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This economically crafted monograph recounts more of the history behind the shape and intensity of the Atlantic slave trade from the Age of Revolutions to its end. Starting in the lead up to the Constitution of 1812, Sanjurjo recurrently features a young liberal deputy named Agustin de Arguelles (1776-1844) who, in alliance and admiration of British abolitionists, led the efforts to suppress the Atlantic slave trade through the Constitution of 1812. Arguelles and the moderates failed despite the moving descriptions, quoted by Sanjurjo, of the evils they were committing and limiting their goal to ending the Atlantic slave trade, not the institution of slavery. [Extracted from the article]

Despite gaining significant cultural and academic currency, penal abolitionism remains unable to radically problematize the punishment of individuals found responsible of exceptionally disturbing acts of criminalized violence. Through an empirical examination of a recent Canadian controversy over penal governance articulated to the transfer of a "monster" to a correctional healing lodge, the article makes legible our difficulties in communicating about appropriate responses to exceptional criminalized incidents which would forgo the use of afflictive sanctions as retaliatory harms. Engaging penal abolitionism empirically, theoretically and normatively, the article notably suggests that the limits of penal abolitionism can be explicated by the fact that its critique is premised on an instrumentalist conception of penalty which neglects the communicational function of punishment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By running away, fugitive slaves have long been recognized as important figures in exacerbating sectional tensions and sparking the Civil War. But the political impact of runaway and formerly enslaved people extended well beyond their absconding. This essay explores how their lives in and escapes from slavery powerfully influenced the growth of formal antislavery politics. Fugitive and former slaves, along with their white political allies, used their experiences of enslavement to build political opposition to slavery. Formerly enslaved men became vocal speakers for political abolitionist coalitions, convincing listeners to support antislavery politics. Women escapees from slavery, too, pushed white antislavery politicians to adopt more visceral political language. Former slaves' political activism brought a humane dimension to antislavery politics, forcing the nation to see the political struggle against slavery through their eyes and experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the premise of police abolition. It exploring the assertion that policing causes harm in a racially biased pattern and does not prevent harm, leading to the argument for abolition; the comparison of this argument to the deontological principle of doing harm versus allowing harm, drawing parallels to the death penalty discourse; and presents analytical frameworks for approaching the question of police abolition for skeptics.

Recent historiography has shown how slaveholding white women in the antebellum South United States often played active and eager roles in the administration of slavery and used violence against enslaved persons. Building on this recent historiography, this article will show how in the American Civil War (1861–65), such white middle and planter class women not only played central roles in slavery on antebellum plantations, but how this rhetoric of enslavement played a central role in how these women discussed their own experiences of war in the Confederate South. Particularly from 1862, when the ideology of secession and nationalism met the material circumstances of surviving on a wartime home front, middle and planter class white women resorted to the language of secular and non-secular enslavement to convey their own lived wartime experiences. As both enslaver and "enslaved", these planter women framed their wartime identities in the same system of power, violence and degradation they had been instrumental in sustaining before the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is part of a special issue celebrating 50 years of Political Theory. The ambition of the editors was to mark this half century not with a retrospective but with a confabulation of futures. Contributors were asked: What will political theory look and sound like in the next century and beyond? What claims might political theorists or their descendants be making in ten, twenty-five, fifty, a hundred years' time? How might they vindicate those claims in their future contexts? How will the consistent concerns of political theorists evolve into the questions critical for people decades or centuries from now? What new problems will engage the political theorists (or their rough equivalents) of the future? What forms might those take? What follows is one of the many confabulations published in response to these queries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on examination of domestic service in Victorian Britain, particularly its influence on the Brontë sisters and Louisa May Alcott. It analyzes the roles and conditions of domestic servants in the Brontës' household and how these experiences shaped their literary works. It also compares the British context with Alcott's American experience, exploring how both authors reflected on and were influenced by the realities of domestic service in their respective writings.

