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The purpose of this article is to give the history teacher who is interested in or passionate about music--but nervous about transforming that passion into a useful classroom lesson--some resources, tools, and ideas to begin incorporating music into their teaching. It will focus on what is arguably the most difficult musical genre to teach with: the European tradition of art music, including opera. Such music is often regarded as being far away from the world of contemporary popular music, and art music may be the genre students are least likely to casually listen to. However, it is an incredibly rich resource for classroom instruction, and the underlying principles can be applied to more popular forms of music or to non-Western musical traditions. The dramatic principles inherent in opera provide another way to combine audio and visual sources to drive student discussion. Music is yet another method of reaching students by engaging them with something they are likely to have opinions about and have at their fingertips (given the ubiquity of streaming services and unlimited smartphone storage); and since music is used to market goods, enforce informal social boundaries, and serve as a marker of identity, training students to think as critically about music as we train them to think about texts and visual media is a vital part of equipping them to live in the modern world. Finally, classical music will be attractive to students who are interested in the arts and in musical performance who might otherwise find history a little remote. Historians and history teachers ignore the power and potential of music at their peril.

Considering the contradictions in the structured and static approaches to the nation and national identity observed world-wide and fluid "trans-" approaches to language in applied linguistics and sociolinguistics, the paper explores how national identity is constructed and sustained nowadays, specifically in digital spaces both discursively and non-discursively. Based on the notion of 'practice' by Theodore Schatzki (2002), the paper focuses on the translingual practices in relation to national issues and events in Bangladesh drawn from digital spaces through a virtual ethnography. The findings in this paper show that translingual practices and national identity may apparently seem fluid in digital spaces. However, actors nurture beliefs, values, and ideologies in their translingual practices with reference to a territory-based notion of nation, religion, and national identity. Their discursive construction of nation and national identity also seems entangled with a non-discursive bundle of activities and symbolic and material artefacts within material arrangements of spaces. Verbal violence and terrorism accentuating nationalism get immediacy and are concretized in materially mediated semiotized spaces. With an immediate focus on spatial dynamics, while acknowledging the ethos of the post-structuralist approach to language, the paper, hence, indicates the necessity of transgressing the 'logocentrism' in language and identity research in applied linguistics and contributing to the recent development in the post-humanist applied linguistics.

Scholars have long identified fostering democratic citizenship as a primary purpose of public schooling in the United States, as schools should intentionally prepare students with the knowledge and skills needed for active, informed democratic citizenship. In addition, global interconnectedness has reshaped needed civic competencies to participate in civic life. This conceptual article considers the intersections between civic and world history education, assessing the relationship between the two disciplines in order to create a framework of best practices in world history civic education. Global citizenship discourse is analyzed using this framework, considering how different forms may reinforce or undermine world history's purpose of preparing students with pluralist understandings for global democratic living. Drawing on components of history education, world history, and global citizenship education scholarship, this article seeks to establish epistemological clarity as to how world history can contribute to meaningful civic education and vice versa.

Background: Pakistan inherits a multilingual heritage. Along with Urdu, 70 different languages are spoken. The 1973 Constitution officially recognizes Urdu as Pakistan's only national language. Purpose: Until today, the adoption and promotion of Urdu as a medium of educational instruction has remained a point of controversy. Existing research lacks the voice of academicians on the issue. Research Design: The present investigation focused on the voice of 100 university professors selected randomly. As part of the Ph.D. Data analysis: Research, data was gathered using a standardized Likert Summative Ranking Scale. Result: Data analysis revealed that there is a highly significant positive relationship (p = 0.000) between the use of national language and nation-building. Conclusion: This means, academicians across Pakistani universities strongly believe in the use of national language in all lifestyles to realize the dreams of nation-building. It will help to achieve socio-cultural, developmental, strategic, academic, and identity goals amicably.

The present article draws attention to the latest curriculum reform in Finland, which came into effect in August 2016 and promoted a shift towards a competency-based curriculum which highlights diversity as a positive resource. The main aim of this study was to gain insights into the understanding of 'inclusion' within the context of PE policy in Finland and particularly focuses on the inclusion of students with special educational needs (SEN). This research focuses on PE, because the subject is still shaped by underlying sentiments representing traditional values such as nationalism and given gender roles which seem to contrast with the conceptualization of inclusion. Therefore, the current Finnish NCC (of PE) has been qualitatively content analysed adopting a deductive-inductive approach. The findings demonstrate that the official documents build upon a broad understanding of inclusion and diversity, which is not only restricted to students with disabilities. However, the PE curricula provide few practical implications for teaching in diverse classes which may stem from inconsistency across the analysed documents in considering diversity issues. We conclude that the Finnish curriculum leaves room for teachers' pedagogical autonomy, but further research is needed to explore how it frames their possibilities to work inclusively in practice.

