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The digital turn might as well be marked as an Asian turn. From flash-mobs in Taiwan to feminist mobilisations in India, from hybrid media strategies of Syrian activists to cultural protests in Thailand, we see the emergence of political acts that transform the citizen from being a beneficiary of change to becoming an agent of change. In co-shaping these changes, what the digital shall be used for, and what its consequences will be, are both up for speculation and negotiation. Digital Activism in Asia marks a particular shift where these questions are no longer being refracted through the ICT4D logic, or the West’s attempts to save Asia from itself, but shaped by multiplicity, unevenness, and urgencies of digital sites and users in Asia. This reader crowd-sources critical tools, concepts, analyses, and annotations, self-identified by a network of change makers in Asia as important in their own practices within their own contexts., Nishant Shah: Foreword Denisse Albornoz: From Taboo to Beautiful. Menstrupedia Esra'a Al Shafei: Keeping Our Voices Loud. The Evolution of CrowdVoice.org Maesy Angelina: Digital Natives’ Alternative Approach to Social Change Sumandro Chattapadhya: We Come from an Activist Background. An Interview with Htaike Htaike Aung, MIDO Anat Ben-David: Digital Natives and the Return of the Local Cause Sumandro Chattapadhyay: Greatfire.org Tracey Cheng: Taiwan’s Sunflower Protest. Digital Anatomy of a Movement Armand Hurault: Digital Revolution in Reverse. Syria’s Media Diversifies Offline Rachel Jolley: India Calling Youngmi Kim: Digital Populism in South Korea? Internet Culture and the Trouble with Direct Participation Merlyna Lim: Many Clicks but Little Sticks: Social Media Activism in Indonesia Subhashish Panigrahi: Rising Voices. Indigenous Language Digital Activism Prabhas Pokharel: Towards 2 Way Participation Urvashi Sarkar: Wikipedia, Bhanwari Devi and the Need for an Alert Feminist Public YiPing (Zona) Tsou: Digital Natives in the Name of a Cause. From “Flash Mob” to “Human Flesh Search” Hu Yong: Three Forces Acting behind the Development of the Internet Huma Yusuf: Old and New Media. Converging During the Pakistan Emergency (March 2007 – February 2008) Weiyu Zhang: Redefining Youth Activism through Digital Technology in Singapore

Drawing on empirical cases from Indonesia, this article offers a critical approach to the promise of social media activism by analysing the complexity and dynamics of the relationship between social media and its users. Rather than viewing social media activism as the harbinger of social change or dismissing it as mere “slacktivism,” the article provides a more nuanced argument by identifying the conditions under which participation in social media might lead to successful political activism. In social media, networks are vast, content is overly abundant, attention spans are short, and conversations are parsed into diminutive sentences. For social media activism to be translated into populist political activism, it needs to embrace the principles of the contemporary culture of consumption: light package, headline appetite and trailer vision. Social media activism is more likely to successfully mobilise mass support when its narratives are simple, associated with low risk actions and congruent with dominan...

This article examines the relationship between youth, digital technology and civic engagement, within the context of the authoritarian democracy of Singapore. In-depth interviews with 23 young activists were conducted to provide information regarding the emergence of digital activism. The findings are presented in three parts. First, the article explains how activism has been understood in the Singaporean context, and how young activists understand, appropriate or reject this concept. Through this exercise of (re)defining activism, we are able to see how ICT goes beyond its function as a tool, and for young activists becomes an important component of their political lexicon. Second, the article examines generational shift through the young activists’ own accounts of their parents and seniors, including how the prominence of ICT differs between older and younger activists. Third, it explores current use of ICT in activism, examining different types of technology and their advantages and shortcomings.

