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This article compares the discourses, practices and politics of film education in France and Germany, and outlines their historical development. The discourses on film education in the two countries are fundamentally different: whereas German film education is anchored in the global politics of media education and around notions of "Medienkompetenz" (media competence), cinema in France is a field of art education centred on the "transmission du cinéma" (film mediation) or "l'éducation artistique" (art mediation). While the first initiatives in film education in both countries date back to the beginning of the twentieth century, this article explores how they developed in significantly different ways. In France, the establishment of film education was promoted and influenced by the culture of cinephilia, which imposed the notion of film as an art form. In Germany, film education -- after having been pushed by the Nazi regime -- suffered for a long time from sceptical attitudes towards the media and their ideological impact, and was formed by the critical approach of the Frankfurt School. This article details how history and the 'state of the art' of film education are interlinked with the different discourses and cultures of cinema in both countries, as well as the extent to which present political and educational practices draw upon long-standing historical and cultural traditions. In doing so, this article contributes to reflections upon film education at a wider European or international level, where similar debates around film or media literacy are taking place. [First published in Mise au point (Henzler, 2015). Translated from the French by Madeline Whittle and updated by the author.]

Aiming to develop a contextualized understanding of language learner agency (LLA) as defined by van Lier (2008), this study asks the question: How do Taiwanese EFL learners of two generations under different educational policies and social atmospheres narrate their English learning experiences and exert LLA differently? Narrative and interview data were collected from four participants born in two different time frames: the 1950-60s, or the post WWII period, and after 1987, when the 33-year-old martial law was lifted and educational reforms were gradually introduced. Analyzing the data using van Lier's three features of LLA and interacting with Clandinin and Connelly's (2000) notions of context and continuity revealed many differences across the two generations' exertion of LLA in terms of their respective times, places, and relationships. As the 12-year curriculum is to be implemented soon and is expected to impact the next generation of Taiwanese learners, this study provides insights into LLA in EFL as both personal and social experiences and allows us to ponder on our shared past, present, and future EFL learning experiences. Implications and suggestions are provided based on the results.

Films of the "perestroika" period (1986-1991) related to school/university theme showed that: - the educational / upbringing process has lost the previous strict storylines and in many respects has lost its communist landmarks;--both school and university have acute problem areas (crisis, disappointment and fatigue, professional "burning out" of teachers, stagnation, hypocrisy, lies, bureaucracy and authoritarianism, pragmatic cynicism of students, teenage cruelty, underage sexual activity, etc.);--the activity of a schoolchild / student again became more directed toward the outside world than to the inner world;--appropriate distance in the teacher-student relationship has become more fragile (familiarity, sexual relation, or its provocation); in the films Work on Mistakes (1988) and Asthenic Syndrome (1989), male teachers even fight with high school students in class or in the school corridor;--the prestige of the pedagogical profession in the eyes of students and the public has fallen even lower; in accordance with the real state of affairs, female teachers' images (often lonely, unsettled) came to the forefront;--the main conflicts of plots were built on the opposition of non-ordinary teachers and students with stagnation, bureaucracy, mediocre bosses/colleagues/peers. In fact, one can probably assume that the exposing "black series" of the perestroika cinema (where the youth theme was one of the most prominent ones) served a kind of "mobilizing purpose", only at the time it was not the orientation of "Soviet power elites in the renewal of the tools which they embodied the communist project with". Conversely, a Western-oriented part of the Soviet ruling elite used "uncensored" cinematography as one of the levers for the gradual liquidation of socialism. On the other hand, it is possible not to attach special importance to this "conspiracy" assumption, believing that Soviet cinematographers spontaneously walked in the wake of political and socio-cultural changes of the "perestroika" era. After all, we should not forget that by the end of the 1980s a paradoxical situation arose in the USSR when the state continued to finance film production, but in the actual absence of censorship, filmmakers could produce all that they wanted, practically ignoring the opinion of the leading bodies of the CPSU and the government.

The aim of this research was to examine the effects of servant leader and integrity on principal performance in Catholic senior high schools in North Sulawesi, Indonesia. This quantitative research used questionnaire-gathered data from 75 teachers at 11 schools. The results of research show that the servant leader approach has significant positive effects on principal performance (sig. = 0,000 < 0,005; R[superscript 2]=0,799); the integrity of a principal can also have an effect on her/his performance in school (sig. = 0,000 < 0,05; R[superscript 2] = 0,758); and then there were noteworthy effects of the servant leader approach and integrity working simultaneously to improve the performance of the principal (R[superscript 2] = 0,788; sig = 0,000). This study shows how servant leader and integrity can support a positive impact on principal performance.

The proposed paper seeks to add a different dimension to the educational borrowing, lending, and transfer literature by examining the consequences of educational reforms that are implemented under dictatorships and their lasting impacts. In using Tunisia as an example, we assess the effects of the 2008 Licence-Maitrise-Doctorat ([LMD] Bachelor-Master-PhD) reform under Tunisia's former dictator, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (from 1987 to 2011). The use of coercive transfer and subsequent implementation of LMD reforms by Ben Ali's government were in response to the creation of the European Higher Education Area in 1999 under the Bologna Declaration, which was adopted by twenty-nine European countries. The justification for the indirect coercive transfer of the Bologna model was to ensure the quality of higher education, to encourage student and teacher mobility, to facilitate both the equivalence of diplomas and young people's integration into the labor market. In what follows, we seek to construct a typology of the consequence of wholesaling adopting a reform without tailoring it to the local needs. In this typology, we account for the processes of policy mobilization, local articulation and ownership, structural factors, and path dependency by discussing the power relations through which indirect coercive transfer occur. In doing this, methodologically, we use a comparative-historical approach to Tunisia's higher education policy discourse. Theoretically, we seek to advance the literature of indirect coercive transfer by concluding as to the different factors that should be considered in North-South policy borrowing and transfer.

