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When Henry Addington stood up as Prime Minister in the House of Commons to announce the resumption of war with France in 1803, he described the readiness of the British people to join the volunteers as ‘an insurrection of loyalty’ – a phrase that playfully conflated current anxieties about military activity, political unrest and loyalism. Significantly, he chose to address the House for this speech in the uniform of the Woodley Cavalry Volunteers, the Berkshire volunteer unit of which he was Captain Commandant.

The threat of invasion in 1803-5 has been regarded as a defining moment in British history, uniting the nation in expressions of patriotism and a common British identity. This sense of unity did not, however, irrevocably eradicate social and political divisions in the provinces. Conflicts among local middle classes were channelled into the undoubtedly genuine patriotic endeavours pursued in preparation against the French. Britishness was thus filtered through provincial and social prejudices and identities. Disputes in two of the most rapidly populating towns in Britain illustrate that expressions of patriotism could be socially and politically divisive as much as unifying. They furthermore demonstrate that loyalism was still very much a contested ideology in the 1800s as it had been in the 1790s. It did not necessarily remain locked in the old reactionary values of ‘Church and King’ for all its myriad adherents, but encompassed wider principles of provincial independence.

Esta dissertação tem por objetivo propor uma caracterização do fenómeno político ao qual denominamos lealismo. Simultaneamente, visa aprofundar a sua significação, apresentando e problematizando os elementos que o constituem. Historicamente circunscrito ao Império Médio, o foco principal é o reinado do faraó Senuseret I, período em que se vivenciou não apenas um movimento de reforma administrativa, mas também de desenvolvimento cultural. Ao procurar reafirmar a soberania faraónica e assegurar o domínio territorial, o papel da realeza egípcia teve o seu lugar na sociedade redefinido, criando uma forma única de relação entre o faraó e os seus súbditos. Através de conceitos como religião invisível, memória conectiva e textos culturais, procura-se demonstrar como é criado um sentimento de pertença, bem como a forma pela qual as decisões individuais passam a ter reflexos no coletivo, num cenário que não deixa espaço para a neutralidade: deve-se, por vontade própria, confiar e ser leal ao faraó. This dissertation aims to propose a characterization of the political phenomenon which we call loyalism. It also seeks to explore the elements that constitute it, extending its meaning. Historically dated to the Middle Kingdom, the main focus is the reign of the Pharaoh Senwosret I, during which there was not only a movement of administrative reform, but also of cultural development. At the same time, when Pharaonic sovereignty was reaffirmed and territorial domain ensured, the role of Egyptian royalty had its place in society redefined, creating a unique form of relationship between Pharaoh and his subjects. Through concepts such as invisible religion, connective memory and cultural texts, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate how a sense of belonging was created, in which individual decisions had implications in the collective, leaving no room for neutrality: one must, of one’s own accord, trust and be loyal to the Pharaoh.

Lorsqu’un salarié a connaissance de faits condamnables dans l’entreprise heurtant son sens civique et sa conscience, et que, se sentant tout autant citoyen dans la Cité que sur son lieu de travail, il décide de les dénoncer, son engagement loyal vis-à-vis de l’employeur peut se trouver mis à mal. À partir de la théorie sociologique et économique des mobilisations développée par Albert O. Hirschman, la présente étude confronte l’appréhension juridique de l’alerte et l’obligation salariale de loyauté aux États-Unis et en France. Elle examine comment les droits français et américain perçoivent cette prise de parole individuelle qui fait du salarié lanceur d’alerte un agent « embarqué », un pied dans l’entreprise en tant que salarié, un pied à l’extérieur en tant que « procureur privé » œuvrant pour l’intérêt général. Plus largement, elle interroge la capacité du droit à épouser des conceptions de l’obligation salariale de loyauté, des sanctions de son manquement, mais aussi du lien de subordination et des rapports hiérarchiques, de la liberté d’expression et des limitations qu’on peut lui apporter dans l’entreprise, qui peuvent accommoder l’action individuelle sans compromettre l’unité du groupe. When an employee is aware of illegal, irregular, dangerous or unethical facts or practices, and while feeling equally citizen outside and within the workplace, he decides to report them, his loyal commitment to the organization may be undermined. Based on Albert O. Hirschman’s sociological and economic resources mobilization theory, this study confronts US and French whistleblower legislations and case law to the employee’s duty of loyalty to the employer. It analyzes how US and French law perceive this particular type of individual protest which converts the whistleblower into an embedded agent, one foot inside the organization as an employee, one foot outside as a private prosecutor acting for the common good. More generally, it questions the ability of the law to build conceptions of the employee’s duty of loyalty, reactions to its breaches, as well as subordination relationships and vertical hierarchy, freedom of speech and its limits in the workplace, which can accommodate individual action without compromising the unity of the group.