Nat Turner's Revolt and the Renaming ofJerusalem, Virginia [I]t cannot be that a prophet perish out of Jerusalem.O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, which killest the prophets, andstonest them that are sent unto thee - Luke 13:33b-1 3:34a Names are the turning point of who will be master. Taken to the countycourthouse in Jerusalem, Nat Turner was jailed, put ontrial, and executed by hanging.19 During the brief windowof time between Turner's capture at the end of October,his incarceration, trial, and finally his execution on 11November, an enterprising lawyer named Thomas R. Grayjumped at the chance to interview and write about NatTurner's version of events, probably because Gray was indire straits and "needed to make some money." It is at this late point that Turnerdevelops a "great desire to get there [Jerusalem]", andhe switches to a different route in order to do so.27 Turner, remember, is talking to Gray after he has beenhiding for two months, and as he is about to be executedby the state in Jerusalem; Turner's favorite and mostoft-cited text is Luke, which centralizes Jerusalem asthe necessary scene for the death of Jesus, and Turnerclearly understand himself to be "a successor to or'double' of Christ." For Eric Sundquist, for example, "It is beyondquestion that Turner himself understood the symbolicsignificance of his attempted destruction of the city of'abominations' and 'perverseness.'" Nowhere does Turner,in Gray's text, say that, although he does state,repeatedly, that he wanted to reach Jerusalem. [Extracted from the article]

The article looks back at the politicization of breathing and breathing emergencies in 1850 including the invention of the spirometer, whale breathing, and the struggles for the abolition of slavery. Topics discussed are racial and gender bias reflected by lung capacity and breathing data obtained from spirometer, difference of the whales' breath from that of humans, and breathing as a symbol of liberation from slavery.

The Russian Empire has been a nation of many social classes since day one. Despite its ancient past, its people have faced many problems in terms of the living conditions and wars abroad. Peasants/land slaves make up the majority of its demagogic structure, and pose the biggest issue - one so important that This issue, it was widely handled and criticized by 19th century Russian writers. Moreover, the abolition of land slavery in 1861 still did not resolve it either. Moreover, reforms made to the tsarist manifesto did not improve people's lives. According to one source, slaves in the village have the right to buy land. However, in reality the conditions offered were heavy and the prices high, thus forcing many to migrate to major cities for work, and in turn shifting slavery from the village to the city, where the same vicious cycle continued. Tolstoy penned a novella in 1863 on the developments of that era. His keen observation skills enabled him to accurately portray and reveal what villagers in cities were up against in the period, their living conditions, lack of education, and consequently the moral corruption in Russian society. In this study, we shall examine L. N. Tolstoy's book in depth structurally and thematically. Markedly, he very much defended their (i.e. peasants) rights and freedoms for most of his life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Walter Benjamin's pivotal essay "Toward the Critique of Violence," the state emerges as an originary site of violence, and the police figure as a key institution that makes possible both law-preserving and law-founding violence. I argue that Benjamin offers a unique and clarifying understanding of violence that can help make sense of twenty-first century calls for police and prison abolition. At the same time, Benjamin critiques several leftist attempts to combat state violence—such as the workplace strike and leftist reformism—finding in them a reformulation of the very violence they seek to combat. I argue that many of these critiques could be equally levied at some manifestations of the contemporary abolitionist movement. This paper concludes by distilling some of Benjamin's insights about the propensity to reflect the violence we attempt to contest into some lessons for contemporary activism and social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "A Reminder from the Caribbean: When Was Decolonization?" by Manuela Boatcă discusses dependency theories and decolonial perspectives in Latin America. The dependency theories of the 1960s and 1970s analyzed global inequalities and proposed socialist revolutions as a solution. Decolonial perspectives emphasize a comprehensive system transformation that includes not only administrative decolonization but also political, economic, and epistemic aspects. The article shows that administrative decolonization in the Caribbean is not yet complete and that massive dependencies continue to exist based on colonial patterns. Former British colonies in the Caribbean have been demanding reparations from former colonial powers since 2014 for the long-term consequences of slavery and colonial domination. The region embodies the dialectic of modernity and coloniality and is therefore relevant for analyzing global interconnections. [Extracted from the article]

If there ever was an "antislavery reformer" pushing Brazil, it was not the United States, but rather the United Kingdom. He is the author of I The Deepest South: The U.S. Brazil and the African Slave Trade i (New York, 2007) and the forthcoming "Horn of Controversy: Ethiopia, Egypt and the Post Civil War USA". The two giants of enslavement - the United States and Brazil - long have attracted comparative attention.[1] This is understandable, for juxtaposing the two offers insight into both. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the experiences of Hermínia, a young "black" and "single" woman in "domestic service" in the 1880s: a victim of illegal enslavement as a child through the interprovincial traffic to Rio de Janeiro in the late 1870s, she won her freedom in the courts in 1886 and returned to it to claim compensation for services rendered in early 1888, in the eve of abolition. The aim of this article is to follow the strategy of Hermínia and her lawyers who, by claiming compensation in the form of wages, sought to take advantage of the gap opened up by the abolitionist agitation and its victories to radicalize the demand for rights. The case sheds light on the possible relationships between the Abolition process and compensation and the social and legal debates around wage labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the U.S. Supreme Court case Queen v. Hepburn affirming a denial of a petition for freedom. It mentions by refusing to create a new exception to the hearsay rule, which would admit second-hand testimony of an ancestor's freedom into evidence, the case had important implications for the law of evidence and the American antislavery movement.