This research has been designed to compare mothers upbringing methods based on adolescents intelligence groups; high-intelligence, low-intelligence and normal. To this purpose, 194 individuals were chosen from among male and female students of ages 14 and 15 from the city of Ghaenat from southern Khorasan province within the educational year of 2015, by the simple-random method in high-intelligence schools, by the census method in low-intelligence schools and by the multi-stage cluster sampling method in normal schools. The tools employed include the Bamrind questionnaire on upbringing methods. Pierson's codependence coefficient and multi-variant variance analysis have been used for data analysis. Results indicated that the difference is significant between intelligence groups regarding tyrannical and logical potency and no significant difference in upbringing methods based on freedom. There is positive and significant difference between mothers of children belonging to high and low-intelligence groups regarding authoritarian and logical potency, and mothers of children belonging to the normal and low-intelligence groups. There's no significant difference between other intelligence groups and upbringing methods.

Purpose: Despite the formal political decolonization of much of the world, the colonial legacy continues to prevail around the globe, in particular in the Global South. This article explores the interface of language, education and citizenship in Mozambique, with special reference to the role of education and language ideologies in forging the ideal citizen in the postcolonial context. Method: Drawing on previous studies on education and citizenship in colonial and postcolonial contexts, I use the decolonial lenses of Linguistic Citizenship and other related frameworks to show how citizenship education in Mozambique has been inextricably bound up with political efforts towards the management of linguistic, cultural and political diversity. I argue that in spite of the progress made, there is still a mismatch between legislation and political discourses on language, education and citizenship education and actual practices of citizenship in Mozambique, which continue to be linguistically and politically constrained. Findings: This article may contribute to uncover language related social injustices, often associated with the persisting colonial matrix of power, and also to promote decolonial, more pluralist and inclusive forms of citizenship education in Mozambique and elsewhere.

Purpose: A comfortable and happy work environment, where all the teachers are sincere and true to each other and sure that what they say and do will not be used against them, is a basic need for a teacher. It is thought that meeting this expectation is up to the feeling of trust, especially in the principal, and then in colleagues and students and parents. The aim of the study is to reveal the relationship between school principals' leadership behaviors and teachers' organizational trust, and at what level leadership behaviors predict teachers' organizational trust. Research Methods: A correlational survey model was used to select participants (n = 722). Findings: The results show a significant and positive relationship between democratic leadership behaviors and all dimensions of organizational trust, while autocratic and laissez-faire leadership behaviors have a significant and negative relationship with all dimensions of organizational trust. When compared to autocratic and laissez-faire leadership behaviors, democratic leadership is the most significant predictor of principal trust. In addition, democratic leadership is the only significant and positive predictor of trust in colleagues, students, and parents, even though it is at a low level. Implications for Research and Practice: The results of the study show that democratic principal behaviors affect not only teachers' principal trust but also their trust in colleagues, students, and parents. Therefore, school principals should take education seminars to increase their awareness about the importance democratic leadership.

It is understood that education being brought under the control of government and educational activities carried out under the name of character and race unity education were tools for the destruction of the individual and masses during the national socialist era in Germany. For this reason, the state's monopolizing and more or less intervening in moral education can be regarded as a fascist act. The connection of altruism with race and the fact that race consciousness has aspects supporting the idealism have been abused by the fascist education. The fact that the individuals were directed to race by being impregnated with the sense of altruism showed how the two basic principles of national socialist education complemented each other. On the one hand, the individual was taught how to be altruistic, on the other hand, the superiority, holiness and supremacy of race were romanticized, and the infrastructure of the reason for the necessity of being altruistic was instilled on their mind. This study, which was made by reviewing the documents of Hitler (1938), Kubizek (1954), Schirach (1967), Gay (1968), Fest (1970 and 1973), Noakes (1971), Giles (1985), Domarus (1990), Burleigh and Wippermann (1991) and Canetti (2014), not only shows the fact that the character and race unity education that Nazis gave in schools was not compatible with universal principles, but also the fact that the number of children in school age who died during the World War II reached a half million teaches how to act against the negative success of the fascist education that is focused on destruction.

In this paper, I address the vital civic principle that democracies cannot exist without informed citizens and that education itself must be about more than training and is essential to creating critical and engaged citizens. Such an understanding is imperative at a time when democracy is under siege all over the globe. As an example of both the rise of authoritarianism and the challenge it poses to higher education, I focus on not only the election and presidency of Donald Trump but also an emboldened culture of manufactured illiteracy that exhibits a disdain for any notion of education wedded to the pursuit of the truth, science, and the public good. I argue that the Trump administration is engaged in not simply a neoliberal political project designed to consolidate wealth and power in the hands of the financial elite, but also is reworking of the very meaning of education both as an institution and as a broader cultural force. Democracy and politics itself are both in crisis and under siege. The central issue for this essay is what it might mean for educators to take seriously the notion that democracy should be a way of thinking about education -- one that thrives on connecting equity to excellence, learning to ethics, and agency to the imperatives of social responsibility and the public good. Regarding the discourse of civic courage, social responsibility and the ethical imagination, I argue that civic literacy is crucial to a democracy and that the university must play a vital role in creating the formative cultures that make critically engaged citizens possible. In addition to taking up these issues, I will point to several recommendations that provide an alternative to some of the oppressive conditions now shaping institutions of higher learning, particularly in the United States. In doing so, I conclude with a particular emphasis on the need for educators to develop a new language of governance accompanied by reclaiming the discourse of civic courage and the ethical imagination, all of which I believe are central to any viable notion of transformative democratic change.

