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The process towards Brexit will impact on the entire global trading system and significantly influence the global value chains that rely on ease of trade and investment within a single European market. In light of this process, Australia with its high levels of international economic integration and interdependency of trade and investment to and from the European region, now faces a stark challenge in forging an economic position that best suits its national interests. This paper analyses the possible implications of Brexit on Australia’s economic governance position, with specific regard to the global value chains that rely on ease of trade and investments in the European single market. The exploration relies on empirical analysis that distinguishes between and disaggregates data on Australian trade and investment with the UK and the rest of the European Union. This analysis indicates that it is in Australia’s best interest is to prioritise a preferential partnership with the EU over a new free trade agreement with the UK. However, in order to maximise Australia’s position, the paper argues that, under the present political climate and technical difficulties, a multi-pronged and decoupled approach of concerted unilateralism with the UK and preferential bilateralism with the EU is best placed to enhance Australia’s geo-economic role in Europe in the post-Brexit era.

The final chapter looks at Switzerland in Europe and the world. The first section discusses the reasons why Switzerland is not a member of the EU. The second and third sections analyse the reasons and political consequences of Switzerland’s selective participation without membership and try to answer the question whether or not ‘bilateralism’ is a sustainable strategy for the Swiss preference: utmost economic integration and least political loss of national autonomy. The final section addresses the growing interest in the institutions of Swiss democracy from abroad, be it regarding decentralisation, direct democracy or political power-sharing. Instead of wanting to export democracy, the chapter proposes the ‘dialogue model’ as a discourse between equals. Through this approach, others can draw from the ‘Swiss experience’ as a base for autochthonal developments of their institutions. And the Swiss can be inspired, in turn.

The aim of the article was to analyse the Germany’s European policy under the rule of Chancellor A. Merkel in terms of solving emerging crises in the European Union in the 21st century. The author presented a thesis that despite the scale of problems, Chancellor Merkel was successful in finding solutions favourable to Europe. Her methods were often controversial and debatable, but she was able to break the resistance of her opponents. After Brexit, her greatest objectives were to maintain the cohesion of Member States and to guide the EU safely through the COVID-19 epidemic. Celem artykułu była analiza polityki europejskiej Niemiec pod rządami kanclerz A. Merkel pod kątem rozwiązywania zaistniałych kryzysów w Unii Europejskiej w XXI wieku. Autor przedstawił tezę, że pomimo skali problemów, kanclerz Merkel na ogół z powodzeniem znajdowała korzystne dla Europy rozwiązania. Jej metody były niejednokrotnie kontrowersyjne i dyskusyjne, ale potrafiła przełamać opór swoich przeciwników. Po Brexicie jej największą zasługą było utrzymanie spoistości państw członkowskich i bezpieczne prowadzenie UE przez epidemię COVID-19.

This chapter examines change in Italian foreign policy since the end of the Cold War and its drivers. The most fundamental alteration during this period concerns the area of security and defense. Italy abandoned its reluctance to send its troops abroad and participated to a remarkable number of military interventions, including those in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. In our opinion, shifts in both international and domestic politics are the crucial explanatory factors. The alternation between center-left and center-right cabinets is instead at the basis of a tension between multilateralism and bilateralism. While the center-left showed stronger commitment to integration in the European Union (EU), center-right cabinets privileged relationships with the United States and other key partners outside the continent. The 2011 debt crisis had major repercussions on Italian foreign policy. Budget cuts forced security policy to focus mainly on the strategic area of the Mediterranean. Furthermore, political parties followed public opinion in expressing growing discontent toward the EU institutions.

This chapter is the first of three chapters that discuss key dimensions of globalization. It focuses on political globalization the multilateral institutions and agreements that make it possible. The KOF index of political globalization includes “the number of international organizations of which the country is a member” and the number of “multilateral agreements the country has concluded since 1945.” The chapter discusses former President Trump’s dislike of multilateralism and his preference of bilateralism and the reason for this. It describes Trump’s efforts to undermine institutions ranging from NATO, the UN, and the EU to the WTO and WHO. The chapter also describes Trump’s effort to undermine multilateral agreements, especially the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), a deal with Iran to prevent that country from acquiring nuclear weapons and the Paris Climate Accord, a global agreement to reduce global warming and the environmental issues it deals with. The chapter describes how these actions isolated the U.S., conflicting with the preferences of its major allies and the steps Iran took in reaction to the renewal of American economic sanctions and the efforts to U.S. allies to evade those sanctions. The chapter then discusses bilateral efforts to overcome U.S.-Russian differences and to denuclearize Korea and how and why both were failures.

