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This article explores the relationship between psychotherapeutic practices with people with refugee backgrounds and “the political”. The relationship between voice and audience in psychotherapeutic practices is explored; through such an analysis the relationship between psychotherapy, history, and the political is considered. The theoretical questions are approached through a case study, a Bosnian man with refugee background living in Finland and attending psychotherapy there who invited the anthropologist to attend his therapy sessions. The analysis of the single case is situated within long-term ethnographic research on the Bosnian diaspora. Situating the personal in historical and moral plots, as well as seeking larger audiences beyond the confines of the therapeutic relationship, is seen as crucial in producing therapeutic effects. Simultaneously, the case enables a theoretical discussion about the relationships between voice, audience, and the political.

In July 1990 the Serb Democratic Party (SDS) was founded in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Within six months the party would become the dominant political party among the Serb population of Bosnia-Herzegovina. How did it accomplish this? Taking issue with two existing explanations of SDS and the 1990 election campaign, underbidding and vagueness, this paper develops an empirical argument about the rhetorical strategies used by the SDS leader, Radovan Karadžic. It argues Karadžic skillfully used concurrent events in Croatia to mobilize Bosnian Serbs. Both the underbidding and vagueness arguments are insufficient explanations because SDS discourse did not disguise or obfuscate its policy positions. Rather, research needs to appreciate the affective qualities of SDS campaign discourse.

This study analyses a level of lighting performance between pedentive dome and pyramid roof mosque's construction in Mostars, Bosnia Herzegovina. The selected case studies are Karadjoz Beg (pedentive dome) and Neziraga Mosque (pyramid roof) which are located less than 500 metres apart from each other. The purpose is to assess information on the architectural roof design in relation to lighting performance. This assessment is simulated during winter equinox where it provides results when the sun is perimetering at its maximum position at the Tropic of Capricorn. This study applies simulation analysis for of the case study using Autodesk software known as 3DStudio Max programme. This programme creates simulation of the illuminance level to the indoor building areas during winter season when the sun is perimetering at its most southern point along Tropics of Capricorn. A weather file is inserted in the programme during simulation process as a tool to gain accurate condition of the local weather. The analysis shows that mosque with pedentive dome design provides evenly distributed illuminance level with Scale 2 and 3 lighting performance inside the mosque compared to pyramid roof design only with Scale 2. The study concludes that having better illuminance level distributed at all the locations is one of the crucial reasons why the mosques with pedentive dome roof cover are popularly built in Bosnia as well its neighbouring regions by the Ottoman master builders.

Peacebuilding in post-conflict societies increasingly encompasses memorialisation and practices of remembrance. Memorials that commemorate incidents of mass atrocity have been claimed as spaces for intervention by outside actors, and international support has often been decisive for their creation. While external involvement is driven by a desire for solid statements about the violent past, it is increasingly recognised that memorials are on the contrary sites for the ongoing production of meaning in the present; sites used both for mourning and for making politics. This article interrogates the productive encounter between external actors' globalised template for remembering and desire, and local processes of remembrance. The argument is illustrated by cases studies of the Srebrenica-Potocari Memorial in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the Kigali Genocide Memorial Centre in Rwanda.

This essay observes contemporary Islamic dress practices in Bosnia-Herzegovina as a catalyst throwing into relief various tensions within Bosnian society – not only between Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats, but among Bosniaks themselves. Based on fieldwork carried out in Sarajevo, it looks at how people employ notions of culture and tradition when justifying what types of Islamic dress, if any, are compatible with Bosnian modernity. The essay analyses how people selectively draw on fragments from the historical and ethnographic record when they argue for or against veiling, and shows how, even though many denounce veiling and particularly face veiling as foreign to Bosnia, women who veil themselves equally draw on notions of culture and tradition when justifying their dress choices to others. The essay highlights how competing visions of Islam play a role in the transformation of religious, ethnic and gender identities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and argues that dress as a gendered bodily practice does not merely mark assumed essential differences between an imagined Bosnian and foreign Islam but serves as a crucial means of their construction.