This article considers the role played by Irish and Catholic surgeons in the Royal Navy during the second half of the nineteenth century. Ireland’s significant links with imperial medicine has thrown up important questions about the extent to which religiosity, national identity and loyalty were incorporated and understood within the context of imperial defence and public health reform. A case study of two brothers from Belfast, Richard and Frederick McClement, and some of their Irish medical colleagues, bring these issues into sharper focus. For many of these ambitious young professionals medical training was a way out of Ireland, but as front-line surgeons working in dangerous environments, they did much to change perceptions of those traditionally perceived as socially and religiously peripheral. The pragmatic loyalism they displayed ensured a stronger relationship between Ireland’s middle class and the British state.

This paper investigates the construction of biographies of Ming migrant descent groups during the Late Joseon as a product of the interaction of diverse social and political forces. With a focus especially on the biographies of one migrant-those of Ma Shunshang or Pengzhi, the founder of the Sanggok Ma descent group-this paper argues that the biographies were created by the interaction of the Joseon court and the Ming migrant descent groups themselves. Ming refugees to Joseon had been of little interest to the Joseon court at the actual time of their migration. However, during the mid-eighteenth century, ideological changes within the Joseon court resulted in the descendants of Ming migrants being reclassified as exemplars of Ming loyalism. This in turn resulted in the creation of hagiographic biographies of the original migrants. For the Joseon court, the presence in Joseon of the descendants of Ming loyalists with appropriate backgrounds was vital for official Ming loyalist ideology, while for the descendants of Ming migrants the claim to be remnant subjects of the Ming was a strategy for raising their social status. All of these elements leave traces within the text of the biographies themselves.

Paramilitary actors involved in peace processes are expected to contribute to two distinct forms of protection: national-level protection as ‘security’; and local-level security as ‘safety’. Examining the case of the Ulster Defence Association (UDA) in Northern Ireland, we explain how these two forms of protection have become interlinked in the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement (GF/BA) and the related peace process. Instead of generating a virtuous cycle, this has created a dilemma between providing protection as ‘safety’ and as ‘security’. Drawing on interviews with key UDA-affiliated actors in 2009–10, against the backdrop of increasing ‘dissident Republican’ violence, we assess how they navigated this dilemma, and its potential effects on the unfolding political context, calling for greater attention to the relationship between different conceptions of protection in peace processes.

A central failing of analysis of the peace process has been to account for, explain and determine the extent of loyalist-led conflict transformation. My argument is that, despite evident wrong-doing, there has been a failure to appreciate the prosperity of loyalist thinking and action in the period after the paramilitary ceasefires of 1994. Loyalism has appeared less relevant than it is to peacemaking due to its criminalisation, its refusal to accept positive morphology and a failure to self-promote. An appreciation of the positive nature of loyalist transition offers much to those who seek to comprehend the future of Northern Ireland.

The steady drip of dissident Republican attacks forms the backdrop to this special issue of Political Quarterly. Moreover, this comes at a time of economic austerity, when Northern Ireland faces unprecedented cuts to its public sector-dominated economy. The economic crisis in the South adds an additional layer of uncertainty to the picture. In the past, economic deprivation has been associated with conflict in Northern Ireland and elsewhere. Might the peace dividend and constitutional settlement which have underpinned the Northern Ireland 'miracle' since 1994# be under threat? Or is there now sufficient momentum in both of Northern Ireland's main ethnic communities that such an outcome can be safely averted? This paper summarises the thinking of our symposium and special issue on this topic, updating our picture of the Northern Ireland peace process.

Liberty's Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World. By Maya Jasanoff. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011. Pp. 460. Cloth, $ 30.00.)Reviewed by Liam RiordanLiberty's Exiles seems likely to become the most influential work on loyalism since Bernard Bailyn's landmark The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson (Cambridge, MA, 1974) and adds to an impressive body of recent scholarship that reexamines loyalism and the Revolutionary era as transnational phenomena.1 Maya Jasanoff 's imperial perspective provides a border-crossing Atlantic view, and looks still further afield to India, to explain how American loyalists informed and anticipated emergent forces in the nineteenth-century British Empire. The book is necessarily sprawling in its territorial embrace, but Jasanoff contains this reach by engagingly narrating numerous life stories. Most importantly, she offers the "spirit of 1 783" as a counterweight to the 1776 bias of most interpretations of the American Revolution and its consequences. Jasanoff returns to this key concept throughout the book as she explores its tenets of imperial expansion, liberty, and authority in far-reaching locales as tested by diverse loyalists. The diasporic experience is paramount here with an emphasis on contingency, coercion, and self-interest among the large cohort of refugees who shared a common empire but lacked a deeply unifying ideology.Jasanoff interweaves the tales of nine principal figures, whose selection shapes the major themes that emerge. Two of the most closely examined individuals, Beverley Robinson and Elizabeth Lichtenstein Johnston, are contextualized within larger family networks that help extend their stunning geographic trajectories - the former with ties to New York, England, New Brunswick, and India; the latter to Georgia, East Florida, Scotland, Jamaica, and Nova Scotia, and other places as well. Jasanoff highlights racial diversity among loyalists with two closely linked black Baptist preachers, David George and George Liele, as well as the Mohawk Joseph Brant. A more authoritarian paternalism is showcased in the British officials Guy Carleton (though he comes off especially well) and John Murray, Fourth Earl of Dunmore (better known to most as Virginia, and Bahamas, Governor Lord Dunmore), while two less familiar adventurers, John Cruden and William Augustus Bowles (who might also be classified as a Native American loyalist) complete the core group. Revealingly, five of this main cast were born in the British mainland colonies, three in the British Isles (none in England), and one in Iroquoia.While the details of individual lives are well told and carry this highly readable book forward, its scholarly impact lies in a careful reconstruction of loyalist emigration figures and in the original presentation of a global loyalist diaspora directly linked to the emergence of a strengthened British Empire: "All told, the 1 780s stand out as the most eventful single decade in British imperial history up to the 1940s," as they "cemented an enduring framework for the principles and practice of British rule" (11). Jasanoff's conclusion about the size of the loyalist migration out of the rebel colonies and new United States considerably lowers previous estimates to a conservative total figure of about 60,000 white and black loyalists in addition to some 15,000 enslaved people removed by loyalists. (For this and below, see "Appendix: Measuring the Exodus," 351-58.) Of these loyal refugees she documents nearly 38,000 going to the continuing British colonies in North America (some 30,000 to the Canadian Maritimes, including 10 percent who were black loyalists; another 5,500 white loyalists to Quebec; and some 2,000 Indians who settled at Grand River in what would later be part of Upper Canada). Given this demographic dominance some may feel that British North America deserves closer attention: Chapter 6 treats New Brunswick, Quebec, and Grand River in comparative fashion and moves rapidly across their varying circumstances in just 33 pages. …

