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The present paper aims to examine whether the impact of economic growth on political rights/civil liberties depends on the political environment. The paper introduces the concept of political disinterest, which defines social unawareness/unresponsiveness to the loss of political rights/civil liberties in cases of expansion of economic opportunities, and which is proxied by economic growth in the empirical part of the study. The paper argues that political disinterest causes a negative impact of economic growth on political rights/civil liberties. The study uses data for 142 countries from 1996 to 2017 to empirically evaluate whether the impact of economic growth on political rights depends on the political environment. System Generalized Method of Methods (GMM) is used to take account of reverse causality, country-based heterogeneities, and heteroscedasticity problems. The estimation result shows that the impact of economic growth on political rights/civil liberties is positive for democracies but negative for autocracies. The results also indicate the presence of political disinterest only in the context of autocratic countries, which is referred to in the hypothesis in the body of the paper. The results also suggest that the presence of political disinterest in autocratic countries is only valid for non-fiscal expansions in which economic growth is not financed by government funds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the works of six of the various local and multicultural, emerging and established feminist artists at the Abolish Article 153 exhibition held on 27 April 2019, in Kuwait. The show marks fifteen years of women gaining political rights in Kuwait. Article 153 of Kuwait's Penal Code sourced from Article 324 of the old French Penal Code (Napoleonic Law) provides relative exemption to a man who commits murder in an honour-related occurrence. It specifies penalties to women for misconducts that range from acts of passion and desire or even interaction. This article explores ways in which the artists' strategic undertakings consider art a catalyst for dialogue and civic engagement. They attempt to make a difference either through autobiographical expressions or by emulating the sets of persistent histories of patriarchal cultures in the Middle Eastern region and worldwide. It demonstrates how their collaborative efforts stage diverse creations that generate a cultural space for engagement, reflection and action while recognising the constellation of differences and multiplicities amongst feminisms. It demonstrates how the grassroots initiative is a collective non-hierarchical working model that questions and seeks to overcome colonial and patriarchal narratives within inner and outer spaces, and individual and worldwide feminisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advancement of parity rules in Mexico allegedly meant having achieved full equality between women and men who are dedicated to politics; however, the numerical advance of women in congresses showed that descriptive representation was not sufficient to eliminate obstacles, including gender-based political violence, which prevents women from exercising their political rights. To confirm the previous hypothesis through a local case study, this article present the expressions of gender-based political violence based on gender that is exercised against women who venture into legislative activities. It is based on sixteen in-depth interviews carried out with deputies of the Quintana Roo congress, an interview with a senior local legislative official, and two heads of political training areas in national parties with state presence, all of them in office in the period 2012-2022. The findings of this research allow us to maintain that, although the presence of women in congresses has been promoted by the parity rules, practices corresponding to manifestations of gender-based political violence persist. These practices inhibit and constrain the full exercise of the functions of the female legislators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The four core chapters of Adair's study analyze Alfonsín's social agenda and food politics using multiple methodologies to build a larger interpretation of their successes and limits. Adair argues that Alfonsín's focus on social issues, specifically hunger, was as much a part of his platform as the political and juridical components of his broader human and political rights agenda. The endnotes and the bibliography bear out Adair's deep engagement with Argentine scholarship, and Adair balances accessibility with occasional brief deeper dives into Argentine history most relevant for specialists. [Extracted from the article]

This study aims to analyze news content in print and online media during 2021, which affects the Indonesian Democracy Index in Blitar City. The research subjects are news from January 1 to December 31, 2021, from the print media Radar Blitar and Memorandum, as well as online media from Bhirawa.com and Mayangkaranews.com. These four media have the highest number of readers in Blitar City. This study uses a qualitative method with a textual analysis approach and collects data through virtual searches, clippings, focus group discussions, and in-depth interviews. All Informants were determined based on the representation of the institutions contained in the measurement of the Indonesian Democracy Index. The results of a review of print and online news media during 2021 show that civil liberties, political rights, and democratic institutions in Blitar City show excellent performance.