The Digital Green Certificate (DGC) proposed by the EU Commission boasts facilitating the free movement rights of EU citizens as a legal basis; it will be capable of effectively serving as a COVID-19 passport. In this contribution, we cast doubt on whether the DGC is fit for purpose ‘facilitating free movement’, highlighting in particular the potential for the DGC to in fact facilitate greater free movement restrictions for a large number of EU citizens, in particular those who have received non-EMA approved vaccines such as the Sputnik V or Sinopharm, administered in full compliance with EU law. Under the proposal, any destination Member State that accepts proof of vaccination ‘in order to waive restrictions to free movement’ must apply the same waiver to any DGC-holder that has received an EMA-approved vaccine, and yet such equal treatment is only optional for DGC-holders who have been received non-EMA-approved vaccines. While this measure was alleged to be taken on grounds of public health, a convincing public health case has not been put forward. Instead, the DGC proposal as it stands disregards the promise of the internal market and sets the stage for its fragmentation through geopolitics and bilateralism.

Germany used the window of opportunity under newly elected Russian President Medvedev to conclude a bilateral German-Russian Modernisation Partnership in 2008, setting the agenda for the EU and member states. The modernisation paradigm became official EU policy with the EU-Russia Partnership for Modernisation in 2010, together with twenty-two bilateral agreements concluded by member states with Russia. The modernisation paradigm was based on German “Ostpolitik” (Eastern policy) assumptions that Russia could be transformed into a more democratic and reliable actor through increased economic interaction. Germany’s approach in the EU-Russia Partnership for Modernisation was perceived as a “constructive case of bilateralism”. Although the modernisation policy lost its relevance after President Putin’s return to power in 2012, the modernisation agenda played a crucial role in defining the EU-Russia relationship during the Medvedev period from 2008–2012.

Donald Trump’s presidency and his “America First” approach to world affairs have shaken US relations with China, Japan, Russia, Australia, India, and other Indo-Pacific countries, generating public expressions of concern, anxiety, and confusion on the part of regional powers. Washington’s inconsistent and contradictory pronouncements and demands have forced other states to struggle to adjust their foreign, trade, and security policies. This chapter examines Japan’s responses to the Trump presidency in the economic-trade and political-security policy areas, eclectically drawing on elements of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. On the one hand, Tokyo steadfastly defended Japan’s economic interests against the threats of tariffs in bilateral trade talks and played a leading role in trade and investment liberalization through multilateral institutions, most prominently in promoting the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and WTO reforms. On the other hand, the Abe administration endorsed US summit diplomacy with North Korea and accepted Washington’s call for greater sharing of defense and international security roles on the part of Japan and other US allies in the region. Moreover, Abe launched the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” (FOIP) initiative for promoting the establishment of a rules-based order to govern international relations in the region, in part as a hedging move to counter the rising power of China and in part to keep the United States engaged in regional affairs. Also, Abe actively promoted the Quadrilateral Dialogue Partnership (the “Quad”) as a minilateral regional framework, also designed to check China’s influence and ensure US’s commitment to ensuring regional security. Thus, Japan defended its economic interests bilaterally and multilaterally while retaining its identity as a junior partner in the security alliance with the United States. This chapter concludes with a discussion of the likely direction the new Biden administration will go in its engagement in the region..