Unnatural Rebellion: Loyalists in New York City during the Revolution. By Ruma Chopra. (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 201 1. Pp. 320. Cloth, $35.00.)Reviewed by Serena ZabinRuma Chopra's study of New York loyalists does her subjects the honor of taking them seriously. Chopra views loyalists not as heads-in-the-sand reactionaries incapable of seeing the value of radical change but as men who wanted to preserve a system that worked for them and, they believed, for others. In order to reconstruct this perspective, Chopra manages to bring together political thought and material experience - in particular, the experience of military occupation - in ways that are both thoughtful and persuasive.Chopra's central contention is that the introduction of the British army into New York both supported and undermined loyalist politics of persuasion. Although the loyalists initially welcomed the British troops, seeing them as the facilitators of reunion, their enthusiasm for an occupied city did not last long. Most loyalists did not expect to live under martial law; they wanted a return to civil government as soon as possible so they could again enjoy the benefits of the British empire. Their arguments for an attachment to the empire depended on claims to civil liberties and the British constitution, none of which could be enjoyed in a city under military rule. As Chopra writes, "They believed just and balanced civil governance in New York City would win the hearts and minds of wavering colonists" (79). Yet it was hard to make an argument to nonloyalists for the superiority of the British system when New Yorkers faced military assaults on their borders and undisciplined soldiers at home. Loyalists hoped to use New York as a persuasive model for living under imperial rule; it turned instead into a warning against capitulation to imperial power.This is an interesting reworking of the arguments by John Shy and Sung Bok Kim (although Chopra does not acknowledge either) that the presence of troops had a notable impact on civilian populations. In 1973, Shy argued that the forced participation of adult men in the militia as well as the outrages committed by the British Army led to an increased politicization of Americans as they became committed to the Whig cause. Kim, by contrast, argued twenty years later that the same processes, at least in Westchester County, led to the opposite outcome of apathy and depoliticization. By asking what impact British troops, and particularly military rule, had on the loyalist political strategy, Chopra excavates a troubling paradox for New York loyalists.1Chopra describes the Revolution in loyalist terms as an "unnatural rebellion." In their eyes, New Yorkers had no reason to become radical; in the mid eighteenth century, they saw themselves happily connected to the British empire through trade and culture. The city's elites bickered over local political power, but for the most part they agreed that they were a part of an empire that had some appropriate control over them. Apparently, enfranchised New Yorkers agreed with them, for they regularly returned members of both the Delancey and Livingston factions to office. The city's heterogeneity, Chopra argues, meant that New Yorkers rarely formed clear political blocs based on class or ethnicity. The early revolutionary conflicts - Stamp Act riots, Quartering Act conflicts, soldiers chopping down the Liberty Tree, even the "Battle of Golden Hill" - seemed to produce more internal factionalism in New York City than it did loyalism or hostility to the British Empire itself.Chopra suggests that no New Yorkers moved toward separation with Britain until the passage of the Coercion Acts against Boston in 1774. Benjamin Carp has recently argued that the Boston Tea Party of 1773 was in part the Bostoniane' attempt to prove to their radical neighbors in New York (and elsewhere) that they were committed to some form of resistance; it would have been helpful to know what sense Chopra made of the non-importation movement in New York in the late 1760s and early 1770s. …