Efforts have been made among scholars from Japan, South Korea, and China since the 1980s--on both private and state initiatives--to narrow the gaps in their historiographies and to cultivate mutual understanding. This article offers an extensive discussion of the author's history project, "A Student Project of Writing a Common History Textbook," which which was incorporated in a multinational class environment in the Spring 2019 semester. First the author explains the development of the conceptual framework and the organization and management of the class. Then, some of the history teaching materials that the students created is introduced. Finally, the author examines what the students actually learned from this exercise and working with their group members, based on their journals and answers to the project survey. The author would argue that this was a success in promoting mutual understanding among students by having them learn history together from various points of view, as the goal was not a complete reconciliation of their historical viewpoints. Young people from different countries, even those from the countries embroiled in politico-historical controversies, are able to learn from one another to create more complex historical narratives that look beyond competing nationalisms. The results of the course confirm the value of teaching history from a global standpoint and hold promise that if adopted widely, it might have a long-term and larger, positive effect on society and even on international relations by producing globally competent future generations.

Since 1990, a large and dynamic global science system has evolved, based on grass roots collaboration, and resting on the resources, infrastructure and personnel housed by national science systems. Euro-American science systems have become intensively networked in a global duopoly; and many other countries have built national science systems, including a group of large- and middle-sized countries that follow semi-autonomous trajectories based on state investment, intensive national network building, and international engagement, without integrating tightly into the global duopoly. The dual global/national approach pursued by these systems, including China, South Korea, Iran and India, is not always fully understood in papers on science. Nevertheless, China is now the number two science country in the world, the largest producer of papers and number one in parts of STEM physical sciences. The paper investigates the remarkable evolution of China's science funding, output, discipline balance, internationalisation strategy and national and global networking. China has combined global activity and the local/national building of science in positive sum manner, on the ground of the nationally nested science system. The paper also discusses limits of the achievement, noting that while China-US relations have been instrumental in building science, a partial decoupling is occurring and the future is unclear.

In "Market Movements," Tom Pedroni argues that educational progressives often analyze neoliberal school choice policies by highlighting the negative impact such policies have upon Blacks. Implicit in this approach is the assumption that all Blacks should oppose neoliberalism. This assumption prevents scholars from investigating why African Americans increasingly do support neoliberal choice policies. Deep disagreements exist within the African American community over why Blacks are oppressed and how to understand their oppression, the nature of their disadvantages, and the remedies to such problems. And these disagreements affect why Blacks might support neoliberal school choice policies. In this paper, Quentin Wheeler-Bell goes beyond explaining why deep disagreements exist within the Black public sphere and develops a critical theory of Black democratic empowerment. First, he provides a brief sociohistorical analysis of racial oppression, highlighting how domination has distorted and repressed debates within the Black public sphere, thus lending support to neoliberal choice policies. Second, he recovers and reconstructs four Black philosophical perspectives -- (1) disillusioned Black liberals, (2) modern Black nationalists, (3) Black Marxists, and (4) Black egalitarians -- and explains if and how they might be pulled into an alliance with neoliberal policies. Finally, he develops a critical theory of Black democratic empowerment that captures the reasonable insights from the abovementioned perspectives while avoiding the perils of neoliberal school choice.

Grundtvig programme are activities aimed at providing adults with ways to improve their knowledge and skills. This study examined the opinions of adults who participated in four workshops on history and culture organized throughout Europe between 2009 and 2014 under the Grundtvig Adult Education Programme and Lifelong Learning Programme of the EU. The aim of the study was to analyze the opinions of adults from different age groups, professions, and ethnicities about these informal workshops. In order to determine the study group, an easily accessible sampling method was used. The study group there was 43 workshop participants from different countries. In order to learn their opinions, they were asked to fill a form with 4 open-ended questions. Data were collected and analyzed from workshops organized in different years and in various countries. The content analysis method was used. Most of the participants stated that they learned about new cultures, and histories and developed their communication skills. They also stated that they learned most from the active learning, audiovisual and IT methods. Participants confessed that they had trouble in communicating with foreigners, managing time, and overcoming prejudices. They also stated that personal experience, motivation, audiovisual elements, study program, and themes facilitated learning. It was concluded that informal history education is possible for adults as shown by the answers of the workshop participants on subjects such as history education, national identity, historical prejudices, and intercultural learning.

The relationship between history education and political education in Asian societies is an underexplored topic. Politics have deeply shaped the development of history education in Hong Kong, as in many other societies around the world. Hong Kong history education reforms have been criticized for providing a new form of national political education. This study examines how politic education can be found in the Hong Kong history curriculum as 'latent content'. To do so, it provides a qualitative content analysis of all textual data used in 'Chinese history' and 'history' textbooks in secondary schools in Hong Kong which discuss or portray political content, focusing particularly on the themes of identity shaping and assimilation. Before focusing on the Hong Kong situation, this paper first explores how history education is a political topic in general. Then Hong Kong's complicated political legacy is described in relation to one of the unique features of history education there: the concurrence of two subjects, 'history' and 'Chinese history'. Current debates about the reform of history education in Hong Kong and the limitations of current history education in Hong Kong are examined in the next part, using data from textbooks. Our analysis shows that 1) national identity is prioritized over local identity in the textbooks, and 2) the textbooks mainly reflect a Mainland-based majority perspective and justify assimilation in history, resulting in a lack of recognition of the many different minority groups of Mainland China, of which Hong Kong people may see themselves as part. Based on the analysis, we argue that history education in Hong Kong provides a narrow political education that can impede some crucial education goals in Hong Kong.