The study aims to highlight the role of feminist movements in supporting woman’s political rights through their ideas and activism directed towards her, since their inception in many European and American countries, beside the transmission of their waves to the Arab and Islamic countries in which the activities of these movements began early, and the latter played an important supportive role for woman’s social, political and cultural concerns, even though they oppose traditions and customs of those countries, these movements believe that religion is one of the main reasons that led to underdevelopment of women and the loss of their rights in general and their political ones in particular. Meanwhile the Arabic and Islamic feminist movements were working to support woman and her rights based on their vision and values, they went through many different phases, because they aimed to reach decision-making positions so they impose their values that support woman's rights. And it helped in that, the involvement of some Arab and Islamic regimes, along with the formulation of international, regional organizations and global covenants for a clear vision in which the political rights of women are enshrined, and states are required to take the necessary measures to support these rights

The situation related to gender equality in Ukraine, the current rating of Ukraine in the world community, the problems faced by women in various spheres and the protection of women's rights at the state level, Ukraine's achievements in achieving equality are considered. The article is devoted to issues of gender equality, discrimination and violence in Ukrainian society. It is determined that gender equality and observance of human rights is one of the main goals of humanity and most countries take steps to erase socio-economic differences between men and women, equal rights and opportunities for realization, protection of people from violence. The author points out the multifaceted nature of the problem of gender equality in the realities of Ukraine and the systematic discrimination of women at various levels, and also demonstrates Ukraine's achievements in creating favorable conditions for the normal and safe functioning of a person regardless of gender. Key issues related to gender in Ukraine are highlighted, including economic inequality between men and women, different opportunities in obtaining access to financial resources; inequality in the political participation of men and women, as well as the problems of Ukrainian electoral legislation, which in a certain way allows to avoid injustice in political participation. In addition, issues regarding violence and crimes of various nature by representatives of both genders are raised.

The purpose of this study is to explain the construction of the Indonesian national health insurance policy model for the poor and its theoretical and practical implications for the implementation of the Indonesian national health insurance policy for the poor. This study used qualitative research methods. Meanwhile, data collection used in-depth interviews, observation, and document studies. Data analysis consists of data reduction, data display, conclusions drawing, and verification. The construction model of the Indonesian national health insurance policy produces several important aspects that interact with each other, namely the apparatus performance patterns, apparatus capabilities, bureaucratic culture, political interests, principles of universality, and financing of health coverage. Theoretically, the Indonesian national health insurance policy has implications for a broader dimension, such as political, legal, economic, social, and cultural. In addition, it touches on a philosophical dimension, concerning the rights of citizens, such as civil rights, political rights, and social rights. Meanwhile, practically, it is related to the development of health resources, improvement of the population administration system, financing, and quality and cost control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at different problems regarding the possibility of exercising political rights to representation faced by indigenous communities in the Tarahumara Mountains in Northern Mexico's state of Chihuahua. The author uses Niklas Luhmann's theoretical systems logic approach, emphasizing that protests around this issue are relatively recent. This is evidence of the opening of indigenous people to processes of differentiation and communications with the world on a societal level. At the same time, he underlines the emergence of communications spaces inside the societal order that create possibilities of access to the political and legal systems for these minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the views of Justice Joseph Story on American constitutionalism, specifically his belief in combining Lockean republicanism with common law principles. Story argued that educating the public about the Constitution would strengthen their attachment to it and protect American self-government. Scholars have debated Story's views, with some seeing him as a conservative opposed to democracy, while others argue he sought to preserve American constitutional principles. Story's Commentaries on the Constitution aimed to provide constitutional education to the public and build attachment to the Constitution and the union. The text also discusses Story's evaluation of the Articles of Confederation, highlighting their lack of authority and promotion of state sovereignty over unity. Overall, the text presents Story's work as a civic education tool to cultivate understanding and affection for the American government. [Extracted from the article]

Little has been written about human rights guarantees in Crimea, a territory annexed by Russia since 2014. Furthermore, approaches to the transnational networks that press Russia's obligations compliance towards the inhabitants of the peninsula are precarious. This article analyzes the agency of transnational advocacy networks regarding human rights violations in Crimea, between March 2014 and November 2021, as a precedent to the new phase of annexations in Ukraine in February 2022. Using notions from international norms, civil and political rights, and transnational networks, and based on primary and secondary sources, we describe notions of human rights in Ukraine and analyze the achievements of these transnational networks. The article shows that there is a limited institutionalization of the kind of environment that can foster the consolidation of human rights advocacy organizations in Ukraine, that agents within the network have very low coordination levels and that there have been very few changes in Russia's oppressive behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses political issues regarding digital technology, particularly on data ownership, data property rights, and digital constitutionalism. Other topics include the social function of rights, the transformation of social order, private act as political rights, and the exclusive rights under general property law or intellectual property law.

