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This article builds upon and extends the analyses presented by Fashagba (2009) and drills down on the analyses of oversight in Nigeria presented by Pelizzo and Stapenhurst (2014). It presents more nuanced findings. Based on an in-country document search and 45 personal interviews with politicians, parliamentary staff, civil society representatives and journalists, the article demonstrates that the Nigerian National Assembly possesses the tools and constitutional powers to undertake oversight; what it lacks so far is the political will of National Assembly representatives and senators to use these tools and powers effectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two months after the departure of former Tunisian President Ben Ali in January 2011, the Instance Nationale pour la Réforme de l’Information et de la Communication (INRIC) was set up to close the legislative and institutional gap created by the repeal of the repressive press laws and the abolition of the Ministry of Communication that regulated media activities in Tunisia. The author retraces the events leading up to INRIC’s decision to dissolve itself 18 months later. He attributes this decision to the singularity of the current transitional period in Tunisia’s history, which robs the government of any and all political will to act.

Background: Community participation has been accepted as a promising approach to promoting health and health equality. Based on Iran's constitution and the general health policies, community participation in health is addressed as a right, and during recent decades, some measures have been put in place. However, it is critical to improve public participation in Iran's health system and institutionalize community participation in health policymaking. This study aimed to identify barriers and facilities affecting public participation in Iran's health policymaking., Methods: Semi-structured qualitative interviews with health policymakers, health managers and planners, and other stakeholders were conducted to collect data. The conventional content analysis approach was used to analyze the data., Results: Two themes-including community level and government level-and 10 categories were identified through the qualitative analysis. Cultural and motivational factors, lack of awareness of the right to participate, and lack of sufficient knowledge and skills are among the identified barriers in the process of establishing effective interaction. From the health governance perspective, a lack of political will is identified as one of the obstacles., Conclusion: A culture of community involvement and political will are pivotal in the sustainability of community participation in health policymaking. The provision of a suitable context for participatory processes and capacity building on the community and government levels can be useful in institutionalizing community participation in the health system., Competing Interests: The authors declare that they have no competing interests., (© 2023 Iran University of Medical Sciences.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper explores and conceptualizes the process through which expatriates acculturate to the politics of an organization in a new and dominant culture that differs from their origin culture. In addition to an overview of acculturation, we review research on the emergence and perception of political context in organizations, and on political skill and political will. We posit that politically-relevant situational characteristics in organizations and work interact with national culture to affect the intensity with which expatriates perceive politics in their organization. Based on their political skill (operationalized as high versus low) and their political will (operationalized in terms of concern for self versus concern for others), we describe the different political behavior expatriates will use as a means of acculturating to their political context and the effects those strategies have on their acculturative stress and individual effectiveness in the organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Yobe State has faced severe disruption of its health service as a result of the Boko Haram insurgency. A systems dynamics analysis was conducted to identify key pathways of threat to provision and emerging pathways of response and adaptation. Methods: Structured interviews were conducted with 39 stakeholders from three local government areas selected to represent the diversity of conflict experience across the state: Damaturu, Fune and Nguru, and with four officers of the PRRINN-MNCH program providing technical assistance for primary care development in the state. A group model building session was convened with 11 senior stakeholders, which used participatory scripts to review thematic analysis of interviews and develop a preliminary systems model linking identified variables. Results: Population migration and transport restrictions have substantially impacted access to health provision. The human resource for health capability of the state has been severely diminished through the outward migration of (especially non-indigenous) health workers and the suspension of programmes providing external technical assistance. The political will of the Yobe State government to strengthen health provision -- through lifting a moratorium on recruitment and providing incentives for retention and support of staff -- has supported a recovery of health systems functioning. Policies of free-drug provision and decentralized drug supply appear to have been protective of the operation of the health system. Community resources and cohesion have been significant assets in combatting the impacts of the insurgency on service utilization and quality. Staff commitment and motivation -- particularly amongst staff indigenous to the state -- has protected health care quality and enabled flexibility of human resource deployment. Conclusions: A systems analysis using participatory group model building provided a mechanism to identify key pathways of threat and adaptation with regard to health service functioning. Generalizable systems characteristics supportive of resilience are suggested, and linked to wider discussion of the role of factors such as diversity, self-regulation and integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic pain affects a large proportion of the population, imposing significant individual distress and a considerable burden on society, yet treatment is not always instituted and/or adequate. Comprehensive multidisciplinary management based on the biopsychosocial model of pain has been shown to be clinically effective and cost-efficient, but is not widely available. A literature review of stakeholder groups revealed many reasons for this, including: i) many