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The mantra of a new homeland, a new society, a new state, in which Kemalist republicanism manifested itself, corresponds to such a moment of transformation. The emergence of a brandnew regime comes with a specific ideological program. Thus, Kemalism is the name of this ideological program following the Turkish War of Independence. Yet, the mere exposition of an ideological program is not enough on its own. In this respect, Kemalism needs to unify society around its ideological program. Hence, the need for an intellectual class has arisen. In order to facilitate social mobilization around the Kemalist doctrine, there was a necessity to organize educators and nurture new generations. The ideological background that shaped all this policy-making developed under the very influence of the corporatist vision. An important function is attributed to these social organizations shaped by corporatism. This paper will question the function of the Halkevi, which were established as corporatist social bodies under the One-Party rule, in the formation of new generations. The paper will also investigate how the nationalist conservative figures raised in Adana Halkevi evolved into anti-communist intelligentsia, subsequent to the transition to Multi-Party Life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The politics and poetics of institutional support and conference circuits for poets was well established during the Cold War and post-decolonization. This essay considers rethinking the role of institutional support for poets during the 1964 Rencontre Internationale de Poètes held in West Berlin, Germany. By offering a reading of Afro-diasporic exchange as found in photographs, lectures, and discussion periods in which Derek Walcott and John Pepper Clark engaged, this essay utilizes the "institutional turn" to develop a diasporic ethos predicated upon fissures and ruptures in transnational discourse. Likewise, I analyze engagements that might occur outside of the purview of the institution, which I frame as institutional paratext. This, I argue, enables postcolonial poets to utilize institutions to support Black diasporic exchange. An institutional turn in literary studies has marked a significant shift towards an understanding of literary productions as mediated through varied organizations and institutions. Scholars studying the mediation between literary texts and institutions have noted that organizations imbue literary texts with value, enable and withhold access to audiences, and influence the material constraints through which poets produce their work. This practice of reading the life and work of a poet in continuum is part of a poet's life-work, wherein centreing communities, institutions, and literary ecosystems presents a holistic representation of what produces the necessary conditions through which poets and their poems come into fruition in the world of letters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the history of the Soviet human acclimatization project in the North and Siberia, which spanned from medical experiments in Stalin's forced labor camps to the subsequent wave of industrialization in the region. The author argues that human acclimatization in the North was a settler colonial science project aimed at facilitating Russian administrators and engineers in asserting control over the territory and its resources, while creating a new homogeneous 'indigenous population' in Siberia and the North. This envisioned population, referred to as Homo Polaris by the author, was intended to emerge through a two-way transformation: the adaptation of Indigenous peoples into Soviet ideologies and practices, and the acclimatization of settlers coming from the European part of the country to the Arctic environment. Although the administrators and medical doctors were unable to achieve this biopolitical objective, the complexities and dialogues surrounding these transformations shed light on the late Soviet settler-colonial ideologies and their impact on social life in Siberia from the 1950s to the 1980s. The research is based on a comprehensive analysis of both published and archival works by scholars involved in the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pregnant Tree and the Goblin (2019) is a fantasy-documentary film directed by Kim Dong-ryung and Park Kyoung-tae. The film narrates the story of Park In-sun, a former sex worker in the United States military camp-town in South Korea. This paper closely analyzes four key scenes from the film – interview, field visit, revenge, and recalcitrance – to present two arguments. Firstly, the film illustrates the infliction of secondary violence by academia. I specifically examine scenes involving scholar figures’ interviews and field visits to disentangle the politics of knowledge production in the posthumous memorialisation. Secondly, this paper expands the sociocultural meaning of death, considering it as the starting point for imagining new ways of memorialising past violence. To achieve this, I demonstrate how the film’s brilliant delivery of creative and performative re-enactment of survivors’ dream images proposes recalcitrance as a generative analytical concept for memorialising difficult histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article analyses Polish underground publishing during the late Cold War using the NOW-a publishing house as an example. The innovation of my approach lies in an attempt to bring closer Western and Eastern studies on various aspects of resistance. The subject of Polish resistance has already been studied, but more can be done with reference to the concept of everyday resistance. Protest sites are examined in this article in relation to the question of how urban and rural geography can play a role in bringing a movement together. The contribution revives Charles Tilly's concepts to study Polish resistance and to see historical developments from a social movement perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tempo (1413-7704) is the property of Universidade Federal Fluminense, Departamento de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although George F. Kennan hardly needs an introduction, this article revisits his career. He was the "father" of the containment doctrine, even if he did not accept that title because he believed the successive American governments debauched his murky idea about how to oppose the Soviet Union. Many things are known about Kennan—both his professional and private life—but some small additions are still missing. This essay investigates his relations with, and ideas about