Decades of social science research on human rights has mapped the conditions under which states sign and ratify treaties, abide by their conditions, and promote or criticize human rights in other states. Some norms contained in the core human rights treaties, particularly civil and political rights, are seen by authoritarian states as politically threatening. Autocracies can reshape human rights through international institutions and seek to change their content over time. This article investigates China's engagement in the UN Human Rights Council, focusing on both the content and practices of the People's Republic of China's approach. In terms of content, it examines China's voting record to determine the issues it prioritizes. In terms of practices, it identifies four modes of pursuing normative change: mobilizing like-mindedness, implied coercion, tactical deception, and repression of critical voices. These modes capture a range of activity in and around multilateral institutions, some of which usually does not draw scholarly attention in studies of normative change. The findings provide insights into the future of human rights norms in the United Nations and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should provisional prisoners be allowed to stand for election? In the wake of recent experiences in the Spanish political scene, this paper attempts to answer this question. The answer is organized in three parts: firstly, an approach is made to the conceptual distinction between ownership and exercise of the right to passive suffrage; secondly, an analysis is made of how the restriction of the status libertatis affects political rights; and, thirdly, the paper descends to the casuistry to observe the behavior of the institutions in the face of requests from provisional prisoners to participate in electoral acts as members of an electoral candidacy. The paper concludes by proposing the regulation of a new cause of ineligibility for provisional prisoners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Mexico, despite the fact that international commitments have been assumed and legislation has been passed on the matter, gender inequality in politics persists as it continues to manifest itself in spaces of power and in public decision-making. In the context of the COVID-19 Pandemic, this paper proposes to analyze the designation of the Interim Municipal Councils in comparison with the integration of the Town Halls 2020-2024 of the State of Hidalgo. The research approach is comparative and descriptive. It is concluded that this political event represents a case of gender inequality in politics to the detriment of the historical struggle and political rights of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Additionally, while Zhai does not compare Bentham with Hayek, Bentham's account of the importance of the division of power in English history resembles Hayek's. The execution exemplified the constitutional power possessed and expressed by the body of the people, which Bentham conceptualized as an informal institution called the Public Opinion Tribunal, which included people excluded from formal political rights, like women, children, and members of colonies (209; Bentham [1], 57-58, 123). When it comes to his arguments concerning the judicial system, Bentham argued for replacing the traditional jury with a "quasi-jury" that would not issue the judgment but assess the conduct of the judge (266-267). [Extracted from the article]

Protection of human rights is a core value for the EU as well as a precondition for candidate countries. The European Commission, through the annual progress reports, monitors the protection of human rights and compliance of domestic legislation with international human rights instruments, particularly the European Convention on Human Rights. EU membership has always been the most cherished objective and has shaped the implementation of structural reforms and the protection of human rights. The European Union has grown as a normative power fostering democracy and promoting human rights through the promise of future accession. After the fall of the communist regime Albania has made significant progress toward respect for civil and political rights but still now due to the last report of the Freedom House is defined as partly free. The respect for civil liberties, especially the freedom of expression is still one of the main problems in Albania. While the Constitution guarantees freedom of expression, the intermingling of powerful business, political, and media interests inhibits the development of independent news outlets. The paper aims to analyze how the EU perspective membership has influenced the protection of human rights, especially civic rights like the freedom of media and expression, but also its limits. Methodologically, will be analyzed and compare progress reports, public speeches and declarations, national integration strategies, and the revised enlargement strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Middle East Journal of Legal & Jurisprudence Studies / Mağallaẗ al-Šarq al-Awsaṭ li-l-ʿulūm al-Qānūniyyaẗ wa-al-Fiqhiyyaẗ is the property of Manar Elsharq for Studies & Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Quran is the main source of human guidance. It gives clear instructions in building and shaping not only individual but also collective life. The teachings and commands for man that have been revealed in the Qur'an are for both men and women. All aspects of the partnership between man and woman show that woman is a complete person and has all the rights as men. Islam is the religion that gave woman her identity and introduced a different personality in the society. History is a witness that women were not seen with respect and dignity in any society. Even in Arab society people were buried alive at birth. She had no right to live but Islam gave women the right to live. The first favor of Islam towards women is that Islam not only changed the wrong impression that was found about women but also defined the position and rank of women in the human heart and mind and their high quality. For its political, social, economic, educational, hereditary purposes, rights have been defined in every sphere of life and it has been kept equal to men in all levels. Islam has given wide cultural, economic, social and political rights to women. To protect these rights, Islam