This research presents two educational activities realized in the 2017-2018 school year, at the Extended Programme Kindergarten, from "Nicolai Nanu" Technological High School in Bro?teni, Suceava County, Romania. In both activities, there were involved representatives from three generations and the preschoolers had an active role. At the activity 'I'm proud to be Romanian', representatives from preschoolers' families were actively involved in some activities, generating interactions between generations. At the demonstrative activity 'I'm Romanian, brave Romanian', there was an intense interaction between the pre-primary school teacher and the preschoolers and a little interaction between the invited pre-primary teachers and the preschoolers. Both activities had the role to enable the preschoolers' patriotic education and to make them aware of their local, regional and national identity through discussions about the national symbols, about the country and the people, through the intonation of the national anthem and of other patriotic songs, through wearing traditional costumes and through the execution of some Romanian dances.

The humanities and social sciences, and in particular the educational sciences, are facing major challenges in view of the current socio-political, economic and foreign policy upheavals. The authors characterize some of these challenges to education theorists and practical pedagogues against the background of the ideas of a "Humanization of Education" that emerged in Russia after the collapse of the Soviet Union and led to the founding of the "International Academy for the Humanization of Education" (IAHE) in 1995. That humanization approach is still very relevant today. Here, the focus is on the current discussions of national identity, individuality and social responsibility, problems and tasks of inclusion and integration, as well as on the effects of digitalization on personality development. The influence of "Progressive Education" in the first half of the 20th century on the discussions centering on the "Humanization of Education" is taken into account, and the authors pose the question of the sustainability of such innovations in times of social upheavals.

In Turkey, as in all countries of the world, education is regarded as the sole means of modernization, progress, civilization, productivity, and sustainability of all these things. The aim of the Turkish education system is to raise students with the national, moral and cultural values of the Turkish nation, to educate them as citizens of a social law state, and solve the existing or potential problems that may arise in the future. The most important document that shows how this aim will be achieved in the country is the curriculum. The purpose of this study is to reveal the frequency of the social issues included in the current curriculum at the elementary education level. Within the scope of the study, social issues presented by sociologists were established through e-Delphi panels, coded under seven titles by researchers, those who were thought to bring solutions to these problems were counted by descriptive analysis method in the specific aims, themes and achievements of the curriculum used at elementary level. Results show that curriculum adopted at the elementary education level include mostly issues related to individual life and individualization, socialization, democratic life and democratization while economic issues, and issues related to family, environment and urbanization are emphasized less. These findings are discussed with other research results.

The citizenship curriculum used in Taiwan during the authoritarian period from 1949 to 1987 sacrificed the individual for the national interest as a tool for political socialisation. In the wake of democratisation since 1987, the curriculum has gradually been stripped of its nationalist overtones which were designed to foster 'informed citizens' to facilitate those in power. The increased stress on the reflective and critical capabilities of the individual reminds pupils to examine their positions and roles in society instead of mechanistically accepting the existing social structure. This article sheds light on the intricate internal-external power relationships and differing views on critical pedagogy among curriculum designers. Interviewed curriculum designers hold that pluralistic ideologies should be presented in the curriculum and then room should be left for students to deliberate or judge for themselves. As the gatekeepers tasked with deciding which information to include and being faced with the intervention of numerous internal and external forces, the Curriculum Committee sided with the critical theory and aimed to break the unreflective social reproduction.

The fourth grade represents the first year of study of the discipline History for students in pre-university education. Before being a matter of civics, the European identity is a historically grounded construct; therefore, we naturally wondered whether the issue that we have not only an ethnic or national identity, but also a European one is, even incipiently, raised when teaching history. Our analysis started from the definition of the concept of European identity, to the general perception of Romanians regarding Europe according to Eurobarometer data, to reach the analysis of the school syllabus in the History discipline and then to the textbooks constructed starting from this syllabus. The conclusion we reached following our approach was that, as the school syllabus supports the formation of the national identity first and on a secondary place, the sketching of elements of European identity (through the elements related to the history of the national minorities in Romania, the location on the map of Europe of the events in the history of Romanians, discussing in different topics subjects such as the European Union or presenting some important personalities for the history of Europe), the three existing textbooks, available and at the decision of the teachers have an accordingly approach, that we consider to be correct. The European identity cannot be built before the national identity, historically speaking, and for the age category to which we refer (9-10 years), in the condition of one course hour per week, the simultaneous construction of the two types of identity (in other words teaching the history of Romanians and universal history at the same time) is difficult to achieve. Therefore, we believe that the choice for national history and identity before the European one is properly substantiated. The national and European identities cannot be constructed from the simple enumeration of historical names or data. The well-built explanation, accompanied by carefully chosen examples is essential in teaching history to this age category and, of course, in the solid construction of one's own identity (national and European).

This paper is based on an empirical study examining Turkish and Kurdish teachers' perception of the national ideology of Kemalism and its effects on Kurdish pupils. A semi-structured interview was conducted with 30 teachers working in the east/southeast provinces of Turkey, which are predominantly inhabited by Kurds. The findings revealed that the Kemalist ideology has serious negative effects on Kurdish pupils, as it directly excludes and alienates the Kurdish identity. This paper also showed that the dominance of Kemalism in education seems to trigger a lot of other issues existing in society such as the exclusion of non-Turks and polarisation.