Background/Context: This research is framed by both the historical lineage of the New Civics and the legacy of educational and curricular debates in the United States. It contributes to the literature on mid-20th century education. Purpose and Research Questions: This study explores the relationship between religion, civics, and education through the lens of university and faculty leaders at Harvard, Princeton, and Yale Universities in the mid-20th century. Research questions include (a) What were some of the major trends in curricular reform before totalitarianism emerged as an idea or concept, and how were they related to questions of freedom? (b) In the mid-to-late 1930s, how did the presidents of Harvard, Princeton, and Yale view the idea of totalitarianism/authoritarianism and its potential impact on these earlier reform efforts? In addition, what role did trustees, students, faculty, and other constituents play in these conversations? (c) What educational proposals were offered as solutions or counterattacks to totalitarian ideas? (d) What lessons can we draw today from these debates about educating for freedom? Research Design: This study utilized a historical case study design based on intellectual, educational, and cultural history. I examined more than 30 archival collections at Harvard, Princeton, and Yale; my focus was on curricular meeting minutes, presidential papers, dean's papers, and individual manuscripts. Findings/Results: Most literature on 20th-century American education and civics focuses on secularization. My research instead emphasizes the dynamic relationship between religion and education, including the ways in which educational practices became religious in form and purpose. I illuminate the ways in which, even after World War II, Christian supernaturalism and secular facts were thought by a coterie of faculty and university leaders to be interconnected. Educators at Harvard, Princeton, and Yale referenced Christian Humanism--a fusion of supernatural and secular--as being highly relevant to their time.

In this article, we use the zombies as a metaphor for reforms in the Polish academy and a description of how neoliberalism works. According to the interpretation of the production of zombies as a critique of late capitalism, we want to show, by using an autoethnographic method, how subjectivity, relationships with others and the world are changing in the neoliberal regime. How do reforms attempt to transform subjectivity, and raise a new academic? Our co-autoethnography challenges the University of the (Un)Dead. We write together to show the experience of an insider (Oskar) and a quasi-outsider (former PhD student, Dominika). We are trying to show how nationalist authoritarianism emerges, at the same time, as part of the neoliberal regime. Our story is a record from the time of the apocalypse -- an attempt to provoke. Let us trust the stories.

During the 1970s and 1980s, several Latin American countries went through U.S.-backed military dictatorships. In Argentina alone the number of people who disappeared between 1976 and 1983 is estimated to be at around 30,000. In the late-1980s activist and artistic efforts to preserve, archive and make memory visible began to take shape alongside criminal prosecutions of military perpetrators of crimes against humanity. An ongoing city-wide network of memory projects in Buenos Aires continues to function alongside the pursuit of justice and human rights in the courts. In this photo essay, I explore the activist art project known as the "Carteles de la Memoria," a series of 53 street signs created by the "Grupo de Arte Callejero" (Street Art Group). These unsettling street signs are designed to confront passersby at various points throughout Buenos Aires with active memories of dictatorship violence. Like sentries of memory, these signs now line the edge of the very river that served as a place of disappearance for thousands of people. This open-air archive joins the network of memory projects that make willful amnesia impossible.

Education is usually considered a force for good, associated with hope and optimism about better individual and social futures. Yet a case can be made that education and education policy in recent decades, far from being a force for good, has had nefarious effects at multiple levels. This can be seen in the growing alienation of significant numbers of teachers and students in disparate global contexts and in the growth of authoritarian models of schooling, involving 'zero-tolerance', 'no excuses' disciplinary approaches, that have undermined notions of the common school as a public good. Against this background, and drawing on philosophical literature and our own empirical research, this study interrogates the practice in schools in England of placing students in 'isolation'. In considering this practice as an instance of banal education policy, our study makes obvious reference to Hannah Arendt's characterization of evil in her account of Adolf Eichmann's trial. But it also draws on the work of moral philosophers, Elizabeth Minnich and Simona Forti, in relation to the distinction between intensive and extensive evil, in order to analyse the nature and effects of school discipline policies and practices such as isolation in the neoliberal era as a contemporary form of evil.

As part of the general curricular ambitions of contributing to the development of a democratic society, Swedish schools are mandated to actively combat racism and extremism. This causes particular challenges when teachers encounter students who have been brought up in environments where racist and extremist worldviews dominate. This study analyses four Swedish neo-Nazi leaders' experiences of schooling and how they have utilised these experiences when establishing an approach for their children's schooling. The focal point of the analysis is the ideological dilemmas that arise from clashes of conviction among neo-Nazi leaders, their children and the teachers. The results show how neo-Nazi leaders use their own negative experiences of schooling to prepare their children on how to escape both democratic education and prevent social stigmatisation.

This paper examines Theodor W. Adorno's notion of democratic pedagogy and the role of emotions in re-educating and democratizing a society, particularly in light of the current political situation in many countries around the world in which right-wing extremism is on the rise. The paper revisits Adorno's educational thought on critical self-reflection, focusing on his views on educating emotions and the tensions between democratic pedagogy and a schooling of the emotions. It is argued that Adorno's contribution to discussions of the role of emotion in education and his suggestions about how to resist and counteract fascism and right-wing extremism are not only illuminating today, but also provide remarkable clarity and force of argumentation in educational efforts to create critical spaces in the classroom in which moral and political learning does not end up a form of sentimental manipulation.

This study examines Bertolt Brecht's theatrical techniques in terms of critical pedagogy and their potential application by critical educators to overcome neoliberalization, neoconservatization, and authoritarization in learning environments. Brecht creates his 'learning plays' in a peculiar form that can be called 'Brechtian dialectics'. Brecht aims to remove the distinction between audience and actors in learning plays and not to teach any doctrine, but to enable them to develop dialectical thinking. In these plays, Brecht deals with current issues, confronting thesis and antithesis, but purposely avoids reaching a final synthesis to maintain dialectical thinking process. Through epic-dialectical theatre, Brecht points out that the illusionist aspect of Aristotelian theatre makes audience passive, therefore he attempts to involve audience in the play with an effective and critical perspective. Brecht realizes this through defamiliarization technique and the effects of historicization and gestus. This study examines Brechtian dialectics as a way of developing dialectical thinking practice and asserts that the authoritarian relationship between teachers and students can be eliminated in a similar vein to the transformation of the relationship between audience and actors in learning plays. The study explores defamiliarization technique as a tool to move away from the existing hegemony, and historicization effect as a way of underlining that history is a process and can be changed by subjects. The study also presents the ways how the gestus effect can be used to create multicultural democratic schools and develop class consciousness. Additionally, the study points out the similarities between Brechtian theatrical techniques and Freireian pedagogical concepts.