has provided lasting guarantees such as legal instructions in the divine scriptures which is discussed in detail in this article. Their example is not found in any ancient and modern social system of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews five selected major decisions by domestic courts of Korea from the second half of 2022 to the first half of 2023 by taking a closer look at the changing legal practices and attitudes of the Korean judiciary in applying international law in domestic cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Seychelles acceded to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) in 1992. Article 9(3) of the ICCPR provides for circumstances in which an accused may be released on bail. Article 18(7) of the Constitution of Seychelles (2008) provides for the grounds on which a court may decline to release an arrested or accused person on bail. Article 48 of the Constitution requires Seychellois courts to, inter alia, refer to international treaties and the practice/jurisprudence of international human rights bodies when interpreting constitutional rights. This article illustrates the drafting history of Article 9(3) of the ICCPR and how it has been interpreted by the Human Rights Committee. It also highlights the right to bail under the African human rights system. Based on over 250 cases of the magistrate's court, Supreme Court, Constitutional Court and Court of Appeal decided between 1998 and 2023, the article discusses the extent to which the courts' jurisprudence complies with the practice and/or jurisprudence of the Human Rights Committee on the following issues: the right to bail, courts with jurisdiction to grant bail, factors courts consider in making bail decisions, burden of proof in bail matters, bail pending appeal and court's power to revoke bail. It is argued, inter alia, that although the jurisprudence on bail substantially complies with the standards set by the Human Rights Committee, there are instances in which some of the courts' decisions are contrary to these standards. The article recommends that courts should ensure that the jurisprudence on bail complies with the principles developed by the Human Rights Committee. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal Of the College of Law /Al-Nahrain University is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most refugees residing in the European Union (EU) do not retain their voting rights in states of origin or lack the means to exercise them effectively. Most member states of the EU do not extend voting rights to refugees. This leaves a large population of refugees residing within the borders of the EU in a unique state of disenfranchisement. In this article, I consider this problem from a democratic perspective. Should refugees in the EU have voting rights? My answer turns on three aspects characterizing the circumstances of refugees: First, refugees reside in member states for an indeterminate, and typically protracted, amount of time without any exit options. Second, the political governance of the EU and its member states significantly shapes the lives of refugees. And third, refugees lack effective voting rights, and consequently, a meaningful political membership, in any political community across the world. In turn, based on an all-subjected principle of democratic inclusion, I argue that refugees should be secured state-level voting rights in member states, albeit with a condition of the period of residency. Moreover, they should have immediate voting rights at the supranational institutions of the EU such as the European Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Galatasaray Üniversitesi Hukuk Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of GALATASARAY UNIVERSITESI HUKUK FAKULTESI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Iuris Tantum is the property of Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores, AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Esensia: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin is the property of Esensia: Jurnal Ilmu-Ilmu Ushuluddin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Research / Sosyal Bilimler Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of ODU Journal of Social Sciences Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores the right to an interpreter as part of the right to a fair trial under the United Nations and Council of Europe systems of human rights. The right to an interpreter is guaranteed as part of both Article 14 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Under both instruments, accused persons are entitled to a number of minimum rights to ensure a fair trial. Both instruments hold that an accused person has the right to "have the free assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand or speak the language used in court". This paper explores what this right means in reality for accused persons who seek to avail themselves of an interpreter. Only those who cannot understand or speak the language of the court are entitled to an interpreter. However, it is not always clear what is meant when we say a person 'speaks' or 'understands' a language. One may well understand day-to-day interactions in a second language but be completely out of their depth in a formal courtroom setting. Through comparison with the same right under the Statute of Rome, as well analysis of jurisprudence from the Human Rights Committee and the European Court of Human Rights this paper explores the scope of language rights under the right to a fair trial and the implications for access to justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite conflict's violent and deleterious impacts, scholarship increasingly demonstrates that women's political rights at the macro-level increase after conflict. However, relatively less is understood about how conflict impacts women's security at the micro-level, especially regarding how it impacts men's and women's attitudes toward intimate partner violence. While conflict can challenge traditional gender roles that justify wife beating, it also promotes hypermasculinity, normalizes violence, and leads to backlash against women in an attempt to re-establish traditional gender hierarchies. International actors, particularly through aid, moderate the impact of conflict on attitudes toward wife beating by encouraging progressive gender roles and increasing