This article explores the meanings and applications of the term ‘loyalty’ in Britain between 1688 and 1815. Political historians today employ the term in an instrumental way to connote obedience, nationalism, conservatism and monarchism: this finds its expression in the phenomenon of ‘loyalism’. This article instead argues that ‘loyalism’ was not a current term in the eighteenth century, and that ‘loyalty’ had specific meanings for different political groups. It could connote a religious, a legal or an emotional tie: as such, the changing concept of ‘loyalty’ is indicative of the shifting relationship between the individual and the state

This essay considers the 'political martyr' Thomas Muir as a representation of increased internationalism throughout late eighteenth century Scotland, when a veritable 'patriotic public sphere' developed in Britain. The relation of contemporary radical and loyalist political expressions to Muir's controversial trial for sedition has dominated the few examinations of him available, such as the biographies by Christina Bewley and Hector Macmillan. The unpublished work by George Pratt Insh, however, looked beyond this 'martyrdom' for a more nuanced approach that remains an invaluable source of international archive material. Muir's sentence of fourteen years transportation arose from a discursive realm that negotiated constitutional meanings, contested ideological borders and expressed both authoritarian and popular principles. Muir's conduct justified radical and loyalist rhetoric but also demonstrated his personal transformation from a distinct arena of 'Scottishness' to a more universal approach to politics. As Muir's life and the eighteenth century drew to a close, this transition provided an allegory for Scotland's role on the international stage as the modernisation process continued.

Literary critics have recently begun to draw attention to ‘national Gothic’, outlining the importance of themes of conflict and defeated and victorious histories in this form of the Gothic. The contested and unsettled history of Wales provides the perfect conditions for a national Gothic, yet little work has yet been done towards the notion of a specifically Welsh Gothic in the period following the French revolution. This article explores four variations on the theme of writing Gothic in revolution-era Wales: a tourist Gothic, a Jacobin Gothic, a loyalist Gothic and a post-colonial Gothic. It shows how writers of this period used the conflicts and iniquities of the Welsh past equally to illustrate Wales's incorporation within a larger united Britain and to figure its otherness, its familiar difference, relative to its historical enemy – England.

Derided by British intellectuals as ‘propaganda of inanity unparalleled in the world’s history’ and as an ‘impertinence’ toward educated Indians, the ‘smiling tours’ of the Prince of Wales to India and then West and South Africa in the early 1920s offer a unique lens through which to explore the largely unwritten history of African and Indian empire loyalism in a comparative frame. Whereas the loyalism of the ‘Black Englishmen’ and their faith in the civilizing mission is generally assumed to have become obsolete after the First World War, the vigorous engagement of western educated African and Indian elites with the symbolism and politics of these royal tours reveals that, however compromised and contested, loyalism retained saliency for many nationalist leaders and intellectuals well into the 1920s and that the idea of imperial monarchy continued to serve as a moral reference point and the embodiment of the freedoms and rights implicit in a liberal empire. Loyalism, expressed as fidelity to the monarch, moreover, is explored in its many guises and aspects, ranging from an expression of deep affective ties to scorching criticisms of administrations that had betrayed the imperial faith and notions of equality of all subjects of the crown. Laying claim to ‘true’ loyalty’, many Indian and African writers compared theirs with what they claimed was the self-serving, narrow loyalty of white settlers and colonial bureaucracies.

This article explores the late flowering of ‘black loyalism’ during the visit of the British royal family to Southern Africa in the summer of 1947. Whereas most accounts of post-war African politics emphasize the radicalization of political organizations, the growth of nationalism, and grassroots insurgency, this account of African engagement with the royal tour indicates that professed faith in the British monarchy as the embodiment and guardian of the rights and liberties of all peoples living under the crown was more widespread and longer lived than is generally assumed. However evanescent the phenomenon, extensive participation in the ceremonial rituals associated with the tour and the outpouring of expressions of black loyalism underlines the fluidity and unpredictability of black politics in this decade. At such a highly charged moment internationally, with India on the cusp of independence, and political turmoil at home, there was reason to hope that the loyalty of Africans during the Second World War might just be rewarded by the extension of political rights. This article traces the complex legacies and contested expressions of ‘black loyalism’ in what was effectively its swansong.

The ‘true’ identity and supposed historical significance of Tiyo Soga (1829–71) has changed through time. Lauded by his first biographer (John Chalmers) as ‘A Model Kafir’, someone who lived an exemplary life in terms of the ‘civilizing mission’ through becoming the first Xhosa minister and tireless missionary to his ‘countrymen’, Soga has subsequently been hailed, one might say claimed (or reclaimed?), in succession as: the first ‘New African’; ‘the father of black nationalism’; the progenitor of Ethiopianism and the ANC; and the ‘founding father of black modernity’. This article revisits the question of Soga’s self-avowed, but now in contemporary South Africa downplayed or disavowed, British loyalism. The argument is that such loyalism was in keeping with Soga’s experience and theoretical understanding of mid nineteenth-century British nationalism and that he saw no contradiction between such Britishness and his own sense of ‘Gaika’, Xhosa or black African identity. To paraphrase the words of John Iliffe in Honour in Africa, such loyalism stemmed from, and allowed, Soga’s adoption of ‘respectability’ in order ‘to liberate’ himself ‘from ideas of honour no longer in tune with [his perception of] reality’.

