ne dönüşümü gibi yapısal değişikliklere rağmen karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık ilişkisi 2000'li yılların başına kadar sürmüştür. İkincisi, bu karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılık, 2000 yılından sonra beş temel gelişme nedeniyle tarafların çabalarına rağmen tedricen çözülmüş ve nihayetinde RF'nin Ukrayna'yı işgaliyle 24 Şubat 2022 tarihinde kopmuştur. Bu gelişmeler şunlardır: (1) AB'nin doğal gaz ticaretinde serbest piyasa koşullarına ve rekabete dayalı sisteme geçmesi, (2) RF'nin Avrupa girişimi olan Enerji Şartı Antlaşması'nı taraf olmaması, (3) AB'nin doğal gaz alanında ortak pazar veya ortak dış politika stratejisi geliştirememesi, (4) Eski Doğu Bloğu ülkeleri merkezli krizlerin AB-RF doğal gaz ticaretini olumsuz etkilemesi ve (5) Kuzey Amerika menşeili LNG'nin küresel doğal gaz ticaretindeki rolünün artması ve Avrupa'daki doğal gaz alım ve satım sözleşme yapılarını değiştirmesi. Bu tez özellikle, doğal gaz bağlamında aralarında asimetrik bir karşılıklı bağımlılık bulunan iki taraf arasında, bu bağımlılığı oluşturan koşulların nasıl tesis edildiğini ve her iki taraftaki devlet dışı aktörler ile etkileşim kanallarının bu süreçte nasıl rol oynadıklarını, iki ana zaman diliminde incelemeyi ve iki taraf arasındaki karmaşık karşılıklı bağımlılığın geçirdiği değişimi gerekçeleriyle irdelemeyi hedeflemektedir., This thesis focuses on the complex interdependence based on natural gas between the European Economic Community (EEC)/the European Union (EU) and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR)/the Russian Federation (RF) via complex interdependence theory. The thesis has two main arguments. First of all, the conditions of complex interdependence took place in Europe between the EEC countries and the USSR in spite of the Cold War and the ideological competition between the two sides, and natural gas trade played a key role in this. The complex interdependence continued until the early 2000s in spite of structural changes such as the end of the Cold War and transformation of EEC into the EU due to overlapping reliable energy source need and reliable supplier quest of the EEC and USSR's need to establish economic relations with Europe. Secondly, in spite of the efforts of both sides, the complex interdependence gradually loosened after 2000 and cut with the invasion of Ukraine by the RF on 24 February 2022 because of five main developments. These developments are as follows: (1) EU's change of natural gas trade system where free market conditions and competition prevail, (2) Russian Federation's not being a contracting party to the Energy Charter Treaty, a European initiative, (3) EU's failure to develop a common market or common foreign policy strategy for natural gas, (4) Former Eastern Bloc countries centered crises negatively affecting natural gas trade between the EU and the RF and (5) Increasing role of North American LNG in global gas trade and changing the natural gas purchase and sale contracts in Europe. This thesis attempts to examine how the conditions establishing interdependence between the two sides with an asymmetrical interdependence in the context of natural gas occurred and how the non-state actors and interaction channels in both sides played a role in this process in two main time slots. It also attempts to examine the changes in the complex interdependence together with the rationales. It analyzes the course of relations between the EU, a natural gas consumer on a global scale, and the RF, a natural gas producer on a global scale as well, on the basis of complex interdependence with a focus on natural gas and the entire conditions of complex interdependence during the Cold War and the post-Cold War era. This bond continued and further strengthened until 2000 without being affected from systemic and sub-systemic changes in both sides, which led to significant changes in other fields.

The emergence of an energy security crisis between Russia and European countries has cast doubt on the argument that commercial ties lead to peaceful political relations between states as the energy trade between Russia and Europe has been inclined to generate conflict rather than cooperation. Nevertheless, the crisis has showed that military security issues no longer dominate the agenda and that issues produce different degrees of cooperation and conflict between governments. Furthermore, governments cannot use military force in order to resolve issues in an era of interdependence. Therefore, the European Union (EU), which suffers from an asymmetric dependence on energy resources imported from or via Russia, has adopted a diversification policy. This policy not only affects energy security but also the EU's enlargement process. Accordingly, a diversification policy requires embracing alternative energy sources, such as Turkey's involvement in oil and gas pipeline projects bypassing Russia. Thus, Turkey's contribution to European energy security creates an interdependence, which could affect Turkey's relations with the EU.

