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Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences & Humanities Researches is the property of Mugla Sitki Kocman University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During colonialism, African countries were exposed to severe living circumstances and human rights abuses. African nations earned their independence and transitioned to democracy in the post-colonial period. Democracy was touted as a method of creating security, stability, and wealth in African countries, as well as demonstrating Africa's independence. The transition to democratic states was viewed as a necessary step for African countries in order to meet the needs of citizens who had previously been enslaved and whose rights had been violated by colonizers. This article examines the current position of democracy in African States post colonialization. This article argues that African leaders have failed to deliver on their promises of democracy, as evidenced by the fact that African countries are characterized by political instability, corruption, poverty, poor public service delivery, inequality, and low economic growth. Only the political elites in Africa have reaped the benefits of democracy, while the rest of the population has fared less favorably. The authors contend that the process of democratization has not afforded democratic African states the opportunity to acquire solutions. The authors acknowledge the progress, made by democratic states; nevertheless, in spite of this progress, a greater number of Africans continue to live below the poverty line. Those who are elected to positions of power have the appearance of being there to serve the people, but in reality, they only serve themselves and their own interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy is the property of Bajo Palabra: Journal of Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Kufa Legal & Political Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores how an established practice of political consumerism (ie consumers punishing or rewarding on the basis of politics) influences a new notion of political brand personality (PBP: the perceived political attributes of a brand). Study 1 identifies and delineates PBP traits. Study 2 assesses and applies foundational PBP traits to prominent US firms. Study 3 empirically investigates how PBP influences consumer decision-making across unidentifiable experimental firms. Results show that people do ascribe distinct political traits to brands and that consumer behaviour is significantly affected by PBP. Consumers seek self-congruency in which their political values are in line with the PBP traits projected by the products they purchase. These findings give rise to myriad theoretical and managerial implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mavi Atlas is the property of Mavi Atlas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Qingdao, a stunningly beautiful coastal city in China's Shandong province, has been regarded as an ideal city over the course of its history. But the content of the ideal has changed over time. In the past, it was associated with nearby Lao Mountain, a sacred Daoist site, and regarded as a spiritual ideal. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, Qingdao was viewed by leading Chinese intellectuals and political reformers as an ideal political city that best expressed modernity. More recently, it has been viewed by ordinary Chinese as China's most romantic city. In this essay, we draw on history, the strolling method, and interviews with 'city-zens' to discuss Qingdao's ethos and how and why it has changed over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dog whistling—speech that seems ordinary but sends a hidden, often derogatory message to a subset of the audience—is troubling not just for our political ideals, but also for our theories of communication. On the one hand, it seems possible to dog whistle unintentionally, merely by uttering certain expressions. On the other hand, the intention is typically assumed or even inferred from the act, and perhaps for good reason, for dog whistles seem misleading by design, not just by chance. In this paper, I argue that, to understand when and why it’s possible to dog-whistle unintentionally (and indeed, intentionally), we’ll need to recognize the structure of our linguistic practices. For dog whistles and for covertly coded speech more generally, this structure is a pair of practices, one shared by all competent speakers and the other known only to some, but deployable in the same contexts. In trying to identify these enabling conditions, we’ll discover what existing theories of communicated content overlook by focusing on particular utterances in isolation, or on individual speakers’ mental states. The remedy, I argue, lies in attending to the ways in which what is said is shaped by the temporally extended, socio-politically structured linguistic practices that utterances instantiate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Congress enacted the No Surprises Act (NSA) in 2021. The NSA relies on the ability for providers to appeal their out-of-network (OON) payment through an arbitration process known as Independent Dispute Resolution (IDR). This study was designed to evaluate the effective access to IDR for mechanical thrombectomy (MT)., Methods: This study uses a simulation to model the likelihood that neurointerventionalists have financially viable access to the NSA IDR process to seek adequate payment for MT OON claims., Results: When evaluating professional claims, for only batches of four or more claims, would the expected payment recovery exceed the expected IDR costs. For global claims (both professional and technical components), a batch size of two claims would be required for the expected payment recovery to exceed expected IDR costs.For the 1000 simulations at large MT centers (300 MT annually), there were no instances where it would have been financially viable to submit professional-only OON claims to the IDR process. For global claims, it would have been financially viable to submit to IDR for only 13.2% of these claims. For smaller stroke centers, there were also no instances where it would have been financially viable to submit professional-only claims. For global claims, it would have been financially viable for only 3.3-6.1% of claims., Conclusions: The NSA process was designed to protect patients from unexpected bills following non-elective medical services. Given the emergent nature of many neuroendovascular cases and the lack of access to the IDR process as this model illustrates, the field is at risk for under-reimbursement due to NSA legislation., Competing Interests: Competing interests: JAG: consulting - Cognition, Imperative; grant support EMCF, GRA, DOD, Emory Neurosurgery Catalyst; relevant volunteer position: Audit Chair, SNIS Board of Directors. JMM: Imperative Care – Consulting, Trial Steering Committee, Microvention – Consulting, Optimize Neurovascular – Scientific Advisory Board, relevant volunteer position – JNIS Associate Editor. GD: consultant for Medtronic, Microvention, Stryker, Cerenovus, Penumbra, Phenox, Route 92; relevant volunteer position – Vice President, SNIS Board of Directors. REH: Partner in Radiology Partners. JAH: Medtronic, Relievant, Sanofi—consulting, Balt, Rapid Medical—DMC Chair, Relevant volunteer positions-JNIS Deputy Editor, SNIS Chair Health Policy Committee., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2024. No commercial re-use. See rights and permissions. Published by BMJ.)