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Since the end of the Cold War new practices of external interferences in the domestic affairs of states have revealed an unprecedented relationship between international intervention and the promotion of democracy. In fact, the new generation of peace-building missions is oriented toward the democratization of the target country. Moving from the paradoxes brought about by the goal of democratization, the paper offers an explanation of the power-sharing between international officials and local political actors in the target country. On the one hand, a democratic approach to international intervention fosters self-determination, tends to grant sovereignty and independence and considers the international mandate as temporary. On the other hand, the goal of democratization entails the establishment of enduring neo-trusteeships, violating the sovereignty and independence of the target-state. The paper focuses on three case-studies (Bosnia, Kosovo and East Timor) to assess how those paradoxes lead to conflicting attitudes by international officials – who both concede and retain essential powers over local political actors – creating a power-sharing in the target country.

This article evaluates the impact of a non-governmental organisation (NGO)-implemented programme in Bosnia–Herzegovina as a case study for evaluating small highly focused NGO programmes, particularly in agriculture. Through the analysis of household-level data, we demonstrate that season-extending greenhouses significantly increased agricultural incomes of beneficiaries, with the greatest income gains occurring after 2 to 3 years into the programme. The benefit of the season extenders comes from extending the marketing lessons learned from crops inside the greenhouse to crops outside of the greenhouse. Evaluating the lessons learned requires that we address two common problems in evaluation – lack of an untreated counterfactual group and long-term nonlinear benefits.

Focusing on conflict legacy, this article contributes to the study of domestic mediating conditions as an explanation of “shallow Europeanisation” in the Western Balkans, defined as a disconnect between European rules and local practices. It critiques the prevalent neo-Weberian understanding of state capacity, which highlights rule-enforcement capability of state institutions, but reduces conflict legacy to a question of resources. The article argues that a relational approach to state capacity which attributes its strength to enduring ties among state and non-state actors better captures the challenge to European Union (EU)-driven domestic transformation in a post-conflict context. A case study of the Hercegovina Holding is used to unravel a Bosnian Croat network originating during the 1992–1995 Bosnian war. The empirical evidence of the network's operation illustrates how key EU benchmarks for private sector development can be undermined, making a case for a more rigorous conceptualisation of conflict l...

WOS: 000403068900014 This paper examines the organisation of popular and official Islam during and after communism in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Through studying the interaction between the popular and the official forms of Islam in the historical context, this paper unfolds the debate on who speaks for Islam? That took place between official representatives and popular Islamic groups and movements in the former Yugoslavian republic. Such an enquiry revealed firstly that a close contact with the existing regime (regardless of its ideology) is essential for becoming and remaining as the official Islamic authority, as seen in the Islamic Community's pro-Titoist stance throughout in the former Yugoslavia. the findings of the enquiry secondly suggest that popular Islam and official Islam represent transitive positions; meaning that a popular Islamic movement can become the official Islam, vice versa. Accordingly, a former popular Islam front, the Mladi Muslimani (Young Muslims), in Yugoslavia evolved into an official Islamic authority after the dissolution of the country and by the Bosnia-Herzegovina's establishment, in the scope of which new popular Islamic groups bred.

The aim of this study was to investigate into the level of T-2/HT-2 toxins in different unprocessed cereals (n = 201), as well as in marketed cereal-based products (n = 58), feed components (n = 191) and feedstuffs (n = 91) coming from Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina. The number of positive samples of unprocessed cereals for food production (>LOD) ranged from 30.4% in barley to 68.8% in oat whereas for feed components ranged from 26.9% in wheat to 86.1% in oat. The maximal values found in unprocessed oat and oat-based feed components were 304.2 μg/kg and 521.0 μg/kg, respectively. As for final products, the highest T-2/HT-2 concentrations were determined in oat flakes (89.4 μg/kg) and calf feed (129.3 μg/kg). Despite of the increased T-2/HT-2 concentrations found in some of the samples, the obtained values were unanimously lower than the indicative levels given as recommendations above which further investigations should be necessary performed.