Hungary, which so far have earned passing mentions at best. This is not surprising because Hungary rarely became a central issue during the Cold War—with 1956 as an obvious exception—so scholars focused mainly on Kennan, the Russian expert and cold warrior. Still, occasionally Hungary received Kennan's attention throughout his long career: he made observations and took notes on Hungary, Hungarian foreign policy, and Hungarians as early as the eve of World War II, and he continued to do so as late as Hungary's joining NATO at the end of the 1990s. These were sometimes indirect assumptions, long-distance observations, or the results of on-site experience. It is interesting to see how the famously realist Kennan approached Hungary and the Hungarian questions throughout more than half a century. His relationship with either Hungary or Hungarians, however, has never been within the scope of an academic study, so this article serves as the basis for possible future endeavors into that direction. By introducing Kennan's episodic views and impressions regarding Hungary in the larger part of the twentieth century, the article fills a small but important gap in the growing field of the history of American–Hungarian relations and adds to the portrait of Kennan. (ZP) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The prosecution of Max Merten (1911–1971), the only Nazi war criminal accused of Holocaust involvement in Greece, coincided not only with the start of the Greek-German negotiations on victim compensation but also with the Eichmann trial. In 1959, the Merten Case provoked a massive public backlash, both because of the gravity of his crimes and because of his impending extradition to West Germany. We argue that in the Cold War atmosphere, when the Merten Case attracted international attention, the actions of internal and external power elites in the West deliberately departed from the concept of transitional justice to use this murky affair to their political advantage. Rather than a fair trial, the aim was to obstruct it in the interests of good relations, political self-preservation, and gradual social amnesia about Greek complicity during the German occupation. In contrast, the Eastern Bloc fed the opposite narrative of rotten capitalism by building on its proclaimed struggle against fascism. By combining archival sources and newspaper coverage of the Merten Case on both sides of the East-West conflict, our article explores which mechanisms were mobilised in public and which incentives were carried out behind the scenes. This allows us to examine multidirectional attitudes in a geopolitical sense, with the main aim of showing the discursive imposition of disinformation operating (in)formally through the channels of political institutions during the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits Austria's migration history from the end of World War II until the end of the Cold War. Recent research has challenged the persistently commemorated welcoming Austrian attitude toward refugees who had been living under communism. The initial humanitarian efforts in 1956 and 1968, respectively, were remarkable. However, an analysis beyond the first weeks of both events reveals that (though to different degrees) public and political attitudes toward refugees took a negative turn. Throughout the 1970s, asylum for dissidents was portrayed as a continuation of the country's humanitarian tradition. However, in 1981, refugees from Poland were immediately perceived as unwanted labor migrants. In 1989/90, the scenario was similar: while the transiting East German refugees were welcomed, migrants from other countries (like Romania) were not. In the early 1990s, Austria decided on a reform of its asylum and foreigner policies. But when and why did the (supposedly welcome) refugees from countries under communist rule turn into unwelcome labor migrants? The analysis in this article explores the potential impact of the age of détente and the repercussions of the 1970s economic crises and the resulting end to active recruitment of foreign workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intertwined landscape of physical skills, political power, and diplomatic strategies in the Cold War narrative is always hidden in the spatial configuration and ceremonial symbolic layout of the main venues of international events from where it extends outward. The Cold War historicity of the Taipei William Jones Cup is a case in point. The micro-history of sports diplomacy from the narration of diplomatic history archives, collected by the Academia Historica in Taipei, illustrates that sports diplomacy can also play a key role in the formal history of diplomacy—the establishment of diplomacy, national identity, and regime legitimacy resort to the service of sports. The discussion includes documentary and media discourses related to the Cup, such as spatial power, banal nationalism, symbolic ritual, and identity. Consequently, the Taipei Men's and Women's Jones Cup promoted the development of basketball in Taiwan and Asia, created a platform for activating people's diplomacy, and provided Chiang's regime with a temporary place to survive the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Cold War historiography often foregrounds severed or frayed political ties, this article ethnographically explores unexpected friendships forming across apparent Cold War divides between Soviet Central Asian and Pakistani intellectuals – most notably, Muhammad Iqbal, Mirsaid Mirshakar, Mirzo Tursunzoda and Faiz Ahmad Faiz. These exchanges were initially made possible by Soviet agendas to build anti-colonial relations abroad by sending Soviet Central Asian intellectuals to international, anti-colonial conferences. Progressive communists like the Pakistani poet Faiz attended these forums too and formed rich friendships with Soviet Central Asian writers like Tursunzoda. I show however, that while Soviet agendas facilitated these friendships forming on shared socialist and anti-colonial grounds, their depth must also be attributed to a shared Persianate heritage. At least three modes of friendship were therefore formed between the same sets of people (socialist, Persianate and anti-colonial), which were made possible by the multiple subjectivities these figures inhabited as simultaneously socialist, Persianate and anti-colonial selves. Through this intersubjective affective relation, high-profile intellectuals found ways of connecting across and beyond Cold War divisions. I thus conceptualize friendship as multiple and generative, whereby two people can form more than one mode of friendship, each premised on