This article reviews three recent books by four authors (two single, one joint) from Australia and Africa. The three books are related in that they all discuss the need to acknowledge the role of dialogic communication and popular participation as catalysts for sustainable social development in the developing world. Specifically, "Public Relations, Activism and Social Change" proposes that public relations (PR) needs to transform itself into public communication (PC), where people are made to make decisions based on dialogue and the correctness of the information rather than out of manipulative propaganda. "People's Radio" argues that radio can lead to tangible and long-lasting social change if it engages the primary beneficiaries in the planning, production presentation of the programs and management of (community) radio stations. "Evaluating Communication for Development" argues that through indicators defined by the local people themselves, evaluators can find evidence of social change brought about by communication for development activities. The book suggests that to be effective, monitoring and evaluation of communication for development ought to be participatory and use qualitative data collection tools such as focus groups, in-depth interviews, and most significant change (MSC) evaluations.URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs140383, Este artículo revisa tres libros recientes de cuatro autores (dos individuales, uno colectivo) de Australia y África. Los tres libros se relacionan en que todos discuten la necesidad de reconocer el papel de la comunicación dialógica y la participación popular como catalizadores para el desarrollo social sostenible en el mundo en desarrollo. Específicamente, "Public Relations, Activism and Social Change" propone que las relaciones públicas (RP) tienen que transformarse en comunicación pública (CP), en donde las personas están hechas para tomar decisiones basadas en el diálogo y exactitud de la información en vez de la propaganda manipuladora. "People's Radio" sostiene que la radio puede conducir a un cambio social tangible y duradero si involucra a los principales beneficiarios en la planificación, la presentación de producción de los programas y la gestión de las estaciones de radio (de la comunidad). "Evaluating Communication for Development" argumenta que a través de indicadores definidos por los propios habitantes locales, los evaluadores pueden encontrar evidencia de cambio social producida por la comunicación para las actividades de desarrollo. El libro sugiere que para ser eficaz, el seguimiento y la evaluación de la comunicación para el desarrollo deben ser participativos y utilizar herramientas de recogida de datos cualitativos como los grupos focales, entrevistas en profundidad, y evaluaciones más significativas de cambio (MSC).URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs140383, In diesem Beitrag werden drei gerade erschienene Bücher besprochen, deren Autor/innen aus Australien bzw. Afrika stammen. Gemeinsam ist den Büchern, dass sie die Notwendigkeit von öffentlicher Kommunikation und Teilhabe als Katalysatoren einer nachhaltigen sozialen Entwicklung in den sogenannten "Entwicklungsländern" unterstreichen. In "Public Relations, Activism and Social Change" wird vorgeschlagen, Konzepte der Public Relations in Richtung von "Public Communication" zu transformieren, sodass für Entscheidungsprozesse dialogische Aushandlungsprozesse und die Verlässlichkeit von Informationen wesentlich sind statt manipulativer Propaganda. "People's Radio" verdeutlicht, wie greifbare und andauernde Wandlungsprozesse initiiert werden können, wenn potenzielle Nutzer/innen bereits in die Planung, aber auch in die Programmgestaltung und den Betrieb gemeinschaftlicher Rundfunkanstalten involviert sind. "Evaluating Communication for Development" zeigt, dass Menschen lokal bereits in die Definition von Indikatoren einbezogen werden sollten und dass Monitoring und Evaluation partizipativ konzipiert werden sollten unter Nutzung von Fokusgruppen, Interviews und Most-Significant-Change-Techniken.URN: http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs140383

Rejecting the dichotomy of centralism and horizontalism that has deeply marked millennial politics, Rodrigo Nunes’ close analysis of network systems demonstrates how organising within contemporary social and political movements exists somewhere between – or beyond – the two. Rather than the party or chaos, the one or the multitude, he discovers a ‘bestiary’ of hybrid organisational forms and practices that render such disjunctives false. The resulting picture shows how social and technical networks can and do facilitate strategic action and fluid distributions of power at the same time. It is by developing the strategic potentials that are already immanent to networks, he argues, that contemporary solutions to the question of organisation can be developed.