Inspired by the work of the social and cultural historian Tim Cole, Stuart Farley decided to look again at the way he teaches the Holocaust. He wanted to focus on the geographical concept of place as a way of enabling his Year 9 students to build far more diverse narratives, which took full account of the chronological diversity of people's experiences as well as the different decisions made by different people in their different places. This helped Farley to enable his students to unpick what the not-quite-contemporary term 'the Holocaust' means, using techniques similar to those used by Carr and by Olivey when teaching about the nineteenth century.

This introduction to this special issue on "Thinking with Theory in Teacher Education" dedicates considerable space to broadly discussing the current U.S. political context to emphasize why, at this precise moment in history, educators, teacher educators, and educational researchers are in dire need of different ways to understand the world and our connections and interactions with/in it. The authors argue for the need to use these emergent understandings to become and live differently--as well as to shape systems of schooling and educate differently. They first situate this introduction in the global movement (at least in parts of the Western world) toward extreme right wing and ultra-conservative political ideologies. Drawing on the case of Donald Trump's election in the U.S., they present an argument that "good and common sense"--that is, rational ways of knowing--is woefully inadequate to build the needed justice movement to resist the implications of a far-right nationalist agenda for public education. They emphasize the need to shift from rational humanist ways of thinking to posthuman, materialist theories of difference that can help members of the education community to engage in new modes of thought and action to counter the growing movement of neofascism in some political circles in the U.S. and abroad, ultimately pursuing the interests of equity and social justice.

In this article, Dr. Malott challenges the conclusion that the primary factor that led to Trump's victory in the 2016 United States presidential election was the racism of poor whites. Rejecting this position for its capitulation to bourgeois caricatures of segments of the working class, Malott points to the fall of communism for a more historically contextualized understanding of how we got to where we are. That is, this essay notes that the rise of the socialist bloc after World War II was so inspiring to the world's oppressed and colonized that it slowed down capitalism's tendency toward an extending rate of exploitation. After the fall of the Soviet Union and the socialist bloc, and an aggressive anti-communist campaign, capitalists unleashed a more aggressive capitalism called neoliberalism. After nearly five decades of neoliberal wealth redistribution, and the destruction of the communist movement, right-wing demagogy has risen in European country after European country. Meanwhile, the white middle class--like other segments of the work force--has experienced significant downward mobility and is therefore desperate for economic relief. Because the white middle class tends to see their interests as the same as the capitalist class compared to those of the white working class, this group of more privileged and pampered workers--as has been the case historically--is increasingly susceptible to racist and fascist ideology. It was within this context that Trump and the so-called alt-right (i.e., neofascists and neo-Nazis) gained marginal influence, which is quickly eroding evidenced by Trump's falling approval rating. As a response to Trump, neofascism, and capitalism more generally, this essay argues for a communist education and the organization of the party form.

Our scope is to show how democracy has been trivialized as a concept and, more worryingly, as a mystified practice of consented servitude, which supposedly would bring to its very end. In fact, for the emblematic occidental societies, democracy has, at the best, been reduced to a consumerist way of life, under the capitalist liberal order, and the façade of a "spectacularized" electoral process. Overall, the word "democracy" is currently used to mask different forms of authoritarianism, from which nor even western societies escape. In such context, as to the promises of democracy for schools' systems, we see nothing but a bureaucratic centralization, allowing no more than an instrumental autonomy of power of execution through which the players only enjoy a "voluntary servitude" to the neoliberal naturalized ideology of efficiency, competitiveness and pseudo meritocracy. We thus conclude by suggesting possibilities of resistance and the empowerment of the subject.

It is known that in many of the developed countries of the world, especially the U.S.A, educators benefit from dystopic works in education and training of the topics such as historical consciousness, metaphors, numbers, color perception and development of language. From this point forth, it can be suggested that dystopic works, as long as they are presented by expert trainers through correct methods and techniques, can provide great benefits for historical consciousness, cognitive, social and cultural development, and especially democratic awareness. The main purpose of this study is to draw attention on the significant contributions that dystopic works can make on historical consciousness and education. The survey is conducted within 2014-2015 academic year in Agri Ibrahim Cecen University Faculty of Education Department of Social Sciences Teaching (4th grade) and views of these participants on acquisition of historical consciousness through the novel "The Giver" are examined through qualitative research method. During the survey, while determining the students' views, indications concerning the cover and content of the book, as well as the fiction, characterization and narration are obtained and exposed to content analysis. As a result of the survey, it is observed that dystopic works, especially "The Giver" can offer significant benefits for the acquisition of historical consciousness.

The Black Lives Matter campaign has led many people around the world to reassess monuments that are installed in public spaces to commemorate historical figures. These reassessments raise questions about what it means to attack the statues of the past, what the rights and wrongs of such actions are, what this teaches us and how all this is passed on to the next generation. In line with this, I focus on a statue of the former dictator of Korea, Chun Doo-hwan, installed in 2019. The purpose of the statue was, however, somewhat different from that of many other statues currently at issue. It was erected for the purpose of humiliation rather than respect. By examining the case of the statue of Chun Doo-hwan in Korea, this paper discusses the nature of democracy in relation to these attacks on statues. In particular, it attempts to interpret the installation of the statue as a form of art for an emancipated community, where democracy is understood as involving a haunting of the collective memory. It concludes that democracy is something never to be grasped fully, something that slips away from its intentions and that is always to be tested and reconsidered. Finally, the paper addresses the educational significance of the statue in question in terms of how history is to be taught and how, in our interactions with the statues around us, the past is to be remembered.