It is observable that display boards are being applied widely by primary schools as visual representations for teaching and learning about the stated fundamental British values of democracy, the rule of law, individual liberty and the mutual respect and tolerance of those with different faiths and beliefs. The research presented by this article is based upon analysis of 27 display boards from primary schools across England, including findings from in-depth interviews with three primary school teachers. We wanted to identify and to understand how discourses of British national identity such as monoculturalism and multiculturalism are reified by schools and teachers through the imagery used on primary school display boards in the representation of fundamental British values. Our research makes an original contribution to the debate on teaching and learning about national identity, by offering empirical evidence both of representations of fundamental British values and of teacher interpretations of the policy.

Due to its historical and geopolitical contestations, Taiwan is a country whose people possess divergent imaginations of the national community. Such a condition has been described as institutional liminality, which captures Taiwan's status as not a complete nation state nor a non-nation state; not China nor non-China. Under such a condition, people recognize themselves either as Taiwanese, Chinese, or both. Through utilizing the concept of imagination, especially Anderson's notion of "imagined communities" and Harvey's interpretation of "geographical imagination," this paper investigates the representation of imagined communities embedded in various revisions and makings of the national curriculum in Taiwan. A specific focus is put onto the revision of the national historical curriculum at the senior high school level and the resistance to it during 2014-2016. It is argued that through organizing protests and boycotts against the revision, students are no longer simply pure receivers of official knowledge, they actively express their imagination of the national community and participate in the negotiation of official knowledge, which gives the national curriculum a more democratic base.

Australia's involvement in World War I, currently in its centenary years of commemoration, continues to capture the public's imagination in a way that arguably surpasses all other historical events in Australia's history. This is particularly in terms of popular culture representations such as advertising, film, and television; children's literature; popular and academic history publications; and educational resources at primary, secondary, and tertiary levels. So pervasive is the public's awareness of Australia's first major military campaign, Gallipoli, that by the time high school students in year 9 study the unit on Australia's involvement in WWI, they are already familiar with the common tropes of narratives surrounding this event, however inaccurate they may be. This paper reports on research conducted in three Australian high schools that provided students with a collection of five sources and a series of questions to answer about the Gallipoli campaign as a historical and commemorative event. The research is interested in understanding how the Gallipoli campaign is perceived at the time of its 100- year anniversary and to see whether or how students reflect collective memory and official history in their own narratives of the nation.

This study draws on narratives submitted between summer 2008 -- summer 2018 by 78 student teachers across all grade bands [K-12] and content areas (Language Arts, Social Studies, Science, Mathematics) who completed three months of student teaching in an overseas country through the Consortium for Overseas Student Teaching (COST) during their final undergraduate senior year. All student teachers were in their early 20s. Upon completing their student teaching each student submitted a written reflection in response to the following prompt: Now that you have finished your student teaching abroad experience, what did you learn about yourself as an American? What did you learn about others' perspectives of what it is that makes someone American? In other words, how do you answer Crevecoeur's question, "What is an American?" Our findings include 12 major themes categorized into three major categories, i.e. socialization, hegemony and individuation.

This focus issue of CEPS Journal raises two topics usually treated separately, Religious Education and the use of religious symbols in public schools. Both involve the challenge of applying liberal democratic principles of secularism and pluralism in a school setting and refract policies on religion under conditions of globalisation, modernisation and migration. I take this situation as a teachable moment and argue that it illustrates the potential of a particular kind of Religious Education, based on the scientific Study of Religion, for making sense of current debates in Europe, including the debate on religious education itself. However, this requires maintaining a spirit of free, unbiased comparative enquiry that may clash with political attempts to instrumentalise the subject as a means of integrating minority students into a value system.

Educators everywhere consider how best to prepare students with the knowledge, skills, attitudes and behaviors to be informed, engaged, and caring 21st century citizens. This article provides a report of an ethnographic transnational field study examining how 30 educators located in Costa Rica, Myanmar, and the United States, conceive of citizenship and civic education based on textbook use, classroom materials, pedagogical practices, and instructional strategies. Data sources included field logs, debriefing sessions, one-toone interviews, focus group discussions, classroom observations, textbook evaluations, and review of media documents. Participants in the United States network emphasized multiple perspectives applied as a lens to the study of contemporary global issues. Costa Rican participants mirrored this description but with emphasis on nationalistic goals to equip students with skills to work for tangible improvements in the lives of Costa Rican citizens. In the Myanmar context, participants relied almost exclusively on textbooks; in this case, context and culture informed the aims and approaches of civic and citizenship education. Implications contribute to transnational discourse addressing the practice of civic and citizenship education globally. This study expands dominant definitions and the importance of an ethnographic transnational framework to examine citizenship and civic education between diverse systems.

Background: Key to sustainability and expansion of any field is the intellectual works of its scholars who engage in their field as in-becoming and who continually strive towards its advancement. For researchers of curriculum studies this involves being knowledgeable and conversant of the underlying discourses framing and challenging the field. Aim: In South Africa, field of curriculum studies has been critiqued for being a quick-fix solution to social problems by merely approaching the curriculum as a 'dumping ground' and for its over-emphasis on curriculum as a schooling matter. The intent of this article was to exemplify other, more current, challenges and accomplishments of the research constituting the field. Setting: The publications of South African National Research Foundation-rated researchers specialising in curriculum, because their scholarship is deemed central to building societal knowledge through quality and high-impact research. Methods: A meta-study was conducted to determine trends in a particular cluster of publications to identify the ways that researchers are advancing in the field of curriculum studies in South Africa. Results: Four pertinent findings were evidenced. Firstly, strong localism/nationalism of the field. Secondly, the higher education context as highly researched. Thirdly, the multidisciplinary nature of South African curriculum studies research. Fourthly, strong impetus from sociological work in the field. Conclusion: We reflect on nomadic thought as a starting point central to the pursuits of researchers in advancing the field of curriculum studies as an intellectual activity and practice of complicated conversation.