This chapter focuses on the interplay between diaspora mobilisation and return home at the aftermath of forced displacement. It investigates the conditions under which diaspora mobilisation can contribute to voluntary peaceful return, especially after the passage of time. Drawing on the experiences of Bosnian Serbs and Cypriot Maronite returnees since the 1993-95 and 1974 wars respectively, it examines two counter-intuitive attempts of partial reversal of forced displacement. This chapter also sheds light on the local and global networks of cooperation generated by diasporas in exile to advocate and sustain return home, focusing specifically at the importance of trust, exchange and social capital as manifested in these groups. While recognizing the limitations of diaspora politics in Bosnia and Cyprus, the chapter demonstrates that community effort resolves coordination and commitment problems, thereby facilitating voluntary peaceful return even under conditions of inter-communal fear, mistrust and economic insecurity.

Creative Commons License CC BY NC ND (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0) Recent years have seen a new development in the growth and spread of popular protest: protests that began as local, homogeneous events—such as Occupy Wall Street or the protests of the Arab Spring—quickly left their original locations, and local specificity, behind and became global. This book looks at the development of this wave of protests, with a specific eye on protests against austerity and neoliberal economic policies, and offers a global view, covering events in Turkey, Brazil, Venezuela, South Africa, Bosnia, Bulgaria, Ukraine, and other locations. 1 Riding the wave : Protest cascades, and what we can learn from them, Donatella della Porta, 9 2 The spirit of Gezi : A relational approach to eventful protest and its challenges, Donatella della Porta and Kivanc Atak, 31 3 Brazil’s popular awakening – June 2013 : Accounting for the onset of a new cycle of contention, Mariana S. Mendes, 59 4 Making sense of “La Salida” : Challenging left-wing control in Venezuela, Juan Masullo, 85 5 The Marikana Massacre and Labor Protest in South Africa, Francis O’Connor, 113 6 Left in translation : The curious absence of austerity frames in the 2013 Bulgarian protests, Julia Rone, 137 7 “Sow hunger, reap anger” : From neoliberal privatization to new collective identities in Bosnia-Herzegovina, Chiara Milan, 167 8 A spirit of Maidan? : Contentious escalation in Ukraine, Daniel P. Ritter, 191

This article examines the social cohesion of Bosnia-Herzegovina’s inhabitants through the concept of panethnicity. Panethnicity is exemplified through an array of shared marriage practices and kinship patterns. The marriage customs analyzed are prenuptial parties, elopements, affinal visitations, fictive kinships, and homogamy. A statistical analysis with a loglinear model using data collected in 2014 on marriage customs from a clustered, stratified, random survey of the population is conducted (n = 2,900). Despite the political structures of the Dayton Peace Accords that reify ethnic identities, there remains a shared cultural identity in Bosnia-Herzegovina reflected in the marriage customs and kinship relations of its inhabitants. Panethnicity structures a social cohesion that blends the contrasting Durkheimian concepts of organic solidarity and mechanical solidarity.

Bosnia and Herzegovina is a country rich in unpolluted water resources which could in the future become the driving force of its economic development. In accordance with EU legislation, adopted in 2006, the Federal Law on Water, which among other things regulates the amount of water delivered in order for their sustainable use. The purpose of this study is to determine the trend and statistical descriptions of the amount of water delivered to the sources in the Federation of Bosnia & Herzegovina (FB&H), for the period 2001-2015. The minimum value of the total amount of water delivered in FB&H for the period 2001-2015 (in thousands m 3 ) was 216620 × 10 3 (m 3 ) of water in 2014 and the maximum 237 480 × 10 3 (m 3 ) of water in 2005.

Utilizing survey data collected from 127 male Bosnian police officers, this study examines the impact attitudes toward women, individual characteristics, and work experiences have on officers’ perceptions of their female colleagues. It is hypothesized that officers who hold more traditional, patriarchal attitudes toward women will view females as incapable of effectively carrying out police work, regardless of their own work experiences, or demographic characteristics. Results suggest that a majority of Bosnian policemen believe that women are equally as effective as men in all aspects of policing, however, many still cling to stereotypical views of policing and continue to view female officers negatively.