This paper focusses on the forensic work put on display at Londres-38, a building in Santiago Chile designated as a National Monument, which once functioned as a torture and extermination centre under Pinochet's dictatorship. Striving to avoid conventional memorial practices, or didactic strategies that would morbidly represent the past horror, Londres-38 curatorially opts for very few educational props, so that visitors can have a peculiarly direct encounter with the materiality of the building. The paper engages with one of the few displays employed at Londres-38: a time-looped video detailing the forensic work undertaken on a small washroom. Despite the years that have passed, remaining within its walls, floors, and on the surfaces of the National Monument are material traces left by the detainees-disappeared: scratches and inscriptions, as well as DNA, that are still being forensically harvested. The paper discusses how the video exhibit documents a pedagogical performance of how the unperceived can come to light, how the erasure of the violent past can be made to re-appear as a matter of public concern through a certain sensibility to materiality that is unique to forensics. At issue in the paper is the curatorial-pedagogical strategy employed that invites us to immerse and try out for ourselves the forensic sensibility that tends to and gazes at the materiality of the building in a particular way so that the embedded evidence therein can come to matter and move us to hear the unsettled call for justice in our present.

Children's drawings hold a contested place in archives of war. Often portrayed as unfiltered records of psychological impact on innocent young civilians, the same drawings are also sophisticated testimonies of agency. With child-artists creating their work within classrooms, families, and communities, this article offers an alternative reading of their historical significance. Children's art offers not simply a firsthand view of conflict but also a critical view onto the alliances and ideologies of the adults who guided their creation. Before and after the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), after which Spain entered into several decades of National-Catholic dictatorship, psychologists and teachers used children's drawings to further educational projects toward both progressive and conservative ends. Across key nodes of conflict and postwar quietude, I ask how advocacy of children's art allowed teachers to practice what I call a form of pedagogical postmemory. Centering on Francoist-era education and the artists who created new openings for individual expression, the essay focuses on two educators, namely the artist Ángel Ferrant (1890-1961) and the novelist Josefina Aldecoa (1926-2011). Contrasting their paired views of children's art as a liberating, imaginative activity with that of the Francoist pedagogue Josefina Álvarez de Cánovas (1898-?), this study exposes how the same fundamental rhetoric of imagination and freedom could result in vastly different archives of children's drawings under dictatorship. Understanding children's art as bound up in wider social and political processes, it posits the seemingly neutral sphere of postwar art education as a key vehicle for pedagogical memory and historical recovery.

In the twenty-first century, the rise and support of fascism-related views threaten freedom of speech, freedom of sexual orientation, religious tolerance and progressive agendas that advocate equity. We argue that mainstream science education generally does not, but should, educate students against fascism-related views--such as racism, sexism, homophobia and religious intolerance--with a view to strengthening mutual respect and the common good. We argue some science teaching practices are found to be suitable to fascism-like ideologies (e.g. race in genetics teaching), and that the use of the concept of 'scientific literacy' has focused on neoliberal possessive individualism. As a consequence, mainstream science education overlooks the development of sympathy, altruism and interpersonal skills. We also discuss the activity of science education in authoritarian, undemocratic regimes in history, showing that fascist regimes have long used 'apolitical' scientists' achievements to establish and expand regimes' intolerant and violent ideologies. We use that historical relationship to argue fascism is science education's business. Given the fear that current political discourses in many countries are again swinging towards fascism, we outline potential pathways for science education which focus on the social and emotional development of students. We argue that to develop a "pedagogy for democracy," that attends to equity and social justice, it is imperative it enables pupils to develop at a psychological level with diverse others, including through their own agency. This pedagogy builds on critical pedagogies.

The focus of this response to Arthur Galamba and Brian Matthews's 'Science education against the rise of fascist and authoritarian movements: towards the development of a Pedagogy for Democracy' is to underpin a critical pedagogy that can be used as a counterbalancing force against repressive ideologies within science classrooms. Locating science education within the traditions of critical pedagogy allows us to interrogate some of the historical, theoretical, and practical contradictions that have challenged the field, and to consider science learning as part of a wider struggle for social justice in education. My analysis draws specifically on the intellectual ideas of Paulo Freire, whose work continues to influence issues of theoretical, political, and pedagogical importance. A leading social thinker in educational practice, Freire rejected the dominant hegemonic view that classroom discourse is a neutral and value-free process removed from the juncture of cultural, historical, social, and political contexts. Freire's ideas offer several themes of relevance to this discussion, including his banking conception of education, dialog and conscientization, and teaching as a political activity. I attempt to show how these themes can be used to advance a more socially critical and democratic approach to science teaching.

This article explores the life histories of virtuoso classical music soloists with particular reference to conservatoire provision. Detailed life-history interviews were conducted with six virtuosi between May 2018 and January 2019. These participants were three singers, two cellists and a concert pianist. Resultant qualitative data were stored in an NVivo software database and understood through a process of analytic induction. Key findings spotlight the significance of Higher Education, a connection between broad creative and cultural interest and musical excellence, and a significant role for conservatoires in diversifying their training and easing transition into the career. The soloists also warned of dangers relating to controlling teachers, loss of autonomy and a need to convey their career realities to students.

The examination of neo-fascism, especially in Latin American countries such as Brazil requires the examination of some differences that make the expression of the phenomenon irreplicable in social backgrounds as different as in Brazil. Thus, the objective of this article was to problematize the contemporary socio-political configuration of Brazil under neo-fascism and reflect on the public university in this context. For this purpose, we opted for the textual modality of essay, due to the possibility that guidance is given not by the search for answers and true statements, but by questions that can guide the subjects towards deeper reflections. The text addresses the neo-fascistizing traits and their manifestation in the context of Brazilian higher education policy based on five characteristics that bring with them arguments to take stock of the current social scenario in Brazil under the Bolsonaro government.