This study utilized the term "teacher as stranger" from Maxine Greene's (1973) "Teacher as Stranger" to explore how teachers teach contemporary controversial public issues in Taiwan (e.g., national identity, sovereignty, and ethnic issues). Using a case study design, this study documents how six social studies teachers make curricular decisions about teaching controversial public issues and create possibilities for their students to imaginatively engage with controversial public issues. Findings illuminate that these teachers challenge the stereotype of Asian teachers as always following a centralized curriculum; they instead collaborate authentic curricular resources and decenter the exam-centric and curriculum-centric classroom space. In sum, this study, refracted through the national context of Taiwan, helps us understand the possibility of Taiwanese teachers' curricular-instructional decisions and increased autonomy and authority.

The purpose of this study is to determine the purpose, scope, research model, data collection tool, data analysis method and sample size of the studies on bilingualism. According to the general screening model, the documents collected were analyzed. In the first step, in order to determine the focus and scope, the objectives of the sample studies were examined based on the descriptive analysis. In the second step, research model, data collection tools, data analysis methods, and the number of participants of the studies were examined. Thus, the scope of the studies was determined. For this purpose, research models, data collection tools, data analysis methods and the number of participants were examined. Based on the conclusions of this part, it was determined that the experimental and descriptive models were frequently used in sample the studies.

China is a multi-ethnic nation. However, formal education often neglects differences in ethnicity, and school music education tends to marginalize the musics of ethnic minorities, owing to the government's political ideology of maintaining national unity. Thus, ethnic musics incorporated in teaching materials are often politicized and tokenized, and pedagogies used for teaching ethnic musics in classroom teaching tend to be oversimplified. Addressing social justice in music education is centrally concerned with equity, which I suggest can be promoted by positive changes, including institutional changes, education for music teachers that incorporates learning ethnic musics and pedagogies appropriate to teaching these musics.

This paper tries to explain the author's own curious and bothersome failure to see. About ten years ago, he lived in a small apartment in Tel Aviv, Israel just a few minutes walking distance from the beach. The short road from his apartment went up a small hill and through a laid-back park filled with tourists, local families, surfers, dog owners and more. He visited the park very often, at certain times even every day. It was and still is one of his favorite places to visit. But, besides the sea, the visitors and the nearby luxurious Hilton hotel, he was completely blind to another site that was in the park: an old Palestinian cemetery. In this paper, he searches the reasons for his failure to see what was literally right in front of his eyes and the mental and political mechanisms that enabled both his blindness and eventually his clearer sight. Specific attention is given to problematizing the role of ideology in affecting one's vision and registration of objects.

Purpose: The aim of this article is to analyse the concepts of national and European identities through a multidisciplinary lens and to examine empirically how schools develop those identities in adolescents. Method: The study employs data from the "International Civic and Citizenship Education Study 2016." Correlation and regression analyses are conducted with data from over 45,000 students from fourteen different European educational systems. Country-specific weighted statistical analyses are conducted. Findings: A combination of perspectives from the fields of psychology, political culture, and civic and citizenship education is useful to reflect upon the dimensions and desirability of overarching identities. Formal learning opportunities are shown to be particularly relevant for fostering a European identity. Positive relationships between students and teachers and between students statistically predict stronger identities. Practical implications: Good social relationships at school help to develop national and European identities. Moreover, the development of a European identity especially depends upon its explicit inclusion in the curriculum. Teachers should guide students to reflect on the meaning and content of tolerant and complex national and European identities.

Purpose: To stress the existential crisis of European integration and the need to shape the European citizen, who forms the foundations of unification, which can no longer be based only on economic conditions. Methods: Analyse the contradictions in the integration method adopted so far by member states and the fallacious solutions proposed by national-populist movements. Findings: An education system is needed that is aimed at shaping, alongside the citizens of its own nation-state, the cosmopolitan citizens of a united Europe, who are convinced that to preserve peace, democracy and well-being the continent must be unified.

Western liberal conceptions of democratic citizenship require the state to be "neutral" by separating the political from the social. However, this is often at odds with the realities of socio-political organization in many former colonized countries. In this paper, I draw on empirical data from photo-elicitation interviews with eight Buddhist youth in Yangon to illustrate the socio-political realities of everyday citizenship and citizenship education in Myanmar. Findings show that, for Buddhist participants, their political identity as Myanmar citizens and their religious identity as Buddhists are deeply enmeshed. Rather than force-fit postcolonial states into the Western democratic model, I propose that the notions of relationality and radical democracy offer a means of indigenizing democracy and draws on Myanmar's Buddhist democracy to illustrate the political potential of relationalism.