The article presents a proposal to create a tourist-cultural route in Extremadura, Spain, that highlights the heritage related to slavery. Key places in the proposed route are mentioned, such as Zafra, Jerez de los Caballeros, and Almendralejo, which had a significant African population in the 16th and 17th centuries. The objective of the work is to identify this heritage and promote cultural tourism in the region. Examples of other countries that have created routes related to slavery, such as Portugal, France, and the United Kingdom, are mentioned, but it is noted that Spain has not yet made proposals in this regard. The article also provides information about the presence of slaves in different municipalities in Extremadura and highlights the importance of recognizing slavery in Spain. The creation of a cultural route related to slavery in Extremadura is proposed to enhance the cultural heritage related to this history. [Extracted from the article]

The monograph aims to provide a more consistent and comprehensive theory of the history of the abolition and eradication of the slave trade in Spain's Atlantic empire. It charts British ideological, political, and diplomatic influence on the construction of anti-slave trade discourses and policies in Spain and stresses the multiplicity of abolitionist and anti-abolitionist ideas between 1802 and 1867. History "is, at last, impossible".[1] No single narrative, study, research, or reconstruction of events can capture the complexity of human existence. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Blood Legacy: Reckoning with a Family's Story of Slavery, by Alex Renton & Slaves and Highlanders: Silenced Histories of Scotland and the Caribbean, by David Alston And Renton outlines reprisals for enslaved uprisings; seven significant revolts occurred between 1769 and 1774. Alston outlines the involvement of Highland individuals in all stages of the slave trade and slavery: the slave castles in Africa, the middle passage, and plantation life. [Extracted from the article]

This article shows how the ethical framing of the contemporary issue of modern slavery has evolved in UK construction, a sector in which there is a high risk of labor exploitation. It also examines how these framing dynamics have inhibited the emergence of a common framework of action to deal with the issue. We draw on both framing theory and the literature on the discursive construction of moral legitimacy. Our longitudinal analysis reveals that actors seeking to shape the debate bring their own moral schemes to justify and construct the legitimacy of their frames. Actors cluster their views around five evolving frames: human rights issue (later shifting to hidden crime), moral issue, management issue (later shifting to human moral obligation), social justice issue, and decent work issue—which promote particular normative evaluations of what the issue is, who is responsible, and recommendations for action. Our study contributes to a dynamic and political understanding of the meaning making of modern slavery. We identify the antecedents and conditions that have forestalled the emergence of new patterns of action to tackle modern slavery in the UK construction sector thereby evidencing the effects of the interplay of morally competing frames on field-level change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns the 1688 Germantown Friends' Protest Against Slavery. The document was written and signed by Francis Daniel Pastorius and three like-minded Quakers. Pastorius's protest sparked early abolitionist debate in the American colonies, leading to other antislavery protests, such as Cadwalader Morgan's and George Keith's protests in the following decade. The Protest is a key example of early American diplomacy as it saw slavery as a contentious point with the potential to damage the new colony's relationship with Europe and subsequent immigration. The Protest was not initially successful, garnering little response from contemporary Quakers. However, its long-term influence has provided the path for abolitionist legislation in the late 1700s and led to the shunning of pro-slavery Quakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad is the property of Revista Electronica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article delves into the life and reception of Mathilde Franziska Anneke (1817-1884), a figure from 19th-century Westphalia. It states that her multifaceted life, marked by tumultuous events including marriage, involvement in democratic circles, exile to the U.S., activism against slavery and contributions to women's rights, has spurred significant academic interest. It outlines her journey from Europe to America, her association with democratic movements and renowned figures like Karl Marx.