Despite numerous studies demonstrating that authoritarian leadership and benevolent leadership exert incompatible influence on an individual's creativity, the combined effects of authoritarian leadership and benevolent leadership on an individual's creativity and the related mechanisms have yet to be explained. This study tests a model that considers the combined effects of authoritarian and benevolent leadership on graduate student creativity in the universities in China, while also examining the mediating role of the intrinsic motivation of graduate students. Multisource data were collected from 297 graduate students in 60 university scientific research teams in China. The results show that when authoritarian leadership and benevolent leadership are in congruence, the intrinsic motivation of graduate students and their creativity increase as supervisor authoritarianism and benevolence increases. When authoritarian leadership and benevolent leadership are in discrepancy, the intrinsic motivation of graduate students is higher when low supervisor authoritarianism is combined with high benevolence; however, the findings also show that low authoritarian leadership combined with high benevolent leadership would not increase graduate student creativity. The relationship between authoritarian-benevolent leadership and graduate student creativity is partially mediated by intrinsic motivation. The theoretical and practical implications of the results are discussed.

Since the 1980s, right-wing extremism, radicalism, and populism have emerged as transformative forces in European politics. This unexpected resurgence has triggered an interdisciplinary scholarly effort to refine our understanding of the far right. Educationalists, however, have largely been absent from this endeavour, leaving us unable to theorise and address the potential effects of the far right's political and cultural growth on European education. This article aims to provide an empirically based conceptional groundwork for educational research on the far right. Drawing on archival research and content analysis of programmatic material produced by diverse and influential far-right organisations in France, (West) Germany, and Italy, I show that the post-war European far right disposes of the two essential features of a social movement: an action-oriented frame that reduces educational reforms to a common contentious theme, and a dense organisational network. The latter engages in institutional and contentious politics, as well as education. Theoretically, these findings suggest that, in the realm of education, the far right ought to be conceptualised as a social movement that seeks to influence education policy, and represents itself an educational actor. Addressing the far right's multifaceted educational engagement thus requires a combined effort across European education research.

The idea of a "hyper-surveillance" state that devolves school management to the private sector and local governments, but, at the same time, evaluates, inspects, and sanctions schools in the name of "educational quality and equality," has been advocated by diverse sectors, right and center-left, conservative and liberal, pro-privatization, and pro-public education. It is a "seductive policy." This article is based on the case of Chile, which in recent decades has consolidated a "performative school market" model. The study is based on an examination of official speeches and policy documents (a total of 84 documents), from the germination of the model in 1979 through to 2011 when the "Quality Assurance Education System" law was passed. Following Foucault's studies in governmentality, the analysis not only aims to understand the policies that led to the creation of the hyper-surveillance state in education, but also seeks to examine the policy rationale that made these transformations desirable. The research analysis is also intended to contribute to a broader understanding of the spread of testing and accountability policies around the world.

In this commentary, Elana Michelson responds to Chad Hoggan and Tetyana Kloubert's critique of Michelson's "The Ethical Knower: Rethinking Our Pedagogy in the Age of Trump" (2019). Michelson concludes that Hoggan and Kloubert are right to call attention to the reemergence of fascist discourse and action across much of the globe and to ask how--explicitly, strategically, and, yes, theoretically--adult learning might respond. They join Michelson in the commitment to countering the assault of public racist discourse at the highest level, the willingness on the part of millions to discount the most basic democratic principles, and the ongoing, horrific global inequalities in the economy, health care, criminal justice, and the environment. In focusing on transformative learning, however, Hoggan and Kloubert miss her main point, Michelson says, which was not only to critique transformational learning (TL) and narrative pedagogy but also to ask the reader to revisit the ways in which the theories that are explicitly or tacitly embraced do or don't respond to this difficult political moment. Progressive adult education has never been successful except when it is part of a larger social movement. New intellectual and political bridges are needed as well as a wider conversation about the public life of information and ideas. [For Michelson's "The Ethical Knower: Rethinking Our Pedagogy in the Age of Trump" (2019), see EJ1218327. For Hoggan and Kloubert's critique, "Transformative Learning in Theory and Practice" (2020), see EJ1258975.]

The aim of this study is to examine the role of executive functions (EF) in explaining the association between parenting and externalizing behaviour problems (EBP) in early school-age children. A representative sample consisted of 175 parents and 36 teachers. Parents completed Parental Acceptance-Rejection Questionnaire, Parenting Style Questionnaire, and Childhood Executive Functioning Inventory. Teachers completed Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire. The results of structural equation modelling showed indirect effects of authoritarian parenting and parental indifference/neglect (but not authoritative parenting and parental warmth/affection) on children's EBP through the mediation of children's EF deficits. Additionally, analyses revealed both direct and indirect effects of parental hostility/aggression on children's EBP through the mediation of children's EF deficits. The study suggests that EF deficits contribute to social difficulties of children whose parents exhibit high levels of negative parenting style and practices. The study indicates that interventions should be aimed at children' s EF training programmes.

The authors examined how the spaces and structures of literacy classrooms were organized, inhabited, and felt by teachers and students in a new project-based high school. The authors attended specifically to the political valence of these feelings: how educators characterized certain spatial arrangements (modular furniture and flexible seating) and curricular structures (asynchronous learning) as feeling democratic, in contrast to an authoritarianism that they associated with other instructional orders. The authors recognized that these descriptors, more than mere metaphors, were expressions of affective attachments that conditioned the classrooms that literacy educators worked to build--what the authors call affective imaginaries. These imaginaries, the authors argue, have material consequences both for how educators shape the world of the literacy classroom and for what practices are sanctioned, celebrated, and undermined therein. The authors drew from a three-year immersive ethnography in an urban public school to explore how educators imagined and shaped democratic literacy classrooms, how students worked within and against these imaginaries, and how resulting frictions impacted literacy learning in these classroom-worlds. Findings center on two interrelated tensions: (1) how infrastructures associated with democratic classrooms, at times, worked against other infrastructures on which students depended for literacy practice; and (2) how these incongruities led to new ways of surveilling students' autonomy in their literacy learning. The authors conclude by considering how these findings might guide literacy educators not only in attending to the ostensive, normative, and performative dimensions of affective imaginaries in classrooms but also in opening alternate imaginaries, better attuned to the equitable flourishing of all students.