This paper aimed to analyse to analyze the implementation of nationality education model for youth across different cultures through the SCORE-A model. The SCORE-A model stands for spatial awareness (SA); cultural awareness (CA); organization awareness (OA); religion awareness (RA); and economic awareness (EA). This model is probably effective to educate the youth coming from different backgrounds such as religion, race language and others. The qualitative study was conducted using document analysis, literature review, interviews, and questionnaire. The teaching model was constructed with literature review analyses and interviews with experts. In model implementation, the researchers worked with 22 youths living in DKI Jakarta over a six month period. The results revealed that The SCORE-A model or treatment during observation are appropriate for improving the nationalism in loving their own country even though the youths come from different backgrounds of religion, ethic, and language. In addition to this, the youths also developed their critical and creative thinking skills, although there are some limitations in applying the SCORE-A model such as variation in participants background. Therefore, it is suggested that the model can be implemented in other areas.

Purpose: The purpose of this article is (1) to provide a critical analysis of the Finnish experience of education reforms based on published Chinese research on Finnish education and (2) to discuss how such experience can serve as a model as China embarks on its own path toward educational reform. Design/Approach/Methods: This article is based on an analysis of the research on Finnish education contained in the Chinese National Knowledge Infrastructure database from 2000 to 2017. Findings: The analysis shows that although the various aspects of Finnish education have been extensively studied in China, the content of prior studies has generally been similar and is insufficiently in depth. In particular, current research (1) lacks effective exploration of the successful experience of Finnish education reform and (2) devotes insufficient attention to the social culture perspective and core concepts that serve as the basis of education in Finland. Originality/Value: This article extends the authors' recent review of Chinese research on Finnish education and places special emphasis on the discussions regarding how China can learn from Finland's experience with educational reform. It also identifies gaps in the current research in the field and calls for a change in the future research agenda from examining the successful elements of Finnish education to focusing on how the experience of Finnish education is relevant to reforms in China.

The aim of this study is to identify the perspectives of parents on the "Social Studies" course. The case study design, one of the qualitative research methods, was used in accordance with the nature of the study. Data related to the study were obtained through a semi-structured interview form prepared by the researchers. The data of the study were obtained from the parents of students attending 5th, 6th and 7th grade of a state secondary school located in the Istanbul-Sultanbeyli district in the spring semester of 2017 and 2018 academic year. The data obtained were analyzed by content analysis. According to the data obtained from the research, the following results were obtained: The majority of the parents apparently linked the concept of Social Studies to the concepts of History, Geography, Citizenship and Socialization. Parents thought that the subjects related to History, Geography, Citizenship Rights, Culture, Democracy, Human Rights and the life of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk were taught in the Social Studies course. Nevertheless, it was seen that the parents wished to see the concepts such as Love of Motherland, Nation, Community and National Flag, Etiquette, Cultural Values, Freedom, Democracy, Equality to be taught in the Social Studies courses. While the parents mostly compared the Social Studies courses with such organs as the Brain, Kidney, Heart, Eye, Stomach and Intestine, they considered it as appropriate to place this course in the last places in terms of importance. In addition, it was found that majority of the parents did not want their children to become social studies teachers in the future.

This article is concerned with the memory of the Uganda Railway in Kenya. Built during the heyday of British imperialism at the end of the nineteenth century, the colonial railway has been a highly contested infrastructure. Drawing on museum exhibitions, public speeches, and publications, the article argues that the main narrative of the railway line as a tool of oppression began to change when the railway infrastructure gradually deteriorated in the mid-twentieth century. I show how three distinct groups (white expatriates, Kenyan-Asians, and Kenya's political elite) were involved in creating a new public memory that popularized the Uganda Railway as a cornerstone of the postcolonial nation. Their uncoordinated but simultaneous efforts toward a new reading of the past all aimed, albeit for different reasons, at reimagining the nation. The article thus shows mechanisms of coming to terms with the colonial past in a postcolonial nation.

This study investigates the impact of cultural and politico-religious dominance on the practice of critical reading (CR) of texts by a group of Iranian postgraduate students in Australia. Four postgraduate students were interviewed individually four times (each time for reading one text) for critical understanding of two pairs of Persian texts, each with opposing viewpoints, on current socio-political and nationalistic debates of Iran. They were then involved in a focus group discussion for further critique of each other's viewpoints. Findings indicate two major Persian constructs that influence CR: "hefz-e zaaher" 'keeping up appearances' and "ta'sob/gheyrat," approximating to 'one's honor combined with prejudice and bigotry'. Findings also reveal that participants' CR is contributed by heavy emotional attachment to nationalistic views engendered by Persian poetry. Chafe (1982), too, found that emotional attachment in appraising text was true with American English speakers. Finally, the focus group discussion had a slight impact on encouraging CR. Overall, it seems that participants' repositioned journeys in Australia have influenced their perspective.