The transformation of Irish towns in the early modern period (from bastions of English loyalism, to centers of Catholic resistance, to stridently Protestant colonial outposts) has received relatively little attention from historians. Instead, scholars have focused on the major land transfers of the seventeenth century, but the change in urban settlement patterns proved even more dramatic and was closely related to the positioning of civic communities in relation to the military struggles of the 1640s and 1650s. The central argument is that the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland marked a crucial and irrevocable transformation in both the possibilities of civic militarism and the nature of urban society and politics more generally. It demonstrates that during the 1640s, the citizens of Ireland’s major provincial cities participated in the troubles through strategic neutralism and the retention (or careful negotiation) of military force, acting with the fortunes of the citizenry in mind. This approach continued a tradition of relative civic autonomy, which was probably more embedded and accentuated in Ireland than either Scotland or England.

Abstract Numerous Ming Chinese took refuge in Chosŏn Korea during the early seventeenth century. Despite the supposed sinocentrism of Chosŏ’s elites, refugees from China were treated as belonging to the category of submitting-foreigner (hyanghwain), a protected but distinctly humble social status that had been used primarily as a tool for settling Japanese and Jurchen from Chosŏn’s frontiers. Beginning in the mid-eighteenth century, however, the Chosŏn court considered it incongruous to include Ming Chinese descendants in that category. Chinese lineages were thus distinguished from other submitting-foreigners and reclassified according to the considerably more prestigious category of imperial subjects. This paper explores this change, seeing it as part of a trend in the Qing Empire and indeed in Eurasia as a whole in which identity and subjecthood became increasingly bureaucratized, and loyalties treated as absolute.

Commenting on the reception given to John Redmond by Belfast nationalists on his visit to Ulster in late October 1914, the northern correspondent of James Connolly's socialist–republican newspaper The Irish Worker reported that ‘Never were so many Union Jacks hung out to honour Sir Edward Carson as there were ... in honour of J.E. [Redmond]’. The month before, home rule had been enacted and Redmond had controversially called upon Irish nationalists to join the British army and fight ‘wherever the firing line extends’ in the war against Germany. Irish catholic enlistment was heaviest in Ulster—in particular Belfast—and for Redmond's visit Union Jacks were flown alongside green banners commemorating the 1798 rebellion and emerald flags incorporating the Union ensign in the style recently adopted for Australia and New Zealand's national standards. To opponents of the war, however, the Union flag was a symbol of loyalty and subservience to Britain and so the Irish Worker dubbed Redmond's northern supporters ‘Catholic Orangemen’; but what of the man for whom all the flags were flying?

This paper analyzes textual strategies and military techniques found in the writings of the literatus and military scholar Fan Jingwen, who committed suicide in 1644 after the capture of Beijing by the rebel Li Zicheng. Fan's works have been little studied and yield new insights into the military and political events at the end of the Ming. Drawing on a wide range of sources, especially including the ideas of the classical Mohists, Fan sought to provide his readers with information to aid them in drawing their own conclusions about what to do in their own particular situations.

The self-writings of Ye Shaoyuan are used to explore the ways in which one late Ming literatus responded to personal and political misfortunes in the last ten years of his life, which coincided with the Manchu conquest of China. The relationship between textual production and the agency of displaced and dispossessed subjects, or the question of how discursive genres are negotiated for empowerment in regimes of subjection and subject formation, is a central concern. Ye and others like him exhibited an implicit faith in the immortality of the written word, especially in times of stress and disorder.

In eighteenth-century New York, as in many other places, educated gentlemen used classical pastoral and georgic tropes to articulate their relationships with both nature and society. This essay uses the changing use of these tropes to examine the radical changes in the city's culture after midcentury. The new rhetoric of sociability marginalized both pastoral and georgic in favor of a broad mercantile vision of social interconnectedness. Pastoral rhetoric, in turn, became linked to the defense of an elite, traditionalist Loyalism, which embraced its marginalization and doomed itself to irrelevance. As Philip Freneau's experimentation with pastoral demonstrates, the continued prevalence of these tropes in American literature was nonetheless accompanied by their separation from this social context.

Catholics frequently claimed that they and their co-religionists in late Tudor and Stuart England were not enemies of sovereign authority and should not, therefore, be subjected to legal penalties for their conscience-based impulse to reject the legislation which was supposed to guarantee conformity to the Elizabethan settlement of religion. Yet there was in later sixteenth-century Europe a vigorous quasi-republican catholic tradition of political resistance to monarchical authority, one in which a number of English catholics personally invested. This tradition became central to contemporary anti-popery. So, were catholics, as a body, telling the truth when they claimed to be politically ‘loyal’? One rather obvious answer is to say, simply, that some were and some were not. But, of course, catholics and their enemies did not agree about where the dividing line between loyalty and disobedience/treason actually lay. In fact, whether catholics could be convincingly portrayed either as, on the one hand, loyalists or, on the other, as potential rebels, depended in large part on the political context in which this, in any case polemically phrased, question was discussed. In this article, what contemporaries thought about the issue, and the political significance of their thoughts, is revisited by looking again at the 1606 oath of allegiance, promulgated by statute following the gunpowder plot. The oath's meaning and implications were the subject of intense debate as contemporaries, both catholic and protestant, argued with each other and among themselves about whether catholics were obliged to take it and how far they might be accounted disloyal if they refused.