Could there be a better instance of ethical conflict at the scene of the modern Western university than the case of Martin Heidegger, who in 1933 became a Nazi, arguably to elevate his own standing and career? In this article I examine the opposing ethical forces that animated Heidegger's brief foray into Nazism, to ask whether the same forces continue to be found in the technocratized university described by Bill Readings. I address Heidegger's own philosophy as a context in which these conflicting ethical forces are confronted, using metaphorical references to "Pollyanna" and "Cujo." This absorption of literary allusions within a contribution to educational philosophy seeks deliberately to break the stranglehold that empiricism has on the discipline of education. It regards the hegemony of empiricism as an ideological fetishism. I am using the work of Jacques Derrida to deconstruct the idea of the university, with Heidegger's political opportunism as symptomatic of current patterns of self-marketing, self-promotion, and entrepreneurialism amongst academics.

Universal suffrage is an essential component of Western democracy in the twenty-first century, but the role of education in supporting universal suffrage in Hong Kong is a challenge given its fractured political system and governance, societal divisions about political goals, and democratic aspirations within an authoritarian state. This study examines the views of teachers regarding the effectiveness of Hong Kong's current citizenship education in cultivating students' citizenship towards the development of a democratic society. The results revealed that current citizenship education does help students foster some characteristics of good citizenship, but doubt its efficacy towards the development of democratic principles such as universal suffrage. Hong Kong is unlike many post-colonial states and Hong Kong teachers face specific challenges in terms of democratic development. While this study focuses on Hong Kong, its results are relevant to educators in other places who face similar challenges and issues under polarised and pluralised societies.

This paper starts with an apparently provocative question--can we call the 2019 Water Revolution in Hong Kong a lesson of emancipatory education which awakens students' critical consciousness and brings the postcolonial regime into democratic renewal? The mass social unrest, which was initially triggered by a controversial extradition legislation, has prompted local journalism and political discourse to speak of 'the failure of education': an outmoded form of citizenship education, lack of Chinese History as a core subject, radicalisation in school, regression in science and technology education, to name just few examples of crisis talk. Our discussion explores this question through the philosophical lens of Jacques Rancière. In Rancière's understanding, 'emancipation' occurs in the ephemeral moments of subjectification in which individuals resist existing identity positions in the 'police' order, but speak on their own terms through 'dissensual' responses, under the supposition of 'equality' of 'intelligence'. Episodes of the movement may look defiant but are not the rare moments of 'dissensus' in which people are unshackled from the prevalent distribution of the sensible. An example from this movement that borders on what Rancière means by 'emancipation' is the redistribution of chemistry knowledge about tear gas on a social media platform, which is initiated and crowdfunded by a group of anonymous postgraduate science students and circulated by a chemistry tutor from a private tuition school.

This article charts some of the historical paths that have helped bring forth, in late-modern societies, what I call scientised educational discourses and practices. Though the project of forming the 'scientific man' can be traced back to the nineteenth century, it is argued that the nature of the project changed once it became aligned with the Cold War sciences, especially cybernetics, computer science and psychology. How former military scientists and researchers from various disciplines generated algorithmic and computational ideas of the human mind that entered the fields of education, teaching and learning during the Cold War era is reconstructed. These ideas not only had a decisive role in shaping scientised subjects such as the lifelong learner, they also inspired the emergence of new scientific disciplines. One example is the field of empirically based educational research in West Germany, which -- in its 'scientised form -- was not very well established in West Germany prior to the 1960s.

After decades of a savage global capitalist nightmare both in the United States and around the globe, the mobilizing passions of fascism have been unleashed unlike anything we have seen since the 1930s. The denial of the most basic elements of neoliberal fascism appears more difficult in the age of mass pandemics. Neoliberal violence now takes place under the assumption that it has escaped all control. How else to explain the collapse of public health systems underfunded for years as a result of neoliberal rule; the language of hate and violence aimed at people of color, especially under the former Trump administration; and the staggering increase in inequality in American society and its shameless counterpoint in massive increases in wealth among the ruling financial elite in an era of growing unemployment, and humans suffering in the age of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Immediate solutions such as defunding the police and improving community services are important, but they do not deal with the larger issue of eliminating a market-driven economic system structured in massive racial and economic inequalities. The renowned educator David Harvey is right in arguing that the "immediate task is nothing more nor less than the self-conscious construction of a new political framework for approaching the question of inequality [and racism], through a deep and profound critique of our economic and social system" (Harvey, 2020). This is a crisis in which different threads of oppression must be understood as part of the general crisis of capitalism. The various protests now evolving internationally at the popular level offer the promise of new global movements for the struggle for popular sovereignty and economic, racial, and social justice. Central to this struggle is the challenge of destroying the neoliberal global order. In the current moment, democracy may be under severe threat and appear frighteningly vulnerable, but with young people and others engaged in uprisings across the globe--inspired, energized, and marching in the streets--the future of a radical democracy is waiting to breathe again.