This article is a succinct approach to Mapudungun language ideologies and their development within the political and economic context of 21st century Chile. Social media have empowered Mapudungun language activists and intellectuals and helped them create digital communities, some with hundreds of thousands of followers, from which they establish and promote language policies, defined by themselves. Among the most relevant language ideologies found in the corpus, there is a representation of Indigenous languages as sacred, or untouchable, often implying an essential connection between Indigenous cultures and the natural or spiritual world. This representation (called "cosmovisionism" by activists) tends to contradict modernizing language ideologies that circulate in emerging Mapudungun language planning, mainly due to the influence of Basque and Catalan models based on the notion of language normalization, actively promoted in Chile by agents from those domains. Modernizing visions of Mapudungun tend to be linked to a nationalist political project that demands a solid connection between land, people, history, cultural identity, and language. This leads to ideological tensions between the urgency to anonymize and the need to depoliticize the language, both simultaneously considered fundamental to secure Mapudungun's expansion.

In this paper, the role of higher education in post-uprising Libya is analysed in terms of its relationship with transitional processes of democratization and civic development. It begins by contextualising the Libyan uprising within the optimism of the 'Arab Spring' transitions in the Middle East. Following this, the relationship between higher education and politics under the Qadhafi regime and in the immediate aftermath of its overthrow is discussed. A case-study of a programme designed to support Tripoli University in contributing towards democratisation will then be presented. The findings of the case-study will be reflected upon to offer a set of recommendations for international actors engaging in political and civic education in conflict-affected settings, in particular in the Middle East.

The United States occupations of Cuba and Puerto Rico following the War of 1898 instituted immediate reforms to the educational systems of the islands. The imposition of public school systems modeled on those of the United States and a concurrent wave of Protestant schools established by American missionaries are well-known features of the imperialist project. Yet American reforms were shaped by what was known in the nineteenth century as "the school question," or the controversy over the appropriate relationship between schooling, religion, and the government that had pitted the Protestant majority against Catholics and resulted in a consensus that religious-affiliated education should be permitted but relegated to the private sphere. The implementation of this consensus as the basis of occupation policy in Cuba and Puerto Rico, majority Catholic societies, contributed to the significant growth of a system of private Catholic schools and sparked debate about the relationship between religion, education, and nationalism. In an imperial context, "the school question" led to political polarization in the face of persistent US hegemony.

This article presents an analysis of those curricular practices that reproduce dominant ideas about nation, which in turn facilitate the circulation of exclusionary ways of knowing about subjects and their communities in schools. In this study we use ethnographic knowledge produced in two Chilean schools where we conducted ethnographic fieldwork, in-depth interviews, and curriculum document analysis. Our purpose was to trace essentialist discourses about the nation, as a homogeneous and predictable space, and give meaning to the problematic naturalised correspondence between subjects and spaces. We use Foucauldian discourse analysis to understand the production of rationalities that support the production of the 'Chilean student' as distinct from other students from other countries within the same school contexts. We conclude with some highlights on the productive force of performativity when reproducing power relations around nation discourses.

With rising nationalism across the world, and increased tension between East and West, internationalisation of tertiary education is arguably more important than ever before. This paper reports on a study of international and local students' experiences of intercultural encounters in two Hong Kong universities. More than 100 students from all over the world participated in small-group sharing sessions about the challenges and positive experiences they had encountered during their studies in the City. Using a discourse analytic approach, the article analyses some negative and some positive examples of intercultural encounters. The examples of 'unsuccessful' encounters show that students use their own cultural frame of reference to judge the behaviour of the other. An unexpected finding was that students with lesser perceived cultural differences struggled the most overcoming intergroup differences and animosities. The essence in the examples of 'successful' intercultural encounters is that students engaged in genuine intercultural dialogue and created a third space together and this changed them. They realised that you can accept cultural differences without understanding them, and this is arguably what internationalisation should be about.

One of the challenges contemporary societies faces is resistance to sharing the world. Investments in 'extremist' or 'identitarian' identity positions that desire purity and are intolerant of pluralism and difference undermine education. I explain why it is important to explore 'how ideas feel', understanding the affective investments in these positions and imaginaries, and the fear of loss of identity that can drive such closed positions. In the second part, I turn to the writings of Édouard Glissant in order to deepen this analysis, paying particular attention to unpacking the desire for purity and the fear of "métissage" or mixing that are commonplace in racism, xenophobia, and ultra-nationalism. Glissant offers another way of understanding identity-in-relation whereby sharing the world does not mean losing oneself. Finally, I draw on his poetic language of archipelagic pedagogies to suggest some ways in which education can invite students to deepen a sense of world-oriented particularity.

Language policy and planning in Nepal has been contested due to the co-existence of multiple contradictory discourses concerning teaching and learning of local, national, foreign, and international languages. Recently a multilingual policy was issued to create space for the once-banned ethnic/indigenous languages in public schooling, further complexifying the landscape. A few studies have paid attention to teaching and learning of the lesser taught ethnic/indigenous and foreign languages; however, what discursive orientations have contributed towards enabling (or constraining) the use of such languages in education and how have yet to receive scholarly attention. Framed by the perspectives of the intersectionality of discourses, and drawing on in-depth interviews with policymakers, headteachers, teachers, students, and their parents of five schools of Nepal, this paper concludes that the interplay between broader discourses such as globalisation, neoliberal marketisation and nationalism has played a significant role in shaping language policy decisions and localised practice of language(s). It also reveals that the spaces for ethnic/indigenous languages in education are delimited, in preference of English, Nepali, and other emerging foreign languages, leading to their further marginalisation. Such trends diminish the potential use of lesser taught languages, threatening Nepal's multilingual education policy towards sustaining existing linguistic diversity.