New loyalism is an effort to reinterpret the loyalist tradition through a more class‐based focus. The current study examines the work of community activists in Belfast to promote a new loyalist politics and to organize members of the Protestant working class into a self‐conscious political force. In the process these community workers challenge the traditional deferential role of the working class within unionism. They reject the politics of unionist elected officials while advocating an independent and activist involvement by residents in their communities. The study is based on interviews with 18 community activists about their understanding of loyalism and also their organizing efforts. Antonio Gramsci’s concept of the organic intellectual is employed as a theoretical framework for interpreting the ideas and actions of these community workers. The argument is made that while the subjects of this study do not correspond in every respect to Gramsci’s concept, they do embody the heart of his idea.

War is instrumental in shaping and negotiating gender identities. But what role does peace play in dispelling or affirming the gender order in post-conflict contexts? Building on a burgeoning international literature on representative landscapes and based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Northern Ireland between 2003 and 2006, this article explores the peacetime commemoration of the Northern Ireland ‘Troubles’ in order to explore the nuances of gender. Tellingly, the memorial landscapes cultivated since the inception of the paramilitary ceasefires in 1994 privilege male interpretations of the past (and, therefore, present). Gender parity, despite being enshrined within the 1998 Belfast Agreement which sought to draw a line under almost three decades of ethno-nationalist violence, remains an elusive utopia, as memorials continue to propagate specific roles for men and women in the ‘national project’. As the masculine ideologies of Irish Nationalism/Republicanism and British Unionism/Loyalism inscribe...

In the case of the L'Estranges, later loyalism followed from ardent Civil War royalism. Sir Hamon L'Estrange Bt. was successively Sheriff and Deputy Lieutenant of Norfolk and sat in Parliament for a seat controlled by the Howards, Dukes of Norfolk. A broader perspective on the religious views of the L'Estranges is given by Sir Nicholas's collection of anecdotes, a substantial number of which were contributed by his parents, siblings, cousins, aunts and uncles. Sir Roger L'Estrange, having earlier annoyed the fourth Lord by demanding changes to his Narrative of the Long Parliament, supported Sir Dudley North in the hotly contested London shrieval election of 1682. Since the works in which he comes closest to Jenkins, and which would have been of the greatest interest to the Norths and L'Estranges, are his fantasia suites in five and six parts, it will be helpful in defining Jenkins's achievement to approach him through a comparison with those of his towering contemporary.

French military officers engaged in extensive siege warfare during the French Wars of Religion (1562–1629), writing about their combat experiences and emotional responses. Hundreds of cities and towns were blockaded or besieged during the prolonged civil wars between Catholics and Calvinists in France, forcing military officers to confront siege conditions frequently. This chapter presents the ways in which sieges served as sites for emotional display and examines Catholic officers’ siege narratives as sources for the history of emotions. The chapter examines three case studies of officers’ personal narratives, demonstrating the range of feelings that officers experienced and the diverse rhetorical uses of their emotional experiences in their writings. I argue that these three texts present divergent models of Catholic loyalism, virtuous command and religious testimony.

Some unionist politicians, mostly from the Democratic Unionist Party, have supported Israel since the beginning of the Second Intifada. Chapter 9 explores political and religious affinities between Israel and these unionists, some of them members of the Orange Order and the Royal Black Institution. Loyalism and its symbolical and real connections with Israel are also discussed in this chapter.

During the American Revolution, when the rebels wanted to publicly “out” a loyalist, they occasionally did so by stripping the so-called traitors naked, putting their bodies on display for the town to see. In 1774, for example, a Massachusetts mob stripped Jonathan Malcolm of his clothes one winter night, ripped his arms out of their sockets, covered him with tar and feathers, and paraded him around town for hours (Hulton 70). In Georgia, Thomas Browne met a similar fate (Alden 452). Such abuses were not limited to men; in Roxbury, Massachusetts, rebel soldiers stripped Edward Brinlcy’s children and wife—then advanced in her pregnancy—and invited other men to “See a tory woman” exposed (Hulton 85–86). Removing a female loyalist’s clothes served several purposes, including rape, torture, and humiliation, but it was primarily a reminder about property. Women, children, and the clothes they wore were legal properties of the male head-of-household, so to strip a wife meant to strip the husband, too (Gundersen 70).