Mainstream approaches in comparative education have paid more attention to trends in donors' priorities than to policy processes in recipient countries, overlooking the agency of national governments in the institutional configuration of vocational education and training (VET) in developing contexts. Drawing on constructivist political economy and historical institutionalist frameworks, the paper analyses the role played by global development paradigms and ideas in the VET policy reforms adopted in Chile during the period between 1964 and 2005. The study shows how the selective adoption of international development ideas in Chile was mediated by the ideological orientation of national government administrations in each historical period. It also shows how the main goals of VET policies evolved as the economy tertiarised and the demand for education grew among lower social classes. Finally, the paper identifies the military dictatorship as a path-shaping moment in the institutional configuration of VET in Chile, as it was able to impose a radical transformation of the system from central planning to decentralised market competition. This profound transformation generated institutional path-dependencies that restricted the capacity of future democratic governments to reverse the market model in VET.

Recent research has focused either on the internationalisation of China's higher education (HE) as soft power, or on soft power with 'Chinese characteristics'. There is a paucity of research combining these two foci. This paper fills this gap by: (i) unravelling the meanings and features of the 'Chinese characteristics' embodied in the policies of President Xi Jinping's new regime that seeks to rejuvenate the 'civilisational state' through internationalising HE as soft power; (ii) analysing the implications and complications therein; and (iii) exploring the predicaments and paradoxes as China seeks to construct a Sino-centric world order alongside, if not atop, the Westphalian system. It demonstrates how the internationalisation of HE as soft power with 'Chinese characteristics': finds its legitimacy in a historico-cultural narrative; rides on the tide of the current global norms/practices; builds on national agenda/priorities; and is running into conflict with the West which is pursuing its own similar interests.

The Bantu Education system, which replaced missionary-run black schooling in the mid-1950s, expanded schooling to accommodate the basic economic needs of the South African economy but it was done as cheaply as possible. The state paid teachers' salaries and in return it expected obedience and conformity from its employees. It was a tight-fisted, authoritarian education system, which stifled aspiration and human creativity. Yet, I want to argue in this paper, it unintentionally opened spaces which could nurture human ambition. I am not talking here about ambition merely for upward social mobility but for an assertion of humanity in the midst of a dehumanising social order. Morris Isaacson High School in Soweto was one of those spaces. I will show that Morris Isaacson, from the 1960s to the early 1990s, was a place where young people from mostly very poor backgrounds could aspire to be something more than an economic unit, where they could become creative and rounded human beings. Although the academic ethos of the school should not be underestimated, a variety of cultural, intellectual, and sports activities, which had no direct economic utility, enriched the lives of students and expanded their horizons.

Soldier newspapers on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War constitute a source of around 500 publications, 228 of which are illustrated. This article is the result of a visual and textual analysis of these 228 publications. Our aim was to discover how photography of cultural and educational events was used in this type of press publication to not only inform but also educate soldiers by building visual discourses that were more striking and effective than the texts. After analyzing the images, we concluded that through these publications visual strategies were developed. The images, by themselves, were capable of transmitting to the soldiers the ideas about culture and education that the Republican side wanted to implement during the war. The photographs convey the idea to soldiers that comprehensive training was required not just to defeat fascism but also to start and achieve social revolution itself. Taking into account that around 80% of those in the People's Republican Army were illiterate, these visual narratives comprised an important tool for cultural promotion amongst combatants.

The Alt-Right are an online racist group where multiple characters from the "intellectual dark web" or White identitarian right come together; trolls, incels, men's rights activists, and ironic gamers intersect with right populist movements, Neo-romantic reactionaries, and Christian nationalists. Not limited to a hidden far-right separatist group, their articles, videos, memes, and posts circulate to a broader audience, moving from sites like 4chan and Reddit, though to Facebook and YouTube. In this paper, the author explores the public pedagogy of the Alt-Right, specifically the language they use to critique public education and shape their own alternatives. Online, they use transgressive, liberatory, postmodern language, to promote anti-modern, racist, conspiratorial ideas. In education, this transgressive discourse takes the language of diversity, criticality, anti-hegemony to promote a reactionary populist commonsense. The right frames the left as dull PC schoolmasters. The right frames themselves as critical warriors--they speak post-truth to power. Through digital ethnography of conservative media, the author develops the concept of postmodern reactionary populism to analyze how right populist educational discourse and organizing co-opts the critical voices of the left.

As part of a larger mixed-method study on teacher evaluation, this paper explores how cultural and socio-political contexts of the Israeli Arab public schools inform principals' high-stakes evaluation processes for attaining tenure. Concepts from micropolitical theory were used to analyse data from in-depth semi-structured interviews with twenty novice teachers and twenty principals. Findings from the qualitative data suggest that power relations and contextual features of Israeli-Arab society such as collectivism and face-keeping direct how decisions are made and limit the work of the actors involved. The study provides insights into how principals exercise their power to attain what they interpret as teacher quality while evaluating teachers, and how the latter interpret such power relations in their local contexts. It also suggests the need for substantive groundwork in preparing prospective teachers for the high-stakes teacher evaluation processes that characterise the Israeli-Arab education system and the efforts to maintain teacher quality.

This article discusses the recent expansion and democratization of Brazil's higher education system from the beginning of the twenty-first century to the present, concluding with its contemporary clash with the far-right government, which has placed universities and scientific knowledge under attack -- an experience had around the globe. In the last two decades, Brazilian public universities have become more diverse in terms of the class and racial backgrounds of students, as well as their larger expansion with new campuses in the hinterlands, the Amazon, and the peripheries of metropolitan areas. Private higher education has also expanded enormously -- in part, thanks to capital concentration, inflow of foreign capital, massive public subsidies and oligopolistic strategies. In both public and private sectors, Brazilian higher education has experienced a renascence. However, since 2018, the new power bloc, concentrated around President Bolsonaro and the far right, chose Public Universities and the National Science and Research system as one of its main targets. The current regressive moment in Brazil it is not an exception, in different countries universities and science are under attack. Ultimately, this article seeks to contribute, not only to a better understanding of Brazil's on-going experience, but also to the larger public debate on higher education policy in the Global South and other countries facing similar challenges.