markedly different social values and conceptions of self and Other. Despite their differences, these multiple, overlapping subjectivities and affective relations were not incompatible, allowing these intellectuals to connect in other-than-socialist ways at the height of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the armed wing of the African National Congress, is reputed to have been a largely ineffective guerrilla army which hardly challenged the apartheid war machine. Instead, this army in exile was mostly confined to its bases in post-independence Angola, thousands of kilometres from the land they sought to liberate. While in Angola, MK forces were largely kept on the defensive as they were compelled to join the Angolan government in its war against the armed group UNITA, which received extensive support from the South African apartheid regime and the United States. Yet within this context, on the periphery of the Cold War and the anti-apartheid struggle, MK managed a degree of battlefield success against UNITA, thus helping to pave the way for negotiations with South Africa. Although constrained by structural factors, MK nevertheless managed to assert an agency that has largely gone untold in the history of southern Africa's national liberation movements. This article reinterprets MK's military history by putting its Angolan battles at its heart. Relying on oral testimonies and memoirs of former MK combatants as well as scholarly sources, I argue that MK's containment of UNITA offensives in northern and eastern Angola has been overlooked as an important battlefield contribution that helped Angola's MPLA government to endure the apartheid regime's onslaught and shaped the Cold War endgame in southern Africa. Moreover, combat narratives from Angola have proved pivotal in shaping the memories and identities of former MK personnel, even as contemporary South African elites have deployed these narratives for their own political ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to understand the international relations between Argentina and the People's Republic of China (PRC) from the foundation of the new socialist state in 1949 to the Argentina's rapprochement with PRC in 1970. It intends to shed light on key trends in Argentina's foreign policy towards PRC during this period by analyzing the economic relations with PRC and the position taken by different Argentinian government administrations regarding chinese representation in the United Nations General Assembly. Additionally, this study examines the role of local ruling classes in Argentina in either promoting or obstructing the Argentina-China relations and the position of the United States in the context of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the "warring ideals" (Du Bois, Souls of Black Folks) of Black American solidarity with Third World Internationalism and complicity in U.S. imperialism through a reading of Lauren Wilkinson's American Spy (2019). The novel, a spy thriller, centers on the life and experience of Marie Mitchell, a Black woman FBI agent recruited by the CIA to further an assassination plot against Thomas Sankara, the charismatic socialist leader of Burkina Faso. The story puts individual career advancement in the service of American imperialism in direct tension with the larger collectivist goals of Black and Third World liberation. Thus, the novel invites an exploration of the geopolitical implications of Du Bois's famous formulation about Black American double consciousness, a formulation most often considered solely as a matter of individual psychology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the strained relationship between Israel and South Africa's anti-apartheid movements in recent decades, the 1960s witnessed Israel actively championing an anti-apartheid stance. From the early 1960s onwards, various anti-apartheid groups sought assistance from Israel in their fight against white supremacy, viewing the Jewish State as a natural ally in their struggle against racism. This led to the formation of a relationship between Israel and the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), a significant development often overlooked in contemporary historical narratives. Despite its brevity – spanning less than a decade – this alliance offers valuable insights into African nationalism and its interaction with global Cold War dynamics, while also shedding light on Israel's multifaceted engagement in Africa. This article aims to reconstruct this historical relationship in detail, emphasizing its significance in elucidating the intricate connections between the Arab-Israeli conflict and the racial conflict in South Africa during the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1985, British psychoanalyst Hanna Segal delivered the paper 'Silence is the Real Crime' to the first meeting of the group International Psychoanalysts Against Nuclear Weapons in Hamburg, appealing to her fellow analysts to counteract the denial of the geopolitical realities that characterized the late Cold War by intervening in public debates regarding the threat of nuclear war. A year later she gave a paper in London discussing clinical cases of patients who brought their nuclear anxieties to the couch. This article considers Segal's political and clinical writings on the psychological consequences of the atomic age, situating them in the context in which she was living, writing and practising as an analyst: 1980s Britain in a moment of 'nuclear anxiety'. I argue that Segal's anti-nuclear writings shed light on what she called the 'very very tricky' relationship between psychoanalysis and politics. Segal confronted the tension between maintaining clinical neutrality in the consulting room while publicly expressing her political commitments, wrestling with the complex relationships between individuals and the societies in which they live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1965 India-Pakistan War, also known as the Second Kashmir War or the 'Seventeen-Day War', is usually understood through the lens of military history, regional geopolitics and the long-standing 'Kashmir question'. This article looks instead to the construction of social and political meaning around the conflict through an examination of the war's mediatisation in Pakistan. An analysis of different media forms—including radio broadcasts, news dailies, press photography and popular poetry—reveals how a war imaginary was shaped by both domestic crises and global ideological dissension, extending beyond the notion of a timeless Indo-Pak enmity. Taking place at a pivotal moment in the global Cold War, public