Preface Mary McAleer Balkun and Susan C. Imbarrato Introduction Marion Rust 1. Gudrid Thorbjornsdottir: First Foremother of American Empire Annette Kolodny 2. Ungendering Empire: Catalina de Erauso and the Performance of Masculinity Cathy Rex 3. Creole Civic Pride and Positioning "Exceptional" Black Women Joan Bristol and Tamara Harvey 4. Imposing Order: Sarah Kemble Knight's Journal and the Anglo-American Empire Ann M. Brunjes 5. The Midwife's Calling: Martha Ballard's Diary and the Empire of Medical Knowledge in the Early Republic Thomas Lawrence Long 6. The Birth Pangs of the American Mother: Puritanism, Republicanism, and the Letter-Journal of Esther Edwards Burr Samantha Cohen Tamulis 7. Empire and the Pan-Atlantic Self in The Female American or, the Adventures of Unca Eliza Winkfield Denise Mary MacNeil 8. 'The Fever and the Fetters': An Epidemiology of Captivity and Empire Sarah Schuetze 9. Women Left Behind: Female Loyalism, Coverture, and Grace Growden Galloway's Empire of Self Kacy Dowd Tillman 10. 'Solitary, Neglected, Despised': Cruel Optimism and National Sentimentality Astrid M. Fellner and Susanne Hamscha 11. The Woman of Colour and Black Atlantic Movement Brigitte Fielder 12. New World Roots: Transatlantic Fictions, Creole Marriages, and Women's Cultivation of Empire in the Americas Rochelle Raineri Zuck 13. Catharine Brown's Body: Missionary Spiritualization and Cherokee Embodiment Theresa Strouth Gaul 14. Territorial Agency: Negotiations of Space and Empire in the Domestic Violence Memoirs of Abigail Abbot Bailey and Anne Home Livingston Lisa M. Logan 15. 'Her Book the Only Hope She Had': Self and Sovereignty in the Narratives of Ann Carson Dan Williams 16. Bodies of Work: Early American Women Writers, Empire, and Pedagogy Kathryn Zabelle Derounian-Stodola

During the Northern Ireland Troubles some Protestant communities suffered more than others. The loyalist Shankill area of West Belfast is one such place. Geographically situated between the republican strongholds of the Ardoyne and Falls, it was regularly exposed to violent attack. The area witnessed a series of republican bombings that included children in the death toll as well as many deadly shootings. Violence of this kind has left an indelible mark on the Shankill community. However, more than other loyalist areas, it was prepared to respond to republican violence with violence. But the community has not emerged from the Troubles with confidence. Unanticipated post-conflict factors of a political, cultural, and territorial nature are undermining efforts to promote community confidence and encourage paramilitary groups to decommission their weapons.

While a great deal of work on England and Ireland in the seventeen-nineties has been published in recent decades, Scotland has attracted far less attention. This article uses a series of uniquely rich archival collections to reconstruct in detail currents of opinion and political developments in two Scottish counties, Perthshire and Angus, in this period. It presents new evidence on the scope, social depth and resilience of radicalism and loyalism, and examines the nature and limitations of political stability in this region. In doing so, it brings into question the notion of ‘massive political stability’ in Scotland in the seventeen-nineties and the sharp contrasts which are sometimes drawn between popular politics in England and Scotland in the age of the French Revolution.

In recent years, a wide range of philosophers and theorists have proposed various forms of cosmopolitanism to address the racial, ethnic, and religious strife cropping up in the post-Cold War world. If the forms of cosmopolitanism they advocate are as varied as their disciplinary, political, and theoretical commitments, then they all appear to share a profound sense that the nation-state is in crisis. Its coherence in the modern world is threatened by two seemingly opposite but historically related forces: the rise of global capitalism and a resurgence of the appeal of ethnic and religious identities.1 The first undermines the nation-state by rendering it powerless to resist the voracious appetite of the market and the second attacks it from within by questioning its legitimacy to rule over diverse populations. Hence the philosophical and political appeal of cosmopolitanism, an old idea that has gained new meaning for its ability to mediate the binary of sameness and difference posed in the twin attacks on the nationstate. Cosmopolitanism, its advocates suggest, provides a useful philosophical foundation for negotiating the newly emergent concerns regarding the commonalities and differences among people(s) that have begun to reshape the modern world.2 One way to explain the recent resurgence of interest in cosmopolitanism, therefore, is to recognize that the concept serves to solve a problem that first presented itself at the moment when the nation-state was born and has resurfaced in the last two decades. That is, the problem of mediating between the conflicting claims of particularity (made on behalf of the construction of a people) and commonality (made on behalf of the needs of the global marketplace) that now afflict the nation-state were the very problems it faced at the time of its inception. At that earlier moment, the nation-state proved more attractive than its alternatives. Whether that will be the case in the current scenario is yet to be seen. Given our tendency to celebrate the late eighteenthand early nineteenthcentury political developments for their part in birthing a more democratic relationship between the state and its subject, we can easily forget that this was a period of almost continual crisis for many of the polities of Europe and the Americas. Though often rendered positive by means of the term "Age of Revolutions," the tumultuous period that witnessed the birth of the nation-state also was the cradle of modern cosmopolitan thought. The nation-state was born in a

Between 1952 and 1960, the British colonial government of Kenya waged a violent counter-insurgency campaign against the Mau Mau rebels. In this effort the regime was assisted by collaborators, known as loyalists, drawn from the same communities as the insurgents. Based primarily on new archival sources, this article sets out the history of loyalism, stresses the ambiguity of allegiances during the conflict and argues that loyalism was a product of the same intellectual debates that had spawned the Mau Mau insurgency. The article concludes by stressing the significance for postcolonial Kenya of this history.