patients believe healthcare professionals lack relevant knowledge, and consultations are rushed, ii) general practitioners consider that pain management has a low priority and is under-resourced, iii) pain specialists cite non-adherence to evidence-based treatment, sub-optimal prescribing, and chronic pain not being regarded as a disease in its own right, iv) nurses’, pharmacists’ and physiotherapists’ skills are not fully utilized, and v) psychological therapy is employed infrequently and often too late. Many of the issues relating to physicians could be addressed by improving medical training, both at undergraduate and postgraduate levels – for example, by making pain medicine a compulsory core subject of the undergraduate medical curriculum. This would improve physician/patient communication, increase the use of standardized pain assessment tools, and allow more patients to participate in treatment decisions. Patient care would also benefit from improved training for other multidisciplinary team members; for example, nurses could provide counseling and follow-up support, psychologists offer coping skills training, and physiotherapists have a greater role in rehabilitation. Equally important measures include the widespread adoption of a patient-centered approach, chronic pain being recognized as a disease in its own right, and the development of universal guidelines for managing chronic non-cancer pain. Perhaps the greatest barrier to improvement is lack of political will at both national and international level. Some powerful initiatives and collaborations are currently lobbying policy-making bodies to raise standards and reduce unnecessary pain – it is vital they continue. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The efficacy of the Responsibility to Prevent suffers from two key problems; causal indeterminacy, and a dependence on the political will of states, particularly the permanent five members of the Security Council. The vast array of factors which can be cited as potentially contributing to the outbreak of conflict and atrocity crimes mitigates against the determination of definite "conflict triggers". This does not mean prevention is impossible but does limit the efficacy of "early warning systems". The dynamics of the "four crimes" within R2P's purview further limits the efficacy of prevention as the decision to engage in mass atrocities is taken in response to a perceived existential crisis. This significantly limits the scope for leveraging the "internal" aspect of R2P as the decision to commit these acts is invariably born from a belief that no other option is available to the potential aggressors. Thus the specifics of atrocity crime prevention places great emphasis on the operationalisation of the external dimension of R2P, namely the role of the international community. So long as the response of the "international community" is predicated on the political will of states, however, the efficacy of prevention in these areas will be limited, as the "international" response is prey to narrowly defined national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By conducting a textual analysis of the National Human Rights Action Plans of 39 countries, this study revealed that these plans are faced with at least 14 significant problems in the 'pre-phase' and the four phases of planning--these are preparatory phase; development phase; implementation phase; and assessment phase. The problems include: non-compliance; tardiness; lack of a baseline study; ideological orientation; non-correspondence; lack of comprehensiveness; lack of coordination; supporting the status quo; lack of time frame; lack of transparency; lack of accountability; lack of resources; lack of monitoring mechanism; and lack of evaluation mechanism. These problems are best addressed by attempting to remove or mitigate their root causes. In this regard, this study explored three important root causes of the problems: the lack of political will; the lack of stakeholder awareness; and the traditional concept of planning. This suggested building three response strategies including: a shift from unitary systems of government to more horizontally-organized system of networked governance; raising awareness of such plans; and a strategic move towards the modern concept of planning. By directing corrective measures at root causes, it is hoped that the likelihood of recurrence of problems will be minimized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to pervasive inequalities and inequities in society, many people have a difficult time envisaging a just society, let alone how to go about actualizing such an aspiration. A critical reflection on the concept of a just society and the role that community psychologists and other advocates can play in upholding a critical social justice agenda in their research and civic engagement, particularly against neoliberalism and other systems of domination, is discussed. As part of a proffered framework, four tasks are proposed to fulfil the role: (1) raising public critical consciousness, (2) convincing people of the possibility of change, (3) creating a vision shared by the community, and (4) forging a political will from the shared vision. Accompanying strategies are provided in the discussion of each of the tasks of the suggested framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conventional wisdom holds that democratic governments listen to their populations, while authoritarian governments do not. This paper questions the extent to which this dynamic applies in cases of government scandals, using the illustrative cases of China and Kenya. We expect democratic countries with free media to be responsive and authoritarian states to ignore public pressure. Counter to this expectation, however, authoritarian China is more responsive to public pressure to clean up scandals than democratic Kenya. Using case studies and quantitative analysis, we argue that while democracy and free media are important for government responsiveness to scandal, they are neither necessary nor sufficient conditions. We assert that political will, state capacity to respond and high public expectations for state action are also necessary. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The child survival revolution introduced by UNICEF in the mid eighties to improve child health and development in developing countries in reviewed. The components of this revolution acronymed GOBIFFF include Growth monitoring, Oral rehydration therapy, Breastfeeding, Immunization, Family planning (spacing) Food supplementation and Female education. The relevance of these components (strategies) to child survival is discussed. The importance of sustainability of these programmes by developing countries especially after the donor agencies currently supporting them withdraw, is stressed.