Background: There is substantial interest in adding endovascular stroke therapy (EST) capabilities in community hospitals. Here, we assess the effect of transitioning to an EST-performing hospital (EPH) on acute ischemic stroke (AIS) admissions in a large hospital system including academic and community hospitals., Methods: From our prospectively collected multi-institutional registry, we collected data on AIS admissions at 10 hospitals in the greater Houston area from January 2014 to December 2022: one longstanding EPH (group A), three community hospitals that transitioned to EPHs in November 2017 (group B), and six community non-EPHs that remained non-EPH (group C). Primary outcomes were trends in total AIS admissions, large vessel occlusion (LVO) and non-LVO AIS, and tissue plasminogen activator (tPA) and EST use., Results: Among 20 317 AIS admissions, median age was 67 (IQR 57-77) years, 52.4% were male, and median National Institutes of Health Stroke Scale (NIHSS) was 4 (IQR 1-10). During the first 12 months after EPH transition, AIS admissions increased by 1.9% per month for group B, with non-LVO stroke increasing by 4.2% per month (P<0.001). A significant change occurred for group A at the transition point for all outcomes with decreasing rates in admissions for AIS, non-LVO AIS and LVO AIS, and decreasing rates of EST and tPA treatments (P<0.001)., Conclusion: Upgrading to EPH status was associated with a 2% per month increase in AIS admissions during the first year post-transition for the upgrading hospitals, but decreasing volumes and treatments at the established EPH. These findings quantify the impact on AIS admissions in hospital systems with increasing EST access in community hospitals., Competing Interests: Competing interests: SAS reports funding from the National Institutes of Health as well as consultancy fees from Penumbra, Viz.AI and Imperative Care for unrelated topics., (© Author(s) (or their employer(s)) 2024. No commercial re-use. See rights and permissions. Published by BMJ.)

Research Framework: Within the framework of studies on ordinary relations to politics and that of migration studies, this work intends to study the classical object of political socializations within the family structure, by questioning the effects of legal constructions on them. Objectives: This article observes the contradictions that can arise within the family space (“family community”) due to the exclusion of some of its members from the “national community” because of their legal status. Methodology: This article is based on thirty narrative interviews conducted with descendants of North African immigrants aged 18 to 45 living in the Île-de-France region and having at least one parent born in a North African country. Results: According to our results, the different legal status of members of the same family does not have a restrictive effect on political transmissions, as they are part of a wider set of exchanges. However, adaptations and common strategies may be put in place by these members in situations where legal status is imposed as a constraint, particularly at the time of voting. Some categorizations resulting from legal constructs can be illustrated within the family space, such as the “good immigrant/bad immigrant”, and thus put family ties to the test. Conclusions: As with any problematic focused on an ethnic minority, the study of political socializations within North African families requires epistemological precautions. The legal status approach allowed us to limit the "culturalist" and "evolutionist" pitfalls. Moreover, an approach that considers political socializations in their global context offers the possibility of capturing elements of understanding of certain phenomena specific to immigrant families. Contribution: This work represents a first approach to the superposition of these two symbolic spaces. It would be interesting to continue the reflection started in this work, in order to disentangle more precisely what comes under primary socializations and what comes under the effects of legal status.