The aim of this article is to examine how Gary Mitchell's As the Beast Sleeps and The Force of Change engage with what the Ulster poet Tom Paulin has described as "the unbudging, implacable destructiveness" of the triumphalist Loyalist ethos. In these two plays, Mitchell argues that the notion of cultural and physical resistance, not only against a hostile and encroaching world, but also towards the very concept of change itself, represents the dominant ethos of the contemporary Loyalist vision., L'article étudie la manière dont les pièces de Gary Mitchell, As the Beast Sleeps et The Force of Change, traitent de la mentalité loyaliste triomphaliste et de son « inébranlable et implacable penchant destructeur » selon le mot du poète d'Ulster, Tom Paulin. Dans ces deux pièces, Mitchell affirme que la notion d'une résistance culturelle et physique, tant contre un monde hostile et envahissant que contre l'idée même de changement, constitue la clé de voûte de la perspective loyaliste contemporaine., Gray Billy. "The fragments they shore up against their ruins" : Loyalism, Alienation and Fear of Change in Gary Mitchell's As the Beast Sleeps and the Force of Change. In: Études irlandaises, n°32 n°1, 2007. pp. 127-139.

This essay analyzes one set of male bonds—the relationships between three men in the Yuan-Ming transition—to understand the range of meanings assigned to the practice of friendship in the fourteenth century. Through the exchange of writings, the three men constructed a friendship based on shared cultural ideas that was more valuable to them than the ethnic, regional, and political differences between them. At a time when the violence and disruptions associated with the Yuan-Ming transition and the lack of access to examinations and the civil service created a crisis in masculinity, these friendships allowed them to create a space where masculine values could be shared and expressed.

This essay examines the politics of the disturbances and riots that rocked Philip Astley's Dublin Amphitheatre, the site of Ireland's first circus, during the 1790s. Astley received the first legal recognition for his circus from a colonial administration in Ireland because of the loyalism of his entertainments and, throughout the 1790s, his Dublin Amphitheatre worked to mobilize the Irish masses in the interest of the crown and the empire. But, as this essay shows, these loyalist entertainments were also repeatedly disrupted by the counter-theatre of the Jacobin-inspired group, the United Irishmen, who used this site to rally support not only for the Irish nationalist revolution but also for the broader democratic revolution then being staged all around the Atlantic rim.

This article examines family dynamics and mobilization for the American Revolution in the overlooked region of central Massachusetts. Results indicate that warfare and the farming culture frequently clashed. Some militiamen found that farming life failed to prepare them for wartime stresses and the rigors of camp life. Rugged individualism and military regimentation did not always mesh. Based on vital records, military service records, and family histories, the article also shows how birth order shaped military recruitment. Family responsibilities and a suffocating patriarchy sometimes impeded mobilization. Harvesting duties and family emergencies forced some to have to choose between one’s home and the patriot cause. The article also explores links between family ties and loyalism and the Revolution’s impact on patriarchy and inheritance patterns.

One promise of formal truth recovery processes, such as truth commissions, in transitional societies is that they present the possibility of a common narrative emerging about the causes of conflict. At the same time, there is now evidence that such processes also create silences; some narratives are not fully represented. One such silence is in relation to pro-state paramilitaries. Drawing extensively on interviews with a number of loyalist paramilitary activists in Northern Ireland, as well as others attuned to the current state of loyalism, this article explores loyalist paramilitary attitudes to dealing with the past, and in particular, the possibility of a truth commission for Northern Ireland. It considers the reasons for loyalist reticence about supporting such a commission, including their belief that the call for truth serves a republican insurgent agenda, their conviction that they have been abandoned by the state to which they have been loyal, and a general sense of confused political identity within loyalism. Finally, the article considers some ways in which loyalists might be persuaded to engage in a truth recovery process, not least through an attempt to produce a tighter definition of truth. If their narrative succeeds in being properly represented, there may be lessons to be learned for similar transitional societies.

This article focuses on the politicisation of sections of the Loyalist paramilitaries and the consequences for the restructuring of the politics of Loyalism in the contemporary period. Following the signing of the Belfast Agreement, Loyalism found new expressions through several groupings, such as the now disbanded Ulster Democratic Party (UDP) and the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP). These parties came to prominence in 1994 following the ceasefire statement issued by the Combined Loyalist Military Command. The politics they projected was seemingly different and more progressive than that which had been heard before from Loyalism. Hence it was soon dubbed ‘New Loyalism’. This article analyses the political and social dynamics behind New Loyalism. It suggests reasons why it took the form it did. It explains why New Loyalism has failed to mark a permanent fissure within Unionist politics. It sets this in the context of the reconstruction of contemporary Unionist political hegemony around the DUP a...