This essay, in the form of a sermon to lawyers and lawmakers, articulates a liberating, progressive, theological jurisprudence of love. This jurisprudence seeks the empowerment of all people and advances a strong policy preference for the poor and disenfranchised. Rooted in scripture, this critical rule measures law and policy in the United States against fundamental human dignity. This is an ancient, radical message for contemporary law and policy. This theory of love is a critique of reactionary, right-wing fundamentalism. It condemns emerging Christian nationalism, affirms inclusive democracy, provides a systemic assessment for policy and politics, and marks a path toward beloved community. Drawing on doctrines that have underpinned movements for abolition, universal suffrage, peace, and civil rights, the homiletic form quickens a positive, normative jurisprudence with accessible rhetoric that avoids partisan, academic shibboleths. Relying on black and Latin American liberation theologies; feminist, indigenous, and Asian theologies; natural law jurisprudence; critical theories; and Anglican, Catholic, Evangelical, and Orthodox sources, this essay aims to reconcile antagonists with a compelling, universal commitment to restoration and justice by tracing the imperative legal and policy implications of love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that Ottobah Cugoano's 1787 abolitionist treatise, Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil and Wicked Traffic of the Slavery and Commerce of the Human Species , advances a critique of two political and literary tropes often associated with the abolitionist movement: humanitarian narrative and appeals to the law. Understanding these critiques allows us to recognize not only greater variety in abolitionist politics, but also abolitionism's general reluctance to treat slavery as an injustice requiring not amelioration, but rather remedy, restitution, and reparation. Cugoano's theory of slavery as a wrong highlights the international and intergenerational character of slavery's injustice. He argues that the historical and ongoing legal justification for slavery has effectively delegitimized the political authorities that sanctioned and supported the institution for centuries. Further, he imagines a revolutionary remedy for this injustice that would begin from a political recognition of slavery's impact on the globe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rooted in Arundhati Roy's insistence that "the pandemic is a portal" through which to imagine a world beyond the current crises of racial capitalism, this essay reflects on what abolitionist pedagogy might mean by offering an account of the author's own institutional location and of her students' engagements with activists, artists, and community members who draw crucial connections between the University of Pennsylvania's material relation to the city of Philadelphia and the ongoing reality of racialized criminalization that is a legacy of the eighteenth century. Building on this situated example of abolitionist pedagogy, the essay offers a broader model for how the intellectual, social, and material practice of eighteenth-century studies might be more actively engaged with local social-justice struggles, which are not separate from the eighteenth-century histories we study. The essay attends to the material locations of academic work, from the hotels that host our conferences to the universities that employ (or don't employ) us as scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The distressing events of 2020 challenged the United States to reimagine how our social institutions can and should respond to demands for racial justice. These demands impacted higher education and debates arose about whether the classroom is an appropriate place for teaching abolition. I address this debate by introducing a senior-level elective course, Policing in the American City, to explore how abolitionist pedagogy can guide our teaching, learning, and doing sociology alongside our students. I begin with a brief grounding in abolition and then introduce virtual community-based learning (VCBL) as an ideal medium to facilitate abolitionist pedagogy in the classroom. Next, I provide preliminary insights into the use of VCBL to illustrate how it helped students develop critical skills, mobilize their learning, and benefit community partners. Throughout, I call on instructors to consider how online education, service learning, and public sociology can align with abolitionist practices to create communities of care in our classrooms and empower students to engage abolition as praxis beyond their college years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relegated to a footnote in most literary anthologies, better known for being the mother of Anthony Trollope, Frances Milton Trollope was a remarkably prolific author, a staunch advocate of human rights, a skilled traveler, and a truly transnational artist. Indeed, even though she began her writing career in her fifties, prompted by the financial necessity to support her family, she published over one hundred acclaimed narratives, including several travelogues, novels, and shorter pieces. In 1827 she followed her friend, the Scottish reformer Frances Wright, to Tennessee, to join the Nashoba Community, a short-lived and controversial utopian experiment. Purchased by Wright, African American slaves in Nashoba were educated and gradually prepared to be repatriated to Africa or Haiti. Trollope became fully acquainted with the slave question in the US, where she lived for a few years before moving back to England: she witnessed the hardships slaves had to endure and the violence inflicted on fugitives seeking sanctuary in Canada. By focusing on her groundbreaking abolitionist novel, The Life and Adventures of Jonathan Jefferson Whitlaw (1836), this essay sets out to explore the strategies she employed to tackle the issue of slavery in the US; special emphasis will be placed on her treatment of the real protagonist of the novel: Juno, a woman in her seventies who interprets Trollope's ideal of maternal feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the opening pages of Thomas Clarkson's History of Abolition, published in the wake of the 1807 Bill, a well-known and most revealing passage states the unspeakability of the Middle Passage experience, which apparently escapes both description and re-enacting on the reader's part through some kind of imaginative process. From a different angle, transatlantic slavery, the forced migration of millions of human beings, and their significance in the making of the modern world were long subject to historical erasure, as was, for that matter, the writing experience of labouring-class writers -- including those who chose to engage in the slave trade, slavery and abolition discourses. This paper investigates how literal «truth claims» [Baucom 2005] may find their way across the silences of history on these foundational processes in the making of the modern world in the testimonies of Liverpool-based labouring-class writers Edward Rushton and James Field Stanfield. Their declarations of reliability and/or experiences as eye-witnesses feature in their prefatory material or emerge elsewhere in their texts, or even, as in the case of the former, paradoxically surface in their very biographies in the form of silence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The passage of the Fugitive Slave Act in 1850 raised the stakes for antislavery Whites and people of African descent in the United States by making resistance to slave catchers a federal crime. This study uses historical theme analysis to examine the rhetoric employed by newspapers in the Detroit River Borderland, which connected Michigan to Canada West, to promote or resist the Fugitive Slave Act from 1851 to 1852. While the Canada-based Voice of the Fugitive, edited by the formerly enslaved Henry Bibb, and the Michigan Christian Herald, a Baptist antislavery newspaper in Detroit, argued that the Fugitive Slave Act was unconstitutional and immoral, the proslavery Detroit Free Press supported the Act. These differing stances evince the divisiveness of the Fugitive Slave Act, which had been developed as a compromise measure a decade before the US was divided by civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The book review discusses Bernard K. Freamon's book, "Possessed by the Right Hand: The Problem of Slavery in Islamic Law and Muslim Cultures." The review acknowledges the author's argument that Islam's original message regarding slavery was emancipatory, but also highlights the failure of Muslims to abolish slavery. Freamon proposes that Islamic law can require abolition through consensus. The book explores the history of slavery in Islamic societies, including elite slavery and the impact of British abolitionism. The reviewer suggests that the author's interpretations of Islamic law and the Qur'an may not be definitive. [Extracted from the article]