socio-economic development. Using Demographic Health Survey data in Uganda, this analysis compares the influence of conflict and international aid at the microlevel on approval of wife beating. The results demonstrate that women exposed to both conflict and aid are relatively less likely to approve of wife beating relative to women exposed to conflict alone. In contrast, men exposed to violence and aid do not alter their justification of wife beating. This study clarifies how conflict impacts attitudes toward women's rights at the microlevel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Electoral authorities cited a problem with Rodas's paperwork as the reason for preventing their Movement for the Liberation of the Peoples (MLP) party from running, but their supporters and international observers maintain the decision was politically motivated. At the end of January, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) blocked both Cabrera and Rodas from registering as candidates citing outstanding "legal charges and a complaint" against Rodas. Guatemala's Democracy in Tatters: An Indigenous human rights defender who won unprecedented support in the last election tried to enter the presidential race with proposals to shake up the status quo. [Extracted from the article]

With entry of the new millennia, Morocco enacted measures to improve women's political representation, perhaps the most prominent of which is the adoption of the quota system, which made it possible to improve women's presence in representative institutions prompting a quantum leap in the embodiment of their political rights. This study examines the evolution of the legal framework for women political empowerment in Morocco and concludes that legislating the political rights of women is still facing much resistance as there are several constraints that limit their representative weight and their influence in the political decision. This necessitates the enactment of an integrated approach that combines political, economic and social dimensions of empowering women politically and the advancement of their rights based on gender indicators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Law constitutes a device that serves the purpose of naturalizing the existing social order. This is because the cycle of protests observed since October 2019 in Chile, insofar as it was oriented to produce changes in the social order, puts pressure on the Law. Hence, it is possible to expect that the representations of political protest produced from the legal field during this cycle operate in diverse and opposing senses. In order to investigate the understanding of these meanings and to know how they are confronted, a judicial process oriented to the punishment of actions developed in the framework of these protests is examined. This type of analysis is relevant because what is debated in court has an impact on the discussion and definition of the content of the political rights of citizens. The proposed research is a contribution to the socio-legal understanding of protest, a right at the heart of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The revival of ideologically motivated right-wing political agitation across the Western world demands that its intellectual sources be discovered. Martin Heidegger has occupied a position among anti-liberal, anti-modernist, and anti-Western forces across the globe comparable to that of Karl Marx on the socialist Left. Yet scholars still lack the conceptual terminology for capturing the political import of his work. The recent publication of Heidegger's Black Notebooks provides an opportunity for rereading his central political works in order to recover their meaning for contemporary political movements. Such a rereading also illuminates the sources of Heidegger's remarkable and misunderstood influence on the political Right. It thus explains a matter of urgent and high importance for generalist political scientists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of capitalist democracies, the contradiction between people's expectations of equality and the subordination they experience at work is intense. I argue that it is the defining experience of the contradiction between capitalism and democracy. Capitalism grants political rights to property owners, while democracy grants political rights to the citizens recognized as equals. They are thus regimes of government that distribute rights in dramatically different ways. This essay is grounded in the understanding that firms are best analyzed as "political entities," and workers as "labor investors," and have thus a legitimate right to bear on the government of their work life. Examining the history of how political entities have become democratic through the innovation of bicameralism provides a "real utopia": economic bicameralism, that is, a set of patterns that may be applied to democratize and transition the corporate firm beyond capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public emergencies like global pandemics subject human rights to extraordinary vulnerability. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) permits States to restrict rights by enacting permissible limitations on them at any time and by derogating from their protection in emergencies. This article argues that States should rely on the ICCPR's permissible limitations provisions rather than lodge formal derogations in times of crisis, unlike what many States have done during the COVID-19 pandemic. It draws upon New Zealand's highly successful public health response to support this proposition. The article argues that the accountability machinery for compliance with States' rights obligations is stronger when permissible limitations are enacted. Where States do rely on the right to derogate, the article suggests some improvements to existing international accountability mechanisms. These include enhancing the analysis to be contained in notices of derogation and advance capacity-building to enable States to better decide if derogation is necessary in the first place. Ultimately, the article argues that keeping States within the international human rights system is ideal. This can be achieved through reliance on the flexibility built into the ICCPR via its permissible limitations provisions rather than its right of derogation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]