Over the past decade, scholars from a variety of epistemological and theoretical backgrounds have begun to engage more deeply with history as a form of difficult knowledge. It is difficult to comprehend and can be traumatic for different groups for different reasons. History as a school subject has largely been used as a tool of hegemony by presenting nationalistic dominant narratives that can marginalise and oppress students from minoritized populations. This academic work has been primarily theoretical, but small case studies of empirical analysis of how teachers and students engage with history as difficult knowledge have emerged to inform practice. This article draws from this body of work -- grounded in theories of memory and identity, critical socio-cultural approaches, and psychoanalytic and trauma-informed analysis -- to explore key considerations for informing teaching and learning difficult histories. These include the relationship between teacher moral commitments and engagement with or resistance to difficult histories; the role of emotion and unsettling nature of difficult knowledge, and making assumptions about what representations of historic social trauma are or are not traumatising for young people. These considerations have implications for teaching and teacher education.

On the 9th of May 2020 "The Lancet," the leading medical journal, published an editorial referring to the current situation of the pandemic in Brazil, which is short of being disastrous, and describing Jair Bolsonaro, the Brazilian president, as the biggest threat to Brazil -- we would add to the world. In this paper, we enquire the issue of leadership, anti-intellectualism and nationalism by conducting a philosophical enquiry, whilst also questioning the role and shortcomings of the Brazilian educational system in sowing the seeds, and allowing this situation to develop in the country. This philosophical enquiry does not attempt to lay blame on the Brazilian educational system; rather, it is an attempt, an urge for reflection and self-reflection, so that the errs of the past may be remediated in the future; hopefully, a near future.

This study is an attempt at better understanding the education choices of top-performing students in elite schooling. It applies a 'glonacal' framework (Maxwell 2018, "Changing Spaces -- The Reshaping of (Elite) Education Through Internationalisation." In "Elite Education and Internationalization: From the Early Years Into Higher Education," edited by C. Maxwell, U. Deppe, H. Kruger, and W. Helsper, 347-367. London: Palgrave Macmillan.) and focuses on the case of academically elite students who have graduated from an elite secondary school in Singapore, and their attitudes toward a scheme of undergraduate state scholarships. Drawing on life history interviews and focus group discussions with such individuals, I uncover how Singaporean informants portrayed aspirations of moving abroad for university education, and of returning to Singapore, commensurate with the state's strategy of tying them to the local through contractual bonds. Their characterisation of the scholarship in terms of 'comfort' and 'stability' must be contextualised within a nationalistic regime linking an elitist education system via scholarships to the local sphere of social and political power. The discussion serves to demonstrate relations between transnational mobility, the school and the local political economy, and how these have an influence on student subjectivities regarding education choices.

This study examined the role of history education for nation building in Ethiopia, Germany Rwanda, South Africa, Switzerland, and USA using a comparative research method. Student textbooks and syllabi were the main data sources. Document review was the principal data-gathering tool and the data was analysed qualitatively. Findings revealed that there are some aim and learning objectives embedded in the textbooks and syllabi to cultivate unity and patriotism, and promote democratic values that facilitate nation building. Except in the context of Rwanda and USA, in all countries national history textbooks gave more emphasis to regional and global topics than national topics. In Rwanda, South Africa, and Ethiopia centrally prescribed one-size-fits-all contents focused on national narratives that appear to intentionally overlook ethnic-narratives. After the historic genocide in Rwanda and apartheid in South Africa, history textbooks focused on peace and reconciliation, and settlement of ethnic and race-based clashes. In the United States, Switzerland, and Germany, the instructional materials' preparation process is decentralized to regional states or cantons. Except in South Africa, virtually in all countries, history is a compulsory subject. In Ethiopia, South Africa, and Switzerland history is taught as a separate subject, where as in the remaining countries it is taught as a combined social studies subject. Vis-à-vis the pedagogy, learner-centred methods and continuous assessment techniques appeared in the curricula often. The main lessons for Ethiopia include the need to incorporate more contents that help to ensure peace and national understanding, settle ethnic-based clashes, and facilitate national integration and the nation-building process.

Employing critical race theory, transnational feminisms, and autoethnography, this article illustrates the ways I perceive many students in my classrooms discount systemic discrimination based on gender, race, and globalization. By analyzing student-generated data and my own experiences, I uncover many students' conceptions of social issues are deeply informed and shaped by the dominant ideas such as the notion of the American Dream and colorblind ideology. They construct the global South in contrast to the assumed superior national identity of the United States, and particularly consider women to be submissive victims of their patriarchal cultures. I argue that if one of the key purposes of higher education is to help students develop critical thinking, those at predominantly White institutions need to devise a more robust diversity curriculum across disciplines. This approach will also assist in curtailing challenges many women Faculty of Color face because students will be expected to learn about local and global inequalities in a sustained way.

The guiding thesis of this article is that international comparisons have been shaped by nationalist, and thus potentially imperial, religious and consequently also latent missionary, motives. By means of selected milestones in the last 250 years, this thesis is made plausible by asserting a historical development of nationalism that started from an almost defiant national self-determination in the eighteenth century, leading to learning from strangers in the long nineteenth century, and resulting in the imperially minded instruction of others in the course of the twentieth century.