This chapter delves into the quintessence and dynamics of Nigeria-Cameroon bilateral relations since their independence in 1960 with a focus on borderland politics and security cooperation. Its point of departure is that historical factors, cultural and geographical propinquity and institutions have played a significant role in the conduct and practice of Cameroon-Nigeria relations. The chapter notes that memories of the embittered borderline conflict between Cameroon and Nigeria over the oil-rich Bakassi Peninsula often surface when intellectual discourses on both countries are engaged. Without a critical gaze and analytical examination, such discourses could be misleading in the broader historiographic relations which have largely been marked by cooperation, appeasement and containment. In light of this, the chapter asserts that the understanding that what these countries have in common is greater than what divides them has been the anchor for their practice of bilateralism, driven by the containment policy and interventions by diplomatic means. It concludes that whether from the purview of the fight against Boko Haram today or the 1990s conflict over the Bakassi Peninsula, Nigeria and Cameroon have often collaborated to confront threats to their territorial integrity as well as to regional peace and stability.

Appearing in an economic environment marred unconducive to further hyper-globalization, COVID-19 may well become a constantly increasing in its importance accelerator of the changes already in place and produce a crucial impact on the already stagnating international business. Throughout the COVID-19 crisis, reduced production and consumption have weakened the prospects to speedy recovery. In the past, globalization tendencies were disrupted by events in the human history subverting the processes of worldwide economic and financial integration on numerous occasions. Dealing successfully with the challenges caused by COVID-19 is associated with the creation of relevant firm-level and government strategies providing national economies with augmented internal sovereignty, risk reduction and resilience. National policies have come to the force as nation-state has claimed back its right to install international business rules for protecting national interests based on transactional bilateralism. COVID-19 has initiated a huge debate about its impacts on the continuous changes and future reorganizing of the structure of global value and supply chains.

Uluslararası Hukuk alanında Ticari diplomasi oldukça yeni bir konsept olup öneminden dolayı gittikçe daha çok ilgi çekmektedir. Türkiye, birçok ülke gibi, aktif ticari diplomasi uygulamanın öneminin farkına varmıştır. Şüphesiz yeni bir konseptir oysa ki kendisi yeni bir olgu değildir. Ancak konu ile ilgili bilimsel çalışmalar sadece 2000’li yıllara dayanmaktadır. Bu makalede kabul gören tek bir tanımı olmayan Ticari diplomasi konsepti üzerine çalışılmıştır. Bu kapsamda öncelikle konseptin tanımı üzerinde durulacaktır. Akabinde oluşumunda ve uygulamasında yer alan kurum ve aktörler incelenecektir. Sonrasında ise gerçekleştiği yerler ve oluşumunda dikkate alınan parametreler analiz edilecektir., Le concept de diplomatie commerciale en Droit International est relativement nouveau et attire de plus en plus l’attention de par son importance. La Turquie, comme de nombreux pays a pris conscience de l’importance de mettre en œuvre une diplomatie commerciale active. Le concept est certes nouveau mais en réalité il ne s’agit pas d’une chose nouvelle. Or il est intéressant de noter que les études scientifiques portant sur le sujet remontent seulement aux années 2000. Cet article est avant tout une réflexion sur le concept même de diplomatie commerciale dont il n’existe pas de définition unanime. Nous allons nous intéresser d’abord à la définition juridique du concept, puis passer en revue les institutions et les acteurs qui interviennent dans l’élaboration et la mise en œuvre de la diplomatie commerciale avant de clore cette analyse par l’étude des lieux où se réalise la diplomatie commerciale et les paramètres qui sont pris en compte lors de son élaboration.

Italy managed to be an important actor in European affairs, its status as major power was several times called into question. Italy’s domestic political instability, the frequent government crises, severe economic and financial problems hinder the country’s goal to become a recognized middle power, especially in the Mediterranean region. Bilateral and multilateral tools are used alternately by government coalitions to carry out foreign policy which has been dominated by migration. Due to the afore-mentioned internal problems security and defence policy is not capable of supporting foreign policy to the necessary extent.