narratives were built upon not only state agendas but also popular concerns regarding militarism, sovereignty and the politics of aid. These framings ultimately illustrate the deeper entanglements that exist between war, media and mass publics—extending beyond the goals of wartime propaganda alone to produce new national imaginaries and collective subjectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores Ralph Ellison's engagement with social psychiatry in Invisible Man as it pertains to psychiatrist Harry Stack Sullivan's interpersonal theory of psychiatry. The novel renders traumatic experiences of psychiatric violence into a comprehensible form of political expression and dissent. Ellison's representation of violence, particularly through electric shock, constitutes a deinstitutionalized psychiatric subject that challenges the role of institutionalized psychiatry in adjusting subjects to Fordist production through a form of deinstitutionalized individual therapy of withdrawal and self-regulation. However, this deinstitutionalized therapy would later be appropriated by mental health consumerism in a post-institutionalization era beginning in the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is common these days to lament the recession of democracy around the world. The way scholars address the issue of democratic backsliding shows that there is a significant gap between the expectation about democracy's anticipated course of development and the current state of affairs. This article argues that the expectation that democracy would consolidate over time was produced by the progress narrative of democratic governance discourses. Drawing on narratology, it conducts a discourse analysis to demonstrate that today's dismay about the recession of democracy is due to an unwarranted expectation that was created by the progress narrative of democratic governance discourses. It focuses on the periodisation of history in the construction of these discourses and investigates how scholars used the Cold War – post-Cold War dichotomy to create a progress narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to analyze why Huntington's ideas about civilizations, which have been much criticized, misused, and abused, continue to show amazing vitality by tackling the trends of international order. His paradigm has been a good predictor of international conflicts, but at the same time a tool that allows us to accept some primordial things. Properly understood and applied, civilizational analysis, which considers one's strengths and weaknesses, can be used, like geopolitical analysis, as an indispensable component of planning a strategic approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses some of Karen Knop's insights throughout her career, including about the World War I-era women's peace movement, to resurface and reread the anti-nuclear activism of the international women's peace movement of the mid-to-late 1980s. It focuses specifically on the history and work of Women for a Meaningful Summit (WMS), an ad hoc group of women who came together to exert, through what some participants called 'private' diplomacy, a direct impact on the late Cold War summits between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Reading the WMS archives through a Knopian lens, the article considers the group's engagement with international law as part of an international civil society that intentionally crossed national boundaries and alliances, its deployment of a repertoire of strategies that combined relatively mainstream diplomatic approaches with grassroots activism, its faith in and sometimes creative use of international law, and its various articulations of the relation between peace and gender. Attending throughout to the erasure of Cold War anti-nuclear activism in contemporary feminist approaches to international law, the article concludes by demonstrating some of the ways in which international legal approaches to the war in Ukraine also rely on this active erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Finnis's central role in Brexit was only the latest intervention in a long life of practical action that recommends a closer examination of the genesis of his distinctive philosophy. He always insisted that it was intended 'primarily to assist the practical reflections of those concerned to act, whether as judges or as statesmen or as citizens.' In this article, I argue that Finnis crafted his philosophy as a practical guide for conservative actors in the disenchanted Cold War world of the 1960–70s. My first aim is to excavate the theoretical foundations of his Thomist theory of natural law. While his turn to practical rather than speculative reason is well known, few if any appreciate how Finnis radically refounded Thomist natural law on an implicit theory of history. By accepting that the world was historically contingent and changing, he needed to show how we could know the timeless truth of practical reasonableness and the basic goods. In the final chapter of Natural Law and Natural Rights, Finnis introduced an 'abysmal' philosophy of history that explained how a spoudaios (wise man) could reason his way out of the historical contingency of the human world to access the timeless moral truths that transcended it. My second aim is to show how Finnis used his Thomist theory of natural law as a practical guide for action in our contingent world. He followed Eric Voegelin in describing humanity as two 'hostile camps' – the 'transcendental' Christians and their secular allies versus the 'immanentist' liberals, communists, and fascists all committed to 'consequentialist' ideologies. In this eternal battle of good versus evil, Finnis saw his philosophy as a practical guide for this 'creative minority' of transcendentalists for collective action against the heretical faith of immanentist movements aiming to perfect mankind and build heavens on earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses critical discourse analysis and critical literacy to analyze the first in a series of literacy primers developed with US support for children in Afghanistan in the 1980s, called 'Jihad literacy'. The text is analyzed for its ideological content as related to the themes of religion, violence, and martyrdom in the historical perspective of the Cold War and the Soviet Union's invasion of Afghanistan. The paper demonstrates how the notion of 'Jihad' was subverted to promote a holy war against the Soviet invasion. The educational system supported by the US created a radical version of Islam based on violence and martyrdom, shaping the Afghan society to this day. We contend