Most municipal solid waste (MSW) is disposed of in landfills. Over the past few decades, catastrophic flow slides have occurred in MSW landfills around the world, causing substantial economic damage and occasionally resulting in human victims. It is therefore important to predict the run-out, velocity and depth of such slides in order to provide adequate mitigation and protection measures. To overcome the limitations of traditional numerical methods for modelling flow slides, a mesh-free particle method entitled smoothed particle hydrodynamics (SPH) is introduced in this paper. The Navier–Stokes equations were adopted as the governing equations and a Bingham model was adopted to analyse the relationship between material stress rates and particle motion velocity. The accuracy of the model is assessed using a series of verifications, and then flow slides that occurred in landfills located in Sarajevo and Bandung were simulated to extend its applications. The simulated results match the field data well and highlight the capability of the proposed SPH modelling method to simulate such complex phenomena as flow slides in MSW landfills.

This paper is about the results of the project, “The Music in Uludag University from Asia to Balkans”. In this project, cultures and traditional music of foreign students who are educated in Uludag University were searched. The students who also play or sing their music were chosen from Indonesia, Republic of Bashkortostan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Egypt, Morocco, Ethiopia, Macedonia, Albania, Kosovo, and Bosnia Herzegovina. They had studied and practiced music for six weeks. In May 2015, they introduced their music with big organization host in campus concert hall organized by Uludag University, Turkish State and Relatives Community Applications and Research Center. These chosen students introduced their countries with their music and at the end of the concert in this research the outcomes and results of multicultural activity were examined. This paper was presented at 2015 West East Institute Academic Conference and the full paper was published at proceeding book.

Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo have been under international administration since 1995 and 1999, respectively. The international administrations were aimed at building autonomous political institutions which are able to peacefully resolve political conflicts. Instead, institutions were created which heavily depended on the international administrations for their functioning. The absence of autonomous domestic political institutions can be explained by the absence of conflict resolution. The incompatibility (or contents) of the conflict was incorporated in the post-war order, as a result of which the international administrations received extensive powers to impose peace. The international administrations' authority enabled them to build political institutions. At the same time, the absence of conflict resolution impeded domestic institutions to become autonomous in the sense of being independent and having a capacity to act. As a result, domestic actors relied on the international administration to tak...

This article highlights the centrality of gender to the liberal peacebuilding agenda in Bosnia-Herzegovina. It examines the discourses and practices of liberal interventionism, focusing on the Office of the High Representative (OHR) as a crucial site for the constitution of gendered subjects and agents in this post-conflict zone. Drawing on poststructural theories and representations of Balkan identity, it explores the gendered articulations of Paddy Ashdown, first during his wartime visits to Bosnia-Herzegovina, and second, during his tenure as High Representative. A discourse-theoretical analysis highlights how Ashdown rationalized his involvement in wartime Bosnia-Herzegovina through a powerful self-identification with an ‘interventionist model of masculinity’ which equates manliness with a responsibility to protect a vulnerable/backward/feminized Balkan ‘other’ from violence and harm. Moreover, gendered discourses helped to conceptualize and legitimate the peace implementation role of the OHR, allowin...

This article examines the relationship between religiosity and support for democracy in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Using data from the last World Values Survey, we examine levels of religiosity among Bosniaks, Serbs, and Croats, and their support for democracy. The influence of religiosity on support for democracy is also explored. The results indicate that religiosity has a negative influence on support for democracy, and it is particularly true for individuals who do not support the separation of the religious from the political sphere and who exhibit lower support for democracy. The article also examines different levels of religiosity among the three groups, controlling for a wide range of variables. We conclude that there is basically no difference in support for democracy between Croats and Bosniaks, while Serbs exhibit somewhat lesser support for democracy than members of the other two ethnic groups. Serbs also seem to be somewhat less religious than Bosniaks and Croats. Opposition to separation of the religious from the political sphere is a major source of lack of support for democracy among Croats and Bosniaks, but not among Serbs.

This article explores the reasons for joining and staying in youth-oriented groups offered by 13 to 16 year-old adolescents residing in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and Germany, all surveyed as part of two separate school-based youth and violence studies that used the same questionnaire and data collection protocol. The 1,785 youths included in the current analysis self-identified as members of one of three types of youth groups: noncriminal youth group, crime-involved youth group, and street-oriented youth gang, the latter defined by the Eurogang definition. Besides looking at why they joined their respective groups and how they benefitted from membership in them, the current study explores the ties between membership and measures drawn from self-control theory, bonding, and social learning theories, plus the collective influence of these variables on the level of delinquency attributed by the youths to their respective groups. The implications of the findings for both cross-national tests of theory and antigang policies are discussed.