Introduction: Vaccine hesitancy has been a major barrier to mitigating the effects of COVID-19, especially in rural Oregon, USA. This study assessed the influence of political affiliation, religious identity, and rurality on vaccine hesitancy in counties across Oregon. Methods: Cross-sectional association analysis was performed using public data on US President Trump votership in the 2020 election, White Christian identity, population density, and COVID-19 vaccination data for adults as of 29 August 2021. Results: By 29 August 2021, 68.0% of adults had been fully vaccinated in Oregon. Trump votership was the strongest independent association with vaccination status in Oregon (r=0.90, p

In the midst of multiple events and changes in the international environment and the foreign policy of countries, in which several factors play a central role, and at a time when social and political upbringing has become an important pillar in guiding peoples, including political leaders, and due to the importance of the role played by these leaders, our research came to answer his question about the impact of Psychological factors on the management and decisions of political leaders, where our research included the definition of the psychological factor, touching on the statement of some of the concepts involved in this factor, which help to maximize the role of personal factors, whether associated with the decision-maker or internal and external. The research also worked to clarify the personal characteristics and intrinsic motives of the political leader, trying to reveal the nature of the role of the psychological factor according to two directions, one of which denies its role and the other emphasizes the importance of that role. These factors have been adopted, and the personality of Russian President Putin was adopted, not out of admiration for it, but on the impact of his personality on what he presented to Russia during his reign, traversing his upbringing, study, composition and beliefs, his lifestyle and the nature of his personality, to reach at the end of the research his policy and its reflection on the Russian decision through Examining his domestic policy and his foreign policy orientations. Referring to the most important goals and points of the new Russian faith, so that through these paragraphs we can feel the impact of the psychological factor on the decisions of President Putin, projecting this model on the general political leaders, especially the senior ones, so that we can make the necessary recommendations and reach the results that the research aims to identify in order to be placed Taken into account during international interactions between states and political leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses teaching quality analysis of college ideological and political education based on deep learning. It mentions that Deep Learning-Based Innovation Path Optimization Methodology (DL-IPOM) has been proposed to improve the way of thinking in ideological and political education, it presents several studies conducted into the history of ideological and political education; and mentions that path optimization methodology improve the student political and ideological assessment.

Introduction: Vaccine hesitancy has been a major barrier to mitigating the effects of COVID-19, especially in rural Oregon, USA. This study assessed the influence of political affiliation, religious identity, and rurality on vaccine hesitancy in counties across Oregon. Methods: Cross-sectional association analysis was performed using public data on US President Trump votership in the 2020 election, White Christian identity, population density, and COVID-19 vaccination data for adults as of 29 August 2021. Results: By 29 August 2021, 68.0% of adults had been fully vaccinated in Oregon. Trump votership was the strongest independent association with vaccination status in Oregon (r=0.90, p<0.01), followed by White Christian identity (r= -0.69, p<0.01), and population density (r=0.55, p<0.01). In multivariate analysis, White Christian identity and political affiliation with Trump in the 2020 election explained 84.1% of the variability in COVID-19 vaccination status in Oregon counties. Conclusion: White Christian identity, Trump affiliation, and rurality were identified as factors in vaccine hesitancy among counties in Oregon. Without addressing these factors in public health outreach, vaccine hesitancy is likely to continue unabated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conservative Thought / Muhafazakar Düşünce is the property of Muhafazakar Dusunce Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Fondo Editorial Fundacion Universitaria Luis Amigo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores the management accounting practices (MAPs) in small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) in Yemen that has been in war crisis since 2015. The crisis situations are operationalized as uncertainties of politics, economy, social and technology (PEST) factors while MAPs are operationalized using the contemporary and traditional dimensions. Based on the configuration approach of contingency theory, it is expected that the SMEs in Yemen will place different emphasis on traditional and contemporary MAPs influenced by the political and economic stability, and the progress of the social and technology perceptions. A total of 287 questionnaires were distributed to top management of the SMEs operating in Sana, Aden, Hadramout, Taiz and AlHodiadah. The low mean value of all PEST variables suggest support to the perceptions of the crisis situations in Yemen. In order to test the hypotheses, two SMEs clusters were formed. Cluster 1 that exhibits a more stable political and economic situation, with more advanced social and technological progress appear to emphasize traditional MAPs compared to contemporary MAPs. Cluster 2 that displays a less stable political and economic situation, with