Copyright of Revista Técnica Energía is the property of Centro Nacional de Control de Energia CENACE and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses an initiative to introduce HIV treatment with antiretroviral agents as a preventive measure against HIV in Jamaica and Barbados. A discussion of gaps in treatment adherence which are seen in Jamaica and Barbados, and of the social and cultural factors which have led to the gaps, is presented.

The Evidence for Action (E4A) program assumes that both resource allocation and quality of care can improve via a strategy that combines evidence and advocacy to stimulate accountability. The present paper explains the methods used to collect baseline monitoring data using two tools developed to inform program design in six focus countries. The first tool is designed to understand the extent to which decision-makers have access to the data they need, when they need it, and in meaningful formats, and then to use the data to prioritize, plan, and allocate resources. The second tool seeks the views of people working in the area of maternal and newborn health (MNH) about political will, including: quality of care, the political and financial priority accorded to MNH, and the extent to which MNH decision-makers are accountable to service users. Findings indicate significant potential to improve access to and use of data for decision-making, particularly at subnational levels. Respondents across all six program countries reported lack of access by ordinary citizens to information on the health and MNH budget, and data on MNH outcomes. In all six countries there was a perceived inequity in the distribution of resources and a perception that politicians do not fully understand the priorities of their constituents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article embodies the evaluation of female primary education, in context of insurgency at Swat District of KPK. A sample size of 291 respondents was proportionality allocated to seven randomly selected villages. Chi-sqare test was used to find the association between government efforts to control insurgency with female primary education at bivariate level. The result found an increase in number of female teachers at girl's schools after control of security forces in the area. Whereas, all of the schools closed or damaged by insurgents in research area were reopened, similarly, all the girls that left these schools during insurgency started coming back to school. The association test results show that female education is significantly associated with, intelligence services in antiinsurgency endeavor (P = 0.001), special measures adopted for protection of schools (P = 0.000), dialogue for peace between government and insurgents (P = 0.000), keeping an eye on suspected insurgent (P = 0.000), strong partnership between law enforcement agencies and school administration (P = 0.000), sufficiency of existing security system (P = 0.009), provision of security to children on their way (P = 0.010). The study concluded with a significant role of government will in controlling insurgency. It is recommended to keep a check on insurgent's activities, Strengthening the security system of educational institutions by providing equipped security staff to schools, and to students and teachers/ staff on their way to schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gender inequalities have been recognised as central to the HIV epidemic for many years. In response, a range of gender policies have been developed in attempts to mitigate the impact and transform gender relations. However, the effects of these policies have been less than successful. In March 2010 the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) launched theAgenda for accelerated country level action on women, girls, gender equality and HIV(theAgenda), an operational plan on how to integrate women, girls and gender equality into the HIV response. This paper explores the perspectives of those involved in developing and implementing theAgendato understand its strengths and limitations. In-depth one-on-one interviews were conducted with 16 individuals involved in the development and implementation of theAgenda. The data were analysed using thematic network analysis. Facilitators of theAgendacentred on theAgenda'sability to create political space for women and girls within the global HIV/AIDS response and the collaborative process of developing theAgenda. Barriers to the implementation and development of theAgendainclude the limited financial and non-financial resources, the top-down nature of theAgenda'sdevelopment and implementation and a lack of political will from within UNAIDS to implement it. We suggest that theAgendaachieved many goals, but its effect was constrained by a wide range of factors. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Under certain circumstances the style of leadership of mayors can be the result of their context perceptions and their sense of political autonomy and efficacy. This assessment indicates that the political action of the mayor discloses a particular style of leadership that derives from his/her political will. This article suggests an analysis of political will that intends to explain why local leaders adopt facilitative styles of leadership. In this formulation, the leadership facilitative style is a consequence of the political will to act accordingly, and this is explained by three main determinants: the leaders’ awareness of their complex and networked context, their independent sense of autonomy and their belief about their own political efficacy. Results from case studies, with extensive interviews with mayors, conducted in Portuguese municipalities, will be presented to reinforce