that the same or similar institutions shape current discourses as in the past and that children are the main victims of politico-economic warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1960s and early 1970s, Soviet activists in the USSR and members of the Black Panther Party in the United States emphasized the need to document the truth of domestic human rights abuses not in the land of the Cold War adversary but in their own. In the process, they contested the dominant misrepresentations of Soviet citizens and African Americans that obscured those routine human rights abuses. Members of both groups conceived of documenting this truth as essential to ultimately eliminating these domestic forms of state-sanctioned violence. They also spoke of the act of speaking the truth in word and deed as facilitating their own liberation from what they similarly identified as a devastating Soviet and American spiritual death in countries that were officially represented in the Cold War universe as the moral antithesis. The 'woke' or liberated individual was no longer a subservient, mask-wearing 'Homo Sovieticus' or 'Negro' who mouthed the lies of unbounded Soviet democracy and American freedom, but a genuine citizen and full human being who demanded respect for their human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberated on August 15, 1945, Seoul was reorganized as the "capital" of the nation-state instead of a "colonial dual city." Public spaces and buildings in Gyeongseong that were built under Imperial Japan's assimilation policy were dismantled. During the national construction period, national monuments were built, and spaces for national ceremonies were established. Seoul was reshuffled into an ideological space based on the anti-communist ideology of U.S. military rule, the blockade of the 38th Parallel, and the establishment of respective governments of the two Koreas. With the formation of the global Cold War order, the aim was to unify Seoul's spatial power and compete for an inter-Korean regime. Seoul established a spatial order for right-wing nationalism through the U.S. military government and the Rhee Syng-man regime, as confirmed in the Korean literature's spatial representation during the liberation period. However, the literature of Yi Gwang-su and Yeom Sang-seop showed that Seoul functioned as a cultural contact zone during the liberation period through the spatial practice of diverse and heterogeneous subjects who did not move according to the spatial order of such right-wing nationalism. This confirms Seoul's multi-layered spatiality, where cultures, such as modern and pre-modern, Western and Eastern, empires and colonies, and leftists and rightists, are mixed and overlapped. Its spatial representation as a cultural contact zone created a rift in its spatial order, reorganized it as the capital of a nation-state and activated the literary imagination for producing diverse and heterogeneous social spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of Taiwanese nationalism in the late 1980s and early 1990s that rapidly, radically, but "peacefully" replaced Chinese nationalism to become the hegemonic discourse in two decades is a political "miracle." My paper argues that this compressed political transformation would not have been possible without the help of psychoanalytic discourse mediated by critical theory in the activist and critical intellectual circles. In the context of the (post-) Cold War era, there was a peculiar form of decolonization equated with de-Sinicization. At stake is a translational concept that itself becomes untranslatable: zhu-ti-xing, the Chinese word for subjectivity. By analyzing the conflicts within the Chinese-speaking activists and intellectuals in the United States and in Taiwan, I will demonstrate in this paper the ways in which the Lacanian idea of the subject as having a lack becomes a critical tool for the advocates for the independence of Taiwan to break through the existing discursive inertia and to effectively make Taiwan a nation without essence, a nation of zhu-ti-xing/subjectivity, and to facilitate the fitting of this new hegemony into the ideology of Pax Americana. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Francis Noel-Baker (1920–2009) was an English Philhellene politician and self-proclaimed benevolent landowner in Euboea whose relationship in his later years with Greek governments and people descended into acrimony and litigation. This stemmed from the decision he took to effectively become an apologist for the military junta which seized power in Athens between 1967 and 1974. This was despite London being a centre for Greek resistance-in-exile, the opposition to the regime shown by many of his fellow MPs and Labour Party colleagues, and his own earlier left-wing sympathies, including his support for the communist-backed partisans in Greece during the Second World War. Noel-Baker's advocacy of the Colonels reflected not merely political reality and economic expediency, as with the similar stance of the British government, but stemmed from his outdated convictions that Greece required saving from international communism and internal weakness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute / Selçuk Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Journal of Selcuk University Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 1990, three years after Andy Warhol's death and one year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) organized the first one-man show of this pop artist in Eastern Europe. The Prints of Andy Warhol, although never shown at the MoMA in New York, traveled to the Fondation Cartier pour l'Art Contemporain in Jouy-en-Josas, France, the Národní Galerie in Prague, Czechoslovakia, the Staatliche Kunstsammlung in Dresden, the GDR, the Mücsarnok in Budapest, Hungary, and the Muzeum Narodowe in Warsaw, Poland. The current paper analyzes the cultural–political context of The Prints of Andy Warhol. It first discusses the place of both American pop art and Eastern Europe in MoMA's International Program (IP) and then explores the organizational challenges, art historical contents, and public reception of the exhibition. The paper concludes by examining the broader impact of The Prints of Andy Warhol on both the growing awareness of American pop art in Eastern Europe and MoMA's cultural diplomacy in this region after the fall of the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the USSR's diplomatic notes of 1952 sent to the governments of the United States, Great Britain and France with proposals to resolve the so-called "German question" after the World War