This article depicts the system of slavery and the role of the slaves in social and economic life of the Khiva Khanate. Slavery continued in Khiva until the early twentieth century. In the system of the Khiva Khanate, slaves' social status depended on their labor activity and potential rather than their national origin. The article explores documentary evidence of attitudes towards slavery and examines how slavery is treated in Islam. It shows that slavery was developed and perpetuated in the context of the prejudice of certain rulers, their misunderstanding of the essence of Islam, and their desire to amass wealth by any means. It discusses the consequences of the abolition of slavery by Russia in 1873, examining issues that are not covered in other sources about the Khiva Khanate. In particular, there is a focus on the negative social aspects slavery's sudden withdrawal alongside the positive outcomes. The abolition of slavery initially affected the owners and masters of slaves, but negative effects on merchants and artisans soon began to emerge as prices for everything rose. The sudden termination of slavery had a negative impact on the annual income of the owners who used the slave labor to farm. Nevertheless, the existence of slavery is considered one of the main reasons the khanate remained in the swamp of backwardness. After its abolition, the khanate was able to move on from slavery-feudal relations and enter the sphere of advanced market relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1800, an exiled community of Jamaican Maroons migrated from Nova Scotia to the British antislavery colony of Sierra Leone. When they disembarked, Maroon captains met with Sierra Leone Company officials and rapidly negotiated and coauthored a treaty. This treaty is a composite manuscript document scattered throughout the National Archives at Kew (United Kingdom). The diplomatic customs that Maroons and British officials observed at the negotiation—including making speeches, reading script words aloud, and refusing to sign documents— marked the document as a treaty. This essay makes the case that the source is a treaty; explains and contextualizes the negotiation that occurred; and explores the themes of settlement, alliance, and antislavery that changed in Maroon treaties in Jamaica and Sierra Leone in the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História da Historiografia is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Teoria e Historia da Historiografia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kriminologisches Journal is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on Peace Democrat Newton Amos Chandler and his politics and his views about abolitionism, the Republican Party, the Civil War, and Abraham Lincoln. It mentions support to current historiographical shifts about the peace movement and invest money indicate that he received some training in spelling, grammar, and mathematics. It also mentions Chandler's believe that Abraham Lincoln enjoyed nearly universal support during the Civil War.