This paper examines the structure of bilateral tourism and identifies five broad categories of factors that may affect the overall size of tourism flows. Such analysis of tourism is important because diplomacy and trade continues to be conducted on a nation-to-nation basis despite a growing shift towards multilateralism in free trade blocks such as the European Union and the North American Free Trade Agreement. Further, Bilateralism is important because countries have reduced abilities to control tourism imports in an era of growing globalization. A framework that may be employed to analyze problems in bilateral tourism flows is also outlined.Les facteurs ayant un effet sur les flux du tourisme bilatéral. Cet article examine la structure du tourisme bilatéral et identifie cinq grandes catégories de facteurs qui peuvent avoir des conséquences sur l’importance globale de ses flux. Une telle analyse du tourisme est importante, parce que la diplomatie et le commerce continuent à être menés entre deux nations à la fois, bien qu’il y ait actuellement une croissance de relations multilatérales avec des blocs de libre-échange tels que l’Union européenne et l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain. En plus, les accords bilatéraux sont importants, parce que les pays ont des possibilités réduites pour contrôler les importations de tourisme à une époque de mondialisation croissante. On expose aussi les grandes lignes d’un cadre théorique qui pourrait être utilisé pour analyser des problèmes de flux bilatéraux.

The purpose of the article is to consider the peculiarities of the documentary support of economic and contractual activity in the field of civil aviation, in particular at the Municipal Enterprise «International Airport “Kyiv” (Zhulhany) named after Igor Sikorsky». The methodology of the study is to use theoretical and empirical methods of research, namely: observation, description, analysis and synthesis, generalization. Scientific novelty. The article substantiates the possibilities of a comprehensive study of documentation ofeconomic and contractual activity of aviation industry enterprises and the creation of a unified classification of types and typical forms of contracts for air transport. Conclusions. The peculiarities of execution of the contracts of KP “MA“ Kyiv ”(Zhuliany)” are to determine the specifics of the subject of contractual relations that directly affect the obligatory and additional provisions of the contract. In general, the content of the contract, the structure, and placement of details have a typical set of details that determine the generalmoments of the conclusion, change, and termination of contractual relations. The basis of economic and contractual activity consists of contracts on transportation of passengers and luggage, on a lease, on-ground service of aircraft, on the procedure of deciding compensation of services, on the provision of the use of airport infrastructure, etc. All of these types of contracts are characterized by the following features: consensual,retaliation, bilateralism, writing. Documenting the airport’s business and contracting activities requires analytical research. Common classification of species and standard forms of basic and ancillary contracts for air transport should be established. Improvement of documentation support of economic and contractual activity in the aviation industry at the present stage is important since it will help to increase the level of organization of work with documents and establish business communication between the subjects of business,in particular, Ukrainian and foreign airports.Key words: document, economic and contractual activity, contract, agreement, enterprise, aviation field.

Trade blocs are generally formed when two or more countries pursue policies of tariff reductions that are designed to increase trade between the participating countries. Most trade blocs are formed between neighboring countries; there is a positive relationship that exists between trade blocs and geographical proximity, but also other factors, such as common language, common culture, and common history, play an important role. Contemporary trade arrangements have a complex geography of economic and noneconomic exchanges that involve both nearby and distant partners, as well as formal and informal linkages. This article describes various spatial permutations of trade interactions highlighting in particular the forces that drive the geographies of trade.