Despite numerous fluctuations in the rhetoric of Canadian-American relations over the past decade, most scholarly analysis has continued to be dominated by a concept of the relationship which highlights its special lack of, and insulation from, the conflicting interests and power politics which prevail in the world beyond North America. The most obvious aspects of this specialness are the profound disparity in size and the intense socio-economic interaction between Canada and the United States, a structure which generates a continuing predisposition to solve the problems and to secure the benefits of complex interdependence through a continuously enlarging sphere of co-operation. A further special feature is the tendency to manage this interdependence through private, bilateral consultations among functional counterparts, held within joint organizations or at ad hoc meetings, and directed at solving problems on the basis of shared information, technical expertise, a refusal to link problems to other issues, and a strongly shared set of values and perceptions about the bilateral relationship and the outside world. Perhaps the most fundamental dimension of specialness is the presumed insulation of this process from the larger forces at work in the international system. While events abroad may generate issues for the bilateral agenda and explain Canada's more intense preoccupation with North American affairs, both a globally preoccupied United States and an internationally

As virgin territory in most developing regions grows scarce one may wonder how rural populations respond with regard to agricultural technology employment and demographic behavior. The complex interdependence between the relationships between population growth rural economic response and food availability and the institutions which affect the distribution of land population and available food have led to the development of several theories of the relationship between population growth and the agricultural/rural response. Malthus Boserup Sen and Hayami Ruttan and Binswanger (HRB) have all written on the issue. The author argues that these theories often considered to be opposed in logic and policy implications are however actually parts of a single approach which can be summarized in six propositions. His essay is divided into the following sections: Malthus; nonagricultural escape routes; the Boserup model; institutional limits; Boserup agro-technology and infrastructure; demand limits on the Boserup response in Asia; supply limits on the Boserup response in Asia; HRB responses and their limits; institutions and HRB; the fertility effects of Boserup and HRB responses; Boserup/HRB as Sen availability/entitlement responses; and the research-institutional response.

Past GEOP conferences have focused on such topics as ocean and earth tides and vertical movements and on various other aspects of earth dynamics. In GEOP 7, several of these topics were brought together in considering the classes of problems and processes that arise in coastal areas related to water level. Those who have been following the GEOP conference series in EOS or who have attended a number of the conferences will have noted the complex interdependence of solid earth and oceanic dynamics, with the themes of deformation and movement interwoven throughout the various disciplines and specializations of geodesy, geology, climatology, and geophysics—which is the physical ecology of the earth, if you like. On the coasts these interrelationships are most forcefully and dramatically evident.

With the rise of interdependence, transnational lobbying has emerged as an important instrument of bilateral bargaining among nations. I construct a typology of transnational lobbying based on four variables: power, knowledge, mutual interests, and ethnic and ideological ties. A case study of South Korea's lobbying in the United States is employed to examine how, and under what conditions, these different lobbying strategies are adopted, and to what extent they are effective. The Korean case shows that transnational lobbying is a supplementary and defensive tactic to assist formal diplomatic bargaining; that indirect lobbying involving coalition building and grass-roots mobilization are more effective than direct ones based on access to power and use of expertise; and that the choice and effectiveness of lobbying strategy are influenced not only by the degree of preexisting transnational resources (e.g., purchasing power, corporate constituents, ethnic base, and ideological ties), but also by the political, social, and cultural contexts of the countries involved.

Jehovah's Witnesses who refuse blood transfusions on religious grounds have long created ethical dilemmas for those in the medical profession trying to serve them. A bioethicist working in a clinical setting explores how one hospital ethics committee grappled with the additional problem of pregnant Jehovah's Witnesses, including the complex interdependence of maternal and fetal rights.