and explore these hypotheses and to discuss the feasibility of this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The purpose of the present note is to advance two theoretical claims. The first claim proposed is that the impact of the availability of oversight tools and of the most broadly understood legislative capacity (availability of material, technical, financial resources; availability of well-trained staff) on the effectiveness with which legislative oversight is performed is conditional. The second claim put forward, after reviewing a rich body of work on executive–legislative relations and legislative oversight in West Africa, is that, of the various conditions that promote or prevent the effective use of oversight tools and capacity, political will is the single most important. These claims have both theoretical and practical relevance, for if political will is as important as is claimed for the effective performance of the oversight function, then international organisations may have to reconsider their approach to legislative strengthening. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Highlights: [•] Discusses the policy making context filter limiting the best application of theory. [•] Examines the role of city mayors in responses to national initiative for urban greening. [•] Assesses civil society and community action on urban greenspace and Eco-cities. [•] Critically evaluates the English Eco-towns programme. [•] Examines how the implementation of Local Agenda 21 varied between cities in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Desde fines de los años ochenta, los gobiernos locales latinoamericanos vienen experimentando una verdadera transformación política. Parte de esta transformación es impulsada por la implementación de políticas e instituciones de participación ciudadana. A través del análisis comparado de cuatro casos –Buenos Aires, Bogotá, Caracas y Montevideo– este artículo explora la medida en que variables del contexto político, tales como la demanda ciudadana de participación, la existencia de voluntad política, la relación de oposición o alineamiento entre gobierno local y gobierno central o la fragmentación y polarización del sistema local de partidos, condicionan el origen y alcance de los diseños participativos presentes en dichas ciudades. Con este objetivo, se propone una tipología de la Participación Ciudadana Institucional –PCI– y unas hipótesis exploratorias para explicar su emergencia; luego se sistematizan las instituciones participativas presentes en los casos bajo estudio y se establecen conexiones entre el diseño de la PCI y las dimensiones del contexto político analizadas; finalmente se extraen conclusiones.

Abstract: Weak governance is one of the main causes of the present poor condition of fisheries ecosystems. Lack of political will is one of the primary factors characterizing weak governance in fisheries. The purpose of this paper is to better understand what is meant by political will and political capacity, what the lack of these means in reference to small scale fisheries governance, and how to overcome the lack of political will, in particular, in order to improve small scale fisheries governance. The paper demonstrates the importance of political will and political capacity in determining the quality of fisheries management. Existent scholarship has largely conceptualized political will and political capacity as being the same concept, thus muddying our ability to determine exactly what is limiting a state's ability to manage not only fisheries, but also environmental resources more-generally. The paper concludes that even in low capacity states, local champions of fishery management can affect moderate progress on this complicated issue if they use community networks to engage in enforcement of fishery policies. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article examines the progress made and the challenges faced in implementing the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits) language policy (2003). Structured interviews were the main source of data. The interviewees constituted three administrators who were involved in formulating the language policy and three lecturers in the Department of African Languages who, by virtue of their profession, are responsible for the implementation process. While the Wits language policy recognises Sesotho as an official language of the institution, the findings of this study show that there are no initiatives to ensure compliance with this policy requirement. Contrary to policy stipulations, efforts are being made to promote the development and use of isiZulu at Wits. Conceptual flaws within the language policy, financial constraints and lack of political will are some of the challenges that are militating against the successful implementation of the language policy. The findings thus confirm Taylor, Rizvi, Lingard and Henry's (1997) observation that policy is largely an object of political symbolism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT The concept of the green economy presented in three reports from leading global organizations is examined in this paper. These include the United Nations Environment Programme's Towards a Green Economy, the World Bank's Inclusive Green Growth and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development's Towards Green Growth. The main critiques of the concept of the green economy are also considered. Contrary to views that the green economy merely represents 'green-washing' and tweaking of the current economic system, this paper concludes that the green economy has the potential to effect substantive and transformative change towards the goal of sustainable development. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Common Security and Defense Policy is in deep crisis, but financial and economic problems are not primary driver for it. There is lack of political will and public support not only for increasing of defense spending, but even to sustain the current level. Presumably, this trend will not change in near future, so if EU member states want to have military capabilities for full range of operations, they should strengthen and intensify cooperation in security and defense policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following a tentative identification of main achievements and lessons that can be drawn up from ICZM experiences around the world, the article assess the ICZM framework capacity in making synergies between complementary approaches like the sustainable fishery management and its ecosystem-based approach, the conservation of biodiversity and the use of marine protected areas, the reduction of land-based pollution, the water management and beyond the watershed management, and disaster and risk management particularly those concerning natural hazards and climate change on the long run. The conclusion is that ICZM is at the cross-road and should facilitate the coherent implementation of these diverse frameworks and processes within specific area boundaries. In such a process, governance and reliable knowledge are considered as the two in-dissociable pillars of ICZM. A number of questions and related recommendations are made towards the effective utilization of reliable knowledge for the benefit of governance systems and their adaptive capacity. After more than four decades of ICZM practice, it is observed that one of the main enabling conditions lies with the national and/or local political will ensuring the long-term provision of the needed financial and human resources.

A growing literature exploring large-scale, identity-based political violence, including mass killing and genocide, debates the plausibility of, and prospects for, early warning and prevention. An extension of the debate involves the prospects for creating educational experiences that result in more sophisticated analytical products that enhance preventive policy action. This article details an attempt to bridge the theory to practice gap. It describes the role of a simulation COUNTRY X within the educational contexts of both a graduate course in prevention of mass killing and genocide at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), and a practitioner training workshop designed for regional conflict early warning analysts in Africa. The authors review educational theory describing problem-based learning and apply it to a web-based educational simulation. Using a recent training of professional conflict early warning analysts as their case study, they explore several assumptions regarding the utility of simulated environments as educational tools in moving from theory to practice. Use of the simulation resulted in active and engaged participation by learners, increased capacity for well-reasoned perspective taking, and improved analytical confidence in complex scenarios. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case is a creative illustration of organizational politics in a National Collegiate Athletics Association (NCAA) sports setting. It includes the exploration of several key concepts: political will, political skill, political perceptions, political behavior, and political influence theory. Upon arriving to his new job at the Division I level, an assistant men's basketball coach finds himself to be a key piece in a political chess match between the highly successful Head Coach of the men's basketball team and the Athletic Director (AD). The issue at hand is the hiring of the new assistant coach by the AD without the support of the head coach. The hire is an attempt by the AD to subvert and eventually replace the legendary head coach who, in the eyes of the AD, is long past his prime. Accordingly, the new hire encounters a variety of political scenarios, including strong resistance from the players and coaching staff of the men's basketball team. This case, with the addition of detailed teaching notes, is designed to highlight salient elements of organizational politics to undergraduate and graduate sport management students, and explain how they can successfully apply this information and more effectively operate in the political sports arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Severe acute respiratory syndrome, a previously unknown emerging infectious dis-ease, spread to multiple locations across continents in 2003 without being initially identified as a life-threatening infectious disease. The Republic of Singapore, in Southeast Asia, was one of the countries/areas affected by the global outbreak. With almost no existing procedures on how to deal with an emerging epidemic of such severity and rapid transmission, the country managed to formulate and implement policies to support countermeasures against this infectious disease. The interven-tions by the Singapore government covered of social and economic issues beyond the scope of public health, and promoted the involvement of governmental bodies and the general public. This example set by Singapore has been well recognized by international communities as the employment of successful containment measures. By scrutinizing public health measures deployed by the country, this paper identifies a political will that was embodied in a total governmental approach toward the emerging infectious disease in 2003; analyzes the origin of governmental interven-tion in health matters in the Republic; and shows why this country must choose to fiercely fight against health threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article identifies two key constructs likely to influence implementation of federal policy. It theorizes that states' institutional capacity and political will may constrain or facilitate application of national initiatives, and offers a way to reorganize implementation analyses. The argument is applied in the education policy arena using several years of data to examine how resources and political will influence state test rigor under No Child Left Behind ( NCLB). We hypothesize that better resourced and more conservative states are less likely to develop rigorous exams. Using a multilevel model, we find that state-level capacity and political will (notably state-level partisanship and preexisting accountability regimes) explain a substantial portion of variance in response to NCLB. These findings suggest in particular that implementation researchers should more often take note of explicitly political factors like state partisanship to anticipate how layers of government interact as they translate policy into practice. Related Articles: [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Confidence in vaccine safety is critical to national immunization strategies and to global public health. To meet the Millenium Development Goals, and buoyed by the success of new vaccines produced in developing countries, the World Health Organization has been developing a strategy to establish a global system for effective vaccine pharmacovigilance in all countries. This paper reports the findings of a qualitative survey, conducted for the WHO Global Vaccine Safety Blueprint project, on the perspectives of national regulatory authorities responsible for vaccine safety in manufacturing and procuring countries. Capacity and capabilities of detecting, reporting and responding to adverse events following immunization (AEFI), and expectations of minimum capacity necessary for vaccine pharmacovigilance were explored. Key barriers to establishing a functional national vaccine safety system in developing countries were identified. The lack of infrastructure, information technology for stable communications and data exchange, and human resources affect vaccine safety monitoring in developing countries. A persistent “fear of reporting” in several low and middle income countries due to insufficient training and insecure employment underlies a perceived lack of political will in many governments for vaccine pharmacovigilance. Regulators recommended standardized and internationally harmonized safety reporting forms, improved surveillance mechanisms, and a global network for access and exchange of safety data independent of industry. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Since early 2000, the European Union (EU) recognized the importance of curbing corruption and began to require that candidate countries adopt and implement anticorruption strategies prior to accession. Given Romania’s long struggle with corruption, it was required to adopt more anticorruption strategies than any other candidate to date. The present paper will elaborate upon the degree to which the EU was able to influence domestic political will, identify and discuss lessons learned from Romania that may aid the EU in future enlargements, and evaluate whether the ‘carrot’ approach was more effective than the ‘stick’ approach in propagating domestic political will. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As a result of the 40-year-long negotiations (1964-2004) between Russia and China all border questions have been settled on a mutually acceptable basis. The ratified agreements of 1991, 1994 and 2004 did not establish a new border, but only made certain corrections to the already existing and recognized border. Today there is the fully established Russian-Chinese border 4,300-kilometer-long. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Le présent article rapporte les résultats d'une étude empirique sur les services policiers autochtones du Québec. Il procède à un état des lieux de leurs conditions d'exercice et de fonctionnement qu'il met en perspective avec les objectifs de la Politique sur la Police des Premières Nations afin notamment d'établir dans quelle mesure les polices autochtones mises en place suite à l'adoption de cette politique constituent une forme de gouvernance en matière de justice. Les résultats de cette étude montrent que si les polices autochtones disposent - sur le papier - des mêmes pouvoirs et prérogatives que les organisations policières régulières et semblent devoir faire la preuve d'une efficacité équivalente, les moyens dont elles bénéficient sont très inférieurs à ceux alloués aux organisations policières régulières alors même qu'elles gèrent des problématiques plus lourdes. In fine, ils interrogent quant à la - réelle - volonté politique des gouvernements fédéral et provincial de voir se concrétiser les objectifs de la Politique sur la Police des Premières Nations, à tout le moins celui visant à promouvoir l'autonomie des Premières Nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to look more deeply at why the principle of local ownership has so often been disregarded in justice reform and security sector reform (SSR). In doing so, it identifies various dilemmas that account for this lack of regard, including issues relating to local vs. international norms; donor vs. local interests and representational issues at the national and local level. Subsequently, it will examine how local ownership dilemmas impact on programming including during the assessment, implementation and monitoring and evaluation stages and then consider how local ownership can be strengthened particularly in fragile states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]