PhD (Economic and Management Sciences), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus Since the inception of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995, multilateralism has been the dominant approach to trade liberalisation. However, the trade negotiation and trade agreement landscape is evolving, shifting from multilateral focus to bilateralism and/or regionalism. Even though the inclination towards bilateralism is growing, in the preparation phase of the bilateral trade negotiation process, the evidence on product-level prioritisation methods, specifically designed to inform trade negotiations by considering both countries’ core export competences and the size, growth and consistency of the import demand, is silent. Most of the trade policy analysis methods applied in the preparation phase of bilateral trade negotiations measure the macro-level impact of trade policy. Hence, negotiating parties tend to focus on as many products and sectors as possible in the negotiations, and may lose sight of their core export competencies and the size, growth and consistency of the import demand. Moreover, some developing countries may face capacity constraints in terms of trade policy analysis and negotiation as a consequence of inadequate resources, insufficient analytical capacity and lack of expertise. This may adversely affect their capability to better prepare for trade negotiations and eventually the fairness, survival and sustainability of trade relations resulting from such negotiations. Product-level prioritisation is therefore crucial, not only in addressing capacity constraints that some developing countries may face, but also in contributing to inclusive trade agreements with greater implementation support. From a trade policy standpoint, there is lingering uncertainty surrounding the renewal of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) after its expiry in 2025. However, Southern Africa Customs Union (SACU) members and many other Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) AGOA beneficiary countries primarily access the United States of America (USA) market through AGOA. The uncertainty surrounding the renewal of AGOA means that the post-AGOA trade relationship between SACU and the USA is undefined. This study proposes that, to be pro-active, SACU has to re-engage the USA in negotiations of a Bilateral Trade Agreement (BTA) that builds on AGOA by strengthening trade and investment relations, while addressing AGOA drawbacks and taking reciprocity into account. The main objective of this thesis is to contribute to the trade negotiation literature by developing a product-level prioritisation method, which specifically considers both countries’ core export competencies and the size, growth and consistency of the import demand, to inform bilateral trade negotiations. The method is suggested for implementation into the preparation phase of the bilateral trade negotiation process in order to enhance the fairness, survival and sustainability of trade relations resulting from such negotiations. To achieve the main objective of this study, elements of three research methodologies, namely the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) model, the Decision Support Model (DSM), and the International Trade Centre’s Market Attractiveness Index (MAI) were combined to develop the product-level prioritisation method. The method was applied in the case of SACU and the USA to identify products and sectors that both parties should prioritise in the potential SACU-USA bilateral trade negotiations. The results of the product-level prioritisation method identify 407 products for SACU to prioritise when entering into the potential SACU-USA trade negotiations. Likewise, the prioritisation method identifies 161 products that the USA should prioritise in the negotiations of the same potential trade deal. The majority of the priority products for SACU fall within the textiles and clothing, machinery and electrical, chemicals and allied industries, metals, and food products sector. Similarly, the majority of products that the USA should prioritise fall within the machinery and electrical, textiles and clothing, chemicals and allied industries, and metals sector. In the USA market, the product-level prioritisation method also identifies 99 products for SACU to additionally prioritise for negotiation, in terms of Non-Tariff Measures (NTMs), in the potential SACU-USA reciprocal trade agreement. The majority of the additional priority products for SACU fall under the chemicals and allied industries, food products, vegetables and vegetable products, animal and animal products, textiles and clothing, and metals sector. Doctoral

Il 31 gennaio 2020, il Ministro dell'interno della Repubblica italiana ed il Ministro della sicurezza e della protezione civile della Repubblica della Costa d'Avorio hanno siglato una dichiarazione di intenti volta a favorire una più stretta collaborazione in materia di controllo dei flussi migratori e di rimpatrio. Il testo prevede, tra l'altro, il bisogno di "realizzare le relative procedure di rimpatrio dei cittadini ivoriani in posizione irregolare, facendo ricorso, per la loro identificazione, ai servizi competenti dell'Ambasciata della Costa d'Avorio in Italia". 1 Il testo e lo spirito della dichiarazione si iscrivono nella scia di una lunga serie di accordi che l'Italia, a livello intergovernativo ma anche transgovernativo (ovverosia con accordi siglati tra i dicasteri o le segreterie ministeriali dei Paesi firmatari), ha concluso con un crescente numero di Paesi non europei, specie africani. L'identificazione dei migranti irregolari costituisce un elemento centrale a monte di tali accordi flessibili, i quali, per definizione, non richiedono né l'approvazione dei parlamenti dei paesi firmatari né una ratifica alla loro attuazione. Inoltre, considerata la poca visibilità che li caratterizza, la loro esistenza e le loro conseguenze concrete possono essere facilmente smentiti a livello politico. Infine, siccome la cooperazione bilaterale in materia di rimpatrio coinvolge molte incognite relativamente alla sua concreta e regolare attuazione, la potenziale defezione (esplicita o implicita) da un accordo flessibile da parte di un Paese non europeo si rivela meno gravosa da un punto di visto politico per uno Stato europeo. Nel corso degli ultimi decenni, l'Italia, alla stregua della Francia, della Spagna, del Regno Unito e della Germania, ha siglato numerosi memorandum d'intesa, intese amministrative

The recent proliferation of Bilateral Labor Agreements (BLAs) has attracted minimal scholarly attention. This agenda-setting article analyzes whether and how BLAs may serve as useful tools in improving the protection of the rights of migrant workers. The article undertakes a comparative study of bilateral investment treaties (BITs) and BLAs, and draws lessons from BITs' success in protecting the rights of foreign investors.