Southern Illinois has been known as "Egypt" or "Little Egypt" for nearly 200 years. In popular culture, the name "Egypt" evokes images of gold, mummies, exploration, and human achievement, but to 19th-century Americans its biblically linked allusions conjured up darker impressions. This article pinpoints the origins of an Egyptian identity in Southern Illinois and its evolution to reflect the negative qualities of moral degeneracy and ignorance caused by the antebellum moral, religious, and ethical arguments surrounding the issues of slavery and white supremacy. Throughout the turbulent 19th century, Egyptian Illinoisans strengthened their regional cohesiveness in spite of and in response to political and social upheavals and retained a shared group identity even as they clashed with waves of multicultural immigration. This article uses an interdisciplinary approach to elucidate these trends by intertwining concepts in Egyptology, American history, theology, political science, and reception studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brazilian law protects environments understood to be the remnants of historical ecologies. This article uses oral histories, silicate plant fossils, and stable isotopes to excavate one such protected fragment of Brazil's Atlantic Forest. Located on a former plantation in the Paraíba Valley of Rio de Janeiro, a region central to state and market formation, and to Atlantic slavery in the nineteenth century, this "forest" contains ecological histories different from those encoded in environmental law. Rather than a legislative failure, this incongruence constitutes an important structural feature of the juridical authority that marginalizes embodied ways of learning about the environment. This fundamental tension, related to who can know this place and by what means, has important implications for understanding the social meanings of environmental politics in the Atlantic world, which emerged in the context of the abolition of slavery. Environmental laws provided means of claiming knowledge and control over spaces of social reproduction created by freedpersons post abolition, underwriting enduring forms of land and labor management. [environmental legislation, land conflict, plantations, race, Brazil] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the activism of the London Emancipation Society (LES), a British anti-slavery organization initially established as the London Emancipation Committee in 1859 on the eve of the American Civil War. Scholars have long argued that the once-flourishing transatlantic abolitionist ties of earlier decades began to wane during the Civil War period. This article challenges that interpretation through an investigation of the LES and its key members. The article argues that transatlantic abolitionism did not wane during this period; rather, it was transformed by a new, cosmopolitan-minded generation of British abolitionists who nurtured existing as well as new ties across the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an effective conclusion, Seeley briefly sketches some of the removals of Indigenous nations north of the Ohio in the 1830s and 1840s while also pointing out that "[d]espite a presumed erasure of a Native presence in the north", some communities managed to resist removal, a point often overlooked (p. 328). Yet, consistent with her capacious view of removal, Seeley's focus is on U.S. efforts from the 1780s through the War of 1812 to gain land cessions from Native nations (primarily in the Ohio Valley) and promote their "civilization", while largely allowing them to remain (at least for the time being) on ever smaller territories within their homelands. Although this perspective understates distinctive modes of racialization under U.S. settler colonialism (the "one drop rule" for enslaved Black labor; Indigenous people with "white blood" potentially considered non-Native as a form of elimination),[11] like so many other reframings Seeley offers in this deeply engaging book, it allows us to see crucial issues in new ways. In the meantime, Black migrants - seen by Seeley as to some degree settlers in their own right, but also categorically different from white settlers in that they were often exiles - hoped to gain property as a necessary condition for freedom and political autonomy. [Extracted from the article]

The first copies of the Origin of Species arrived in Britain's southernmost colony during the early 1860s, just as the government went to war against Māori in Taranaki province. The longest and most consequential phase of the New Zealand wars saw several North Island tribes battle British and colonial troops and their Māori allies until 1872. Historians Adrian Desmond and James R. Moore argued in Darwin's Sacred Cause (2009) that the humanitarianism fuelling the anti-slavery movement of the early nineteenth century inspired Darwin's evolutionary theorizing. In Darwin and the Making of Sexual Selection (2017), by contrast, Evelleen Richards argued that Darwin built a strong sense of racial distinctions, hierarchy, and the extinction of 'lower' races into his thinking about human evolution from the beginning. Weaving together Darwin's use of New Zealand evidence and informants, and David Livingstone's argument about the significance of local contexts in shaping engagements with evolution, this essay argues that many settlers, politicians and some scientific leaders read Darwin during and after the wars to naturalize racial conflict, British triumph and the defeat and probable extinction of the Māori. This colonial context supports Richards' racial 'othering' interpretation more than the 'brothering' thesis of Desmond and Moore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]