II (1939-1945). The problem of a divided Germany turned into a pan-European issue in the first post-war years, but it also determined international relations in "the West-East" complex. The USSR's proposal to unite the country with a neutral status sparked public debate, even though the solution to this issue remained in the hands of the Western allies. Public discussions of the Soviet proposals formed the myth of "lost opportunities", which has become a German historiographical phenomenon. The myth of "lost opportunities" was a product of the chancellor's authoritarian management style on the one hand, and internal confrontation with political opponents - social democrats - and numerous public nationalist groups on the other. The article attempts to reveal the general context of international initiatives to resolve the German question; the strategic vision of the Allied powers on the issue of a united Germany; analyses Soviet proposals and responses of the Western Allies; and outline the reaction of German politicians, who contributed to the myth of a "lost opportunity" for the country's unification. The author concludes that the discussion of Soviet proposals in Germany influenced the development of the strategy of the "new eastern policy" in the late 1960s and early 1970s, when the ruling Social Democrats led by W. Brandt concluded that this process could be successful only in cooperation with the USSR. Time has proven that there is no alternative to Germany's economic and military Western integration, and the myth of "lost opportunities" today remains only a means of theoretical exercise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East and North Africa are one of the most conflict-prone regions. Due to its geopolitical position and oil production, the Middle East has always been the trump card in the game, both before World War II and during the Cold War, still today. Why do wars persist in the Middle East? Why has the situation in the Middle East deteriorated to this extent? Is rentier economics always a vital variable explaining political instability in the Middle East? After empirically analyzing the causes of political instability in the Middle East using various data, the study suggests that the experience of being a colony of Britain, France, and Italy hurt society and that the critical geographic location between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War suffered various harmful effects. On the other hand, the result also shows that manufacturing weakness due to the oil economy, high unemployment rates, and lack of democracy are all critical explanatory variables for political instability. Since the 2000s, the United States has increased its energy self-sufficiency rate through the shale oil and gas revolution. The Middle East is an option for the United States to buy oil. On the other hand, the Middle East is essential for the United States to export weapons. The Middle East has faced a geopolitical crisis in recent years due to these factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A young exile from fascist Germany returns to his homeland with the conquering army in 1945 and must grapple with questions of identity, belonging, conscience and ideology. This is the premise of both Konrad Wolf's East German film Ich war neunzehn (1968) and Axel Corti's Austrian production Welcome in Vienna (1986). The differences between the two films are, however, striking. Wolf's protagonist Gregor returns with the Soviet forces, while Corti's Freddy is an American GI; however this is merely the starting point. This article probes the narratives as well as the production and reception contexts that determine this stark contrast and examines the two films in terms of aesthetics, national politics and as ideological statements by their directors and documents of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses some of Karen Knop's insights throughout her career, including about the World War I-era women's peace movement, to resurface and reread the anti-nuclear activism of the international women's peace movement of the mid-to-late 1980s. It focuses specifically on the history and work of Women for a Meaningful Summit (WMS), an ad hoc group of women who came together to exert, through what some participants called 'private' diplomacy, a direct impact on the late Cold War summits between President Ronald Reagan and General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev. Reading the WMS archives through a Knopian lens, the article considers the group's engagement with international law as part of an international civil society that intentionally crossed national boundaries and alliances, its deployment of a repertoire of strategies that combined relatively mainstream diplomatic approaches with grassroots activism, its faith in and sometimes creative use of international law, and its various articulations of the relation between peace and gender. Attending throughout to the erasure of Cold War anti-nuclear activism in contemporary feminist approaches to international law, the article concludes by demonstrating some of the ways in which international legal approaches to the war in Ukraine also rely on this active erasure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Finnis's central role in Brexit was only the latest intervention in a long life of practical action that recommends a closer examination of the genesis of his distinctive philosophy. He always insisted that it was intended 'primarily to assist the practical reflections of those concerned to act, whether as judges or as statesmen or as citizens.' In this article, I argue that Finnis crafted his philosophy as a practical guide for conservative actors in the disenchanted Cold War world of the 1960–70s. My first aim is to excavate the theoretical foundations of his Thomist theory of natural law. While his turn to practical rather than speculative reason is well known, few if any appreciate how Finnis radically refounded Thomist natural law on an implicit theory of history. By accepting that the world was historically contingent and changing, he needed to show how we could know the timeless truth of practical reasonableness and the basic goods. In the final chapter of Natural Law and Natural Rights, Finnis introduced an 'abysmal' philosophy of history that explained how a spoudaios (wise man) could reason his way out of the historical contingency of the human world to access the timeless moral truths that transcended it. My second aim is to show how Finnis used his Thomist theory of natural law as a practical guide for action in our contingent world. He followed Eric Voegelin