Au cours de la premiere decennie de la Guerre froide, le Mexique s'est integre dans le systeme d'alliances naissant des Etats-Unis, construit en Amerique latine pour contenir une menace sovietique potentielle. Dans un tel contexte, la politique etrangere du pays etait principalement determinee par ses relations bilaterales economiques et politiques avec Washington. Cependant, au milieu des annees 1960, la strategie internationale du Mexique s’elargit, passant de l'approche bilaterale des annees 1950 a une orientation plus mondiale. Cet article explore l'evolution de la politique etrangere du Mexique entre le debut des annees 1950 et les annees 1960, en retracant les facteurs qui ont soutenu cette transformation.

Negotiations between neighbours over river disputes are not only about water, they come embedded with other bilateral concerns. Thus, the solution of a river dispute depends on comparative bargaining capabilities of riparians on their many other contentious matters. This assumption has been applied in investigating and analysing the Ganges River negotiation between India and Bangladesh. The literature on the Ganges has focussed on integrated river development perspectives. The present analysis underlines the convergence of water with other bilateral concerns. The examination of a quarter-century negotiation on the Ganges confirms the correlation between positive outcomes and better linkages between multiple issues.

This article examines the power interplay that shapes the transboundary water interaction in the Brahmaputra River basin. The article provides two key insights based on data sharing and bilateralism aspects. First, the lack of a standard, hydrological data-sharing mechanism has created a sense of mistrust between riparians. Second, bilateralism and power asymmetry between the riparian countries has created a sense of unilateral control over the Brahmaputra River. This article concludes that due to regional geo-politics, issues of sovereignty, and unequal power, negotiation for a multilateral basin-wide treaty at this moment is a non-starter in the Brahmaputra basin.

Extant literature has discussed the similarities between public relations and public diplomacy. This study seeks to contribute to existing research on the application of organization–public relationships (OPR) to public diplomacy by further exploring relational dimensions in public diplomacy and empirically testing them based on a model consisting of antecedents (i.e., political, economic, interpersonal, cultural and corporate interactions), relational dimensions (i.e., interactional bilateralism, power mutuality, trust, empathy, relational satisfaction, relational continuation, relational attentiveness and relational curiosity), and consequences (i.e., positive and negative megaphoning). A total of 490 respondents from the United States were recruited on Amazon M-Turk to respond to survey items regarding China and Mexico. Confirmatory factor analysis and regression analysis were conducted. The findings indicate: (a) positive associations between the antecedents and the relational dimensions, (b) positive associations between the relational dimensions and positive megaphoning, and (c) negative associations between the relational dimensions and negative megaphoning. (148 words)

This analysis reviews a crucial moment in the contemporary political and constitutional history of Western Europe. Prior to the “empty chair crisis” in 1965–1966, an important Franco–West German su...

The paper introduces the formula structure of poly-sequents, allowing the expression of poly-positions: positions with any number of stances, of which bilateralism and trilateralism are special cases. The paper also puts forward the view that s-coherence (strong coherence) of such poly-positions can be defined inferentially, without appealing to their validity under interpretations of the object language.

Published online: 06 May 2018 What are the consequences and implications of Brexit on the nature and character of Franco-German ‘embedded bilateralism’ in Europe, the relative influence of Berlin and Paris in EU policymaking, and the EU's future trajectory more generally? Brexit brings into sharper relief three basic future scenarios for the EU: (1) German hegemony; (2) the decline of the European project; and (3) a rejuvenated Franco-German tandem at the union's centre – what we call ‘back to the future’. Which of these scenarios prevails will depend on the interaction of Brexit with other developments, most notably (1) the overall strengthening of Germany's relative standing, and (2) France's ability to overcome its economic and societal stasis with serious reforms. Though each of the three scenarios is possible, this paper holds that ‘back to the future’ is the most likely and plausible. Brexit thus might even further accentuate the historically influential Franco-German relationship, not least in union-level policy domains, such as security and defense, in which Britain has hitherto played a significant role.