less advanced social and technological progress place almost equal emphasis on traditional and contemporary MAPs. In line with the expectation, Cluster 1 that is closer to the contingency 'fit' expectation, exhibits higher performance than Cluster 2. The findings of this study implicates the importance of understanding and practicing appropriate MAPs even in crisis situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intus-Legere Historia is the property of Intus-Legere Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Making use of Carl Schmitt's theoretical tool kit, in this article, we intend to offer an insight into the liberal depoliticisation presupposed and sustained by the process of European integration. We argue that the comprehension of the current deficit of legitimacy of the EU – materialised in a formal self-constitution (which dismisses completely the question of the European demos) and a technocratic governance whose liberal-authoritarian traits produces an essential insulation of the decision-making processes – must pass through an engagement with the epochal and ideological conditions upon which it has been thought; that is the necessity to find a solution to the endless European civil war, on the ground of widespread liberal forms of depoliticisation. In the exaltation of the law as a supreme/exclusive means of an indefinite process of integration, the political soul of integration has become lost, caged in formalist procedures deliberately intended to depoliticize the decision-making process. Leaning on Schmitt's concept of 'neutralisation' and 'depoliticisation' is functional to the comprehension of how the process of European integration has used the law, a liberal ethos and market economy and as strategies to thwart the political. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 25th Anniversary Special Issue features forty articles that reflect on the study of citizenship in the last 25 years and highlight some cultural, economic, political, and social struggles over various forms and effects of citizenship. The authors include diverse disciplines, perspectives, and trajectories and address various struggles that shape citizenship as a concept and practice in the 21st century. This introduction provides an account of the aims of this special issue rather than a summary of these contributions, which we invite readers to explore and engage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Nigeria, electoral fraud has arguably become prevalent. As a result of it, most electorate seems to have lost faith in the electoral process. In all this, the media have a great role to play in correcting this anomaly that has been denting the Nigerian dem cratic image through their agenda setting function. This study was underpinned on agenda setting theory. The survey research method was adopted. The population co prises 180 registered and practicing journalists in Imo State. The census principle was used in the study. The approach of purposive sampling was adopted. The data gathe ing instrument was a questionnaire and analysis was done using descriptive statistics and mean analysis. Finding revealed that the media through their agenda setting fun tion can salvage the issue of electoral fraud in Nigeria. It was recommended that having known the mass media have great tendency to influence change, creators of mass m dia contents in the Nigerian media industry should not relent in their efforts in packaging mass media content that can help in raising the consciousness of the people towards the danger of electoral fraud with the intention of ending it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the activities of Borno traditional political and religious leaders in the Nigerian Civil War, with specific reference to the role of the Shehu of Borno and other chiefs, Muslim and Christian leaders. Traditional political leaders are the custodians of culture and traditions in Borno. They galvanised support for the war by mobilising society to contribute to the war effort. This article adopts a qualitative method, using oral sources from interviews conducted with surviving members of the traditional political and religious institutions. Traditional political leaders also commissioned religious leaders to pray for a successful end to the civil war, the unity of Nigeria and to preach the legality of enlisting into the military profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Contemporary Islamic Studiens Magazine is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

James I's accession to the English throne in 1603 was marked by the rising prominence of the Bedchamber as a powerful and semi-autonomous institution that was manned by an entourage of royal advisors and close personal associates who took care not just of the king's physical needs and private ablutions but also played a vital role in government and policy matters. Based on a prototype of the king's former integrated Scottish household this new ceremonial space became the crux around which the private and political life of the monarch was centered. Yet James' decision to reserve bedchamber positions solely for his Scottish countrymen caused deep disquiet and jealousy among the English political elite. This essay attempts to read the bedchamber setting in Volpone (notwithstanding its Venetian locale and characters) as a darkly humorous parody of the reorganized Scots-centric Jacobean Bedchamber, especially in its potential to function as a privileged site of power, homoerotic patronage, and material profit for a select few. Coming within a year of the composition of the infamous anti-Scots comedy Eastward Ho and written immediately in the aftermath of the discovery of the Gunpowder Plot, Volpone (1606) is the closest albeit indirect reflection of the political disgruntlement and cultural anxiety prevailing in England in the first few years of James' reign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]