in describing humanity as two 'hostile camps' – the 'transcendental' Christians and their secular allies versus the 'immanentist' liberals, communists, and fascists all committed to 'consequentialist' ideologies. In this eternal battle of good versus evil, Finnis saw his philosophy as a practical guide for this 'creative minority' of transcendentalists for collective action against the heretical faith of immanentist movements aiming to perfect mankind and build heavens on earth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research article objective to explore the strategic interest of the US in South Asia, particularly after the 9/11 incident, which brought a change in the nature of strategic interests. The United States has maintained a strategic interest in South Asia since the Cold War, with the nature of the relationship evolving alongside geopolitical shifts. The US has several strategic interests in South Asia, including preventing security threats to the US, countering China's growing influence, and promoting cooperation through alliances and trade. To understand the nature of the relationship, the qualitative research methodology, drawing on secondary sources such as academic journals, news articles, and government reports are been used under the descriptive and analytical approach. The work concluded by discussing the future prospects of the US-South Asia relationship and the implications of relationship for the region and the world. Which emphasizes the need of continued cooperation and engagements to address the challenges and grab the opportunities at the diplomatic, economic and strategic ends that can ensure stability in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Arte, Individuo y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper argues for cold war as a general concept for IR that is necessary to understanding the twenty-first century world order. It distinguishes between hot and cold wars as types of war. It rejects the view that the term should be reserved for the 1947–89 event, and it argues that we are already in a Second Cold War. Its definition of cold war ties it to weapons of mass destruction, which means that cold wars did not exist before the twentieth century. Cold wars risk escalation into hot ones, but can also be fought to win/lose outcomes as happened with the First Cold War, or to some form of settlement. The Second Cold war will be fought differently from the First, with cyberwar playing a big role. And it will be influenced by the shared-fate threat of climate change in a way that the First Cold War was not. The most likely scenario is that it will be long and have no winner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a theoretical argument, defined as tension theory, to explain how the strategies of small powers during eras of great power competition are influenced by (i) the level of tensions between the great powers, and (ii) the availability of a great power ally. The explanatory power of tension theory will be demonstrated through a re-examination of Norwegian, Swedish, and Finnish diplomatic history from the early Cold War era. The findings strongly suggest that small powers desire low tensions between the great powers as this provides them with the opportunity to position themselves as neutral bridgebuilders to advance their vital and value interests. During periods marked by high tensions, which turn the relations between the great powers into a zero-sum competition, vital and value interests become of secondary importance to survival interest for small powers and force them to integrate with a protective great power to deter the threatening great power. In the absence of a protective great power during periods marked by high tensions, a small power will instead be forced to accommodate the threatening great power and screen itself from the latter's adversaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. The purpose of the article is to examine the activities of the CPSU in supporting the international communist movement in order to update this experience in view of the modern practice of foreign financing of political parties, as well as for a more in-depth understanding of the history of the CPSU and the Soviet state. Materials and methods. The work was carried out using the transcript of parliamentary hearings on the il-legal financial activities of the CPSU on February 10, 1992, as well as journalistic materials from the federal press of various political orientations: Pravda, Sovetskaya Rossiya, Komsomolskaya Pravda, Trud, Rossiya. Results. New data was obtained on the mechanisms and extent of assistance to friendly parties and movements by the CPSU, the impact of such activities and its publicity on the electoral process in a number of countries, new materials were identified on the activities of the party technical group at the international department. Conclusions. Based on the study of materials, it is possible to clarify and confirm previously made conclusions about the scale and variety of assistance provided by the CPSU to friendly parties and movements. At the same time, new materials make it possible to correct a number of conclusions about the effectiveness of this assistance towards a more skeptical assessment. Controversial issues are identified that cannot be resolved using the current material and that may be of interest to future researchers.

The following article is a local case study that examines the shared heritage of German and Spanish fascism in Berlin and its critical artistic reappraisal using the example of historical sites and monuments of art and architecture of the 20th century. The text is based on the experiences and controversial discussions of the heritage conservation and restoration in the German capital after the opening of the Berlin Wall (1989/90) and the fall of the Iron Curtain in Europe (1989/1991). Characteristic differences in the reception of history and heritage between the western sectors of Berlin and East Berlin after 1945 also became apparent. The text owes essential impulses to the recent Action Group ‘Integrated and Comprehensive Approaches for Dissonant Heritage in Europe’ of the ‘Partnership Culture and Cultural Heritage’ within the framework of the ‘Urban Agenda of the EU’ and is intended as a contribution to the current discussion at the II International PAMEFRAN Conference “Heritege and conflict Debate on the management and treatment of a multifaceted object”. The article opposes a politically motivated iconoclasm of symbols and monuments of autocratic systems of the past and advocates for their critical reappraisal and commentary in situ.