After decades of tension, Australia and the European Union (EU) now have a substantive relationship, interacting and cooperating with each other within a wide range of areas. The relationship is cu...

North Korea has identified its official foreign policy as being focused on ‘self-reliance’ since the mid-1906s. Kim Il Sung (Kim Il-sŏng) had been long preoccupied with external interference in internal affairs, so the escalation of the Sino-Soviet schism created an environment in which to eliminate foreign influence in domestic politics and strengthen his control. North Korea did not only try to balance between the two giant socialist countries, but also expand its diplomatic sphere outside the communist bloc such as with Third World and European countries. In addition, it pursued direct contact with the US to achieve its longstanding goals, the removal of US troops stationed in the South and the replacement of the 1953 armistice with a permanent peace treaty. Since then demands for bilateral talks have become the most distinctive feature of North Korea’s foreign policy. With the advent of détente in the early 1970s, discontent with their Chinese comrades also led Kim to seek US-DPRK talks. Despite a mutual hostility generated during the era of the Cultural Revolution, Kim Il Sung’s first response to China’s rapprochement with the US was not negative, anticipating the potential for Chinese assistance in accomplishing North Korean diplomatic objectives in its relations with the US. At odds with Kim’s expectation, however, Chinese behavior did not meet North Korea’s demands. China, as well as the US, preferred the status quo to a rapid change in the region, even though they fully supported the beginnings of inter-Korean dialogue that culminated in the conclusion of the Joint Communiqué. Also, Kim Il Sung felt that, in the UN, China was more interested in seeking compromise with the US than asserting North Korea’s requests. Kim Il Sung’s dissatisfaction with China’s halfhearted stance during the détente strengthened his mistrust that Beijing did not consider North Korea’s national interests. As a result, North Korea deliberately excluded China in its offer of negotiations to the US such as the Tripartite Talks between the US and two Koreas, insisting on bilateral meetings with the US.

Páginas 117-149., A proliferação de acordos comerciais bilaterais criou um fenômeno conhecido na literatura como “organização regional em eixos” ou bilateralismo “eixo-rádios” (hub-spoke). Neste contexto, a política comercial da Colômbia está orientada para a assinatura de acordos comerciais bilaterais. O artigo avalia a política de assinatura de acordos bilaterais implementados pela Colômbia entre 1990-2015. Os fluxos comerciais entre a Colômbia e vários países são analisados aplicando o índice HM da Baldwin (2004) e a matriz da Chen (2008) que permitem medir a organização regional do comércio em eixos, e verificou-se que um sistema de economias foi consolidado e rádios. Os resultados obtidos questionam a política de assinatura de acordos colombianos., La proliferación de acuerdos comerciales bilaterales ha creado un fenómeno conocido en la literatura como “organización regional en ejes” o bilateralismo “eje-radios” (hub-spoke). En este contexto, la política comercial de Colombia está orientada hacia la firma de acuerdos comerciales bilaterales. El artículo evalúa la política de firma de acuerdos bilaterales implementada por Colombia entre 1990-2015. Se analizan los flujos comerciales entre Colombia y diversos países aplicando el índice HM de Baldwin (2004) y la matriz de Chen (2008), que permiten medir la organización regional del comercio en ejes. Se encuentra que se ha consolidado un sistema de economías ejes y radios. Los resultados obtenidos cuestionan la política de firma de acuerdos colombiana., The proliferation of bilateral trade agreements has created a phenomenon known in the literature as “hub and spoke” bilateralism. In this context, Colombia’s trade policy is geared towards the signing of bilateral trade agreements. This article evaluates the policy of signing bilateral agreements implemented by Colombia between 1990 and 2015. We analyse trade flows between Colombia and several countries using Baldwin’s HM index of hub-ness (2004) and the matrix of Chen (2008). The results obtained question the Colombian policy of signing trade agreements., Artículo de investigación revisado por pares., Clasificación en el Journal of Economic Literature (JEL): F13, F14, F15.