This article contributes to an understanding of the role of agency in a sociology of human rights by examining how a small group of individuals interpreted, defined, and instantiated ‘hard’ human rights, or those atrocities associated with war crimes and crimes against humanity. Using political theorist Judith Shklar’s perpetrator-focused framework of ‘putting the prevention of cruelty first’, we explore the role of agency in the construction of human rights through the empirical lens of US war crimes policies around the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords for Bosnia-Herzegovina. We draw on US State Department documents, and on interviews with key participants in the Accords, to argue that a richer sociology of human rights – seen as socially situated and embedded – requires a fuller appreciation of the experiences of key social actors in those social locations in which human rights are articulated, interpreted, and actualized.

Introduction: Chickenpox is very contagious childhood disease, which occurs due to varicella-zoster virus (VZV) primaryinfection. Disease in healthy children resolves usually without complications, but risk of complication is much higherin adults and immunocompromised hosts. The goal of this study was to determine different clinical and epidemiologicalcharacteristics, laboratory features, clinical course, and outcome of chickenpox in children and adults.Material and methods: The descriptive study was conducted at the Department of Infectious Diseases, Clinical Centerin Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina. The study included 120 patients chosen randomly. We compared their clinical andepidemiological characteristics, laboratory investigations, complications and the outcome of the disease.Results: Age of patients was in range from one to 48 years. Male patients prevailed in both groups (65% in adults,52% in children). Hospitalization rate was 10.7/100,000 inhabitants. Positive contact with chickenpox was confirmed in80% adults and 82% children. Dominating symptoms were fever, rash and muscle aches. Levels of C-reactive protein,erythrocyte sedimentation rates (ESR) and fibrinogen levels were elevated in both groups, while thrombocytopenia waspresented in 33% of adults and 3% of children. Adults had complications in 83.3% and their hospitalization rate waslonger compared to children (11.5 days vs. 9.5 days, p

This article discusses the ways in which languages can be integrated into histories of war and conflict, by exploring ongoing research in two case studies: the liberation and occupation of Western Europe (1944–47), and peacekeeping/peace building in Bosnia-Herzegovina (1995–2000). The article suggests that three methodological approaches have been of particular value in this research: adopting an historical framework; following the “translation” of languages into war situations; and contextualizing the figure of the interpreter/translator. The process of incorporating languages into histories of conflict, the article argues, has helped to uncover a broader languages landscape within the theatres of war.

A post-liberal peace engages with the politics of hybridity emerging from a mixture of contextual and international social, political, economic, cultural, and historical dynamics of peace. It represents an attempt to escape liberal enclosure and distant administration as well as contextual forms of violence in post-conflict zones—from Bosnia Herzegovina to Afghanistan. Critical agency as a form of resistance aimed at liberation from the structures of conflict, and structural violence—wherever they lie—rather than solely relying on external norms and capacity, is key. From this tension, a range of “local,” transversal, and transnational agencies can be uncovered in many peacebuilding or statebuilding contexts, which may resist, modify, or co-opt intervention in unexpected ways. A hybrid form of peace emerges from this agonistic process, which points to an understanding of peacebuilding-as-liberation. Rather than producing subjects, this enables subjects to produce peace.

In this paper we present dating of geological (speleothems, tufa, soil and sediment), biological (molluscs and botanical), as well as hydrogeological samples from Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Turkey and China. Included are results of samples measured by GPC method till the abandonment of this technique in 2007, as well as results of several series measured by both GPC and LSC methods. In this report we present dating of different geological samples, mainly carbonate deposits as speleothems (submerged and terrestrial), tufa and lake sediments, as well as hydrological samples. We also present here some environmental samples such as plants, soil and shells. Samples were measured by gas proportional counter (GPC) prior to 2007 and since 2003 by liquid scintillation counter (LSC) technique using sample preparation in form of methane (Srdoč et al. 1971, 1979) and either benzene or direct absorption of CO2 (Horvatinčić et al. 2004), respectively. We use Oxalic Acid I and Oxalic Acid II as modern standards for GPC and LSC measurements, respectively.