The crisis today in Ukraine between Russia and the West has uncanny parallels to an often-overlooked Cold War conflict between China, the Soviet Union, and the United States known as "The Taiwan Straits Crisis of 1958" or "The Second Taiwan Straits Crisis" – which some analysts have referred to as the first serious nuclear crisis. In addition to worries about nuclear escalation, there are other similarities: Russia and China viewed themselves, then and now, as exceptional nations, superior to a decadent, materialist America thought to be in decline – but still carrying dangerous military clout. Faced with a strong West, the leaders of China and Russia in the 1950s tried to present a united, Sino-Russian public front, even if their two countries were fundamentally split over the issues that led to the Taiwan Straits Crisis. If the past is any guide, then despite economic pressure from the United States and the loss of international reputation, China is unlikely to ever join the US-led sanctions against Russia. As the conflict deepens, both dictators' assessments of the strength and intentions of the United States might begin to diverge, opening a way for their rivals to drive a wedge between them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper unveils the impact of architectural aid and knowledge exchange on the development of urban housing in North Korea during the 1950s and 1960s. By capturing the diplomatic maneuvers of the DPRK and detailing the aid it received, this paper situates the urban development of North Korea within the broader fabric of global urban experiments. North Korea received foreign architectural assistance more swiftly than Vietnam, enabling the early adoption of advanced architectural technology and theory in urban construction compared to South Korea. However, the intricate relationships and evolving aid dynamics with fraternal socialist countries within the Cold War paradigm later emerged as one of the motivating factors for North Korea to prioritize independent architectural development. Meanwhile, amidst the emphasis on Juche construction and rapid industrialization, the field of architecture, both in academia and on construction sites, faced the challenge of minimizing materials and resources to enhance productivity. Various agents within North Korea’s architectural workforce presented diverse viewpoints and engaged in complex negotiations with the party regarding resource conservation. Drawing from a vast array of primary sources from North Korea and socialist countries, this research elucidates the heterogeneous comprehension of aid acquisition and the indigenous adaptation of the practice and theory of architecture in postwar North Korea.

Yugoslav and German “questions” emerged in the early 1950s as specific issues in international politics marked by the Cold War. Through them, the strengths of the opposing blocs led by the superpowers, the USA and the USSR, were measured in various ways and with different intensities. This paper attempts to reconstruct and analyze the initial phase of the relationship between Yugoslav Communists and German Social Democrats, from the establishment of closer contacts to the change in the foreign policy situation after Stalin’s death. The paper is mainly based on research using unpublished archived materials from domestic sources and relevant domestic and foreign literature.

The representation of Yugoslavia and its populace in Life and Time magazines from the end of World War II until the rise of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia in 1945 and the subsequent death of President Josip Broz Tito in 1980 was characterized by fluctuations that aligned with the volatility of relations between Washington and Belgrade. The accession of the communist regime to power was viewed as a foreseeable outcome, as the population of this region of Europe, due to their impoverished and uneducated state, was believed to be ill-equipped to comprehend and embrace the concept of democracy. Consequently, individuals were selectively chosen to be depicted in a positive light when Yugoslavia was once again considered an ally following the conflict with the Cominform in 1948. Nevertheless, the representation of the Yugoslav people was brief and superficial, lacking in any true endeavor to demonstrate empathy for their situation and hardships. In spite of efforts to showcase certain favorable aspects, the representation of Yugoslavia that evolved over time in the magazines was predominantly consistent with the Cold War preconceptions that Americans associated with communism. This representation was infused with elements of nineteenth-century imperial Balkanism, indicating that Life and Time were disinclined to deviate far from the predetermined framework and societal roles assigned to them.

The aim of this article is to examine applicability of classical geopolitics to interpret the context of the war in Ukraine. The author argues that the classical geopolitical approach has shortages in explaining the current warfare in Ukraine, because territory, space, and geography are not sufficient to explain complex international relations in today's globalized world. The interventionistic policy of the US, the main force of Atlanticism, undoubtfully has the key role in shaping the situation in Ukraine, but a wider picture indicates presence and influence of corporate and financial non-state actors that benefit from strengthening military-industrial complex. The author concludes that critical geopolitics offers deeper inquiry into the geopolitical claims than the classical geopolitical thought because the former recognizes that nowadays states are not only geopolitical agents. There are indications that the war in Ukraine is waged by Western political, economic, military, and financial elites against Russia as a part of the strategy to maintain global power and prevent rising multipolarity.