"Außergewöhnlich spät, erst 1971, erhielten Schweizerinnen die politischen Staatsbürgerrechte. Zu diesem Zeitpunkt waren Feministinnen der Neuen Frauenbewegung bereits seit mehreren Jahren außerparlamentarisch aktiv. Mit dem Stimm- und Wahlrecht erweiterte sich nun ihr politisches Wirkungs- und Handlungsfeld grundlegend. Doch unter den mächtigen Parteien vermochte einzig die Sozialdemokratische Partei SPS, eine gewisse Anziehungskraft auf die Bewegungsaktivistinnen auszuüben. So traten einige von ihnen Ende der 1970er-Jahre denn auch der Partei bei. Der Beitrag geht der Frage nach, wie dieser Einschluss von Feministinnen in die SPS verlief - eine Partei, die mit ihren hierarchischen Strukturen den Organisationsformen der neuen Frauenbewegung diametral entgegenstand, deren Genossen sich immer mal wieder als 'rote Patriarchen' entpuppten und wo die Frauenfrage stets als Nebenwiderspruch behandelt wurde. Konnten die Feministinnen inhaltliche, programmatische und strukturelle Akzente setzen, wurden sie lediglich von der Partei vereinnahmt oder drehten sie dieser gar nach einiger Zeit enttäuscht den Rücken?" (Autorenreferat), "Only in 1971, Swiss women received political citizenship rights. At that time, feminists from the women's liberation movement had been actively involved in non-parliamentary politics for several years. With the right to vote and the right for election, however, their field of political action was expanded fundamentally. But among powerful parties only the Social Democrats SPS appealed to activists. Thus, by the end of the 1970s, some of the activists joined the party. This article examines how feminists were included into the SPS - a party whose structures were completely different from the non-hierarchical women’s liberation movement, whose comrades often turned out to be 'red patriarchs' and where gender issues were always treated as side contradictions. Were the feminists able to put emphasis on changes regarding content, program and structures of the party Did the SPS only incorporate them for the purpose of own interests? Did the feminists eventually turn their back on the party disappointedly?" (author's abstract)

Pornography reappropriated by feminist and queer pornographers is being reimagined as a site of activist productions, be it through the reshaping of desire or engaging with wider discussions of representational politics. Here, I take up Shine Louise Houston’s feature length film, The Wild Search, as a unique case study for addressing the relationship between debates of identity politics and queer activist practice. K. Heintzman, ‘Identity Politics Redux’, in Multistable Figures: On the Critical Potential of Ir/Reversible Aspect-Seeing, ed. by Christoph F. E. Holzhey, Cultural Inquiry, 8 (Vienna: Turia + Kant, 2014), pp. 141–61

Review of: Rodrigo Nunes, Organisation of the Organisationless. Collective Action After Networks. London, Lüneburg: Mute & Post Media Lab 2014

The thesis explores the unique structure of political opportunity that emerged in front of Czech civil society organizations during the Czech presidency to the Council of the EU. Case study analyses how the Czech section of Amnesty International (AI CR) influenced public- policy agenda in the area of human rights. The starting point for the thesis is the formulation of the problem which is considered to be the weak influence of civil society organizations over public policy agenda as well as in-adequate use of the structure of political opportunity. Based on the structure of political opportunity theory we sought to determine whether the organization succeeded in mobilization of its internal structure and resources. We also focused on the transnational aspect of the opportunity. We tested the validity of hypotheses in a quantitative way when we measured the indicators of transactional capacity and mobilization capacity. According to the results AI CR was not able to mobilize enough activists. On the other hand, it was able to use the opportunity for transnational mobilization and networking. The most successful methods of activism proved to be those without confrontation. Further, the organizational structure of the organization is affected by bureaucracy which impedes its mobilization potential.

Každý nápad, strategie nebo proces, který cíleně podporuje kulturu, řeší otázky ekologie, vyzdvihuje roli zdraví nebo posiluje občanskou společnost, můžeme označit za sociální inovaci. Myslím si, že kromě tradičních služeb by knihovny měly akcentovat také tato témata. Ba co více, knihovny by měly podporovat vznik inovací pro společnost a měly by se stát jakýmisi odbornými facilitátory mezi jednotlivými zájmovými skupinami ve své lokalitě a komunitě. Knihovna by měla být schopna nabídnout bezpečné, ale překvapivé místo, kde panuje kreativní a přátelská atmosféra. To jsou podmínky pro vznik společenských inovací. Pokusím se vás přesvědčit, že knihovna by v těchto otázka měla vystupovat aktivisticky. V rámci přednášky si vyzkoušíme dvě techniky Bleskový networking a techniku Představme si budoucnost.

The aim of the work is the analysis of gay pornography from a gender perspective, which examines the anchoring process of gender and sexual stereotypes and the present opportunity and space for subversion or alternative reading. Particular attention is paid to the question of what role in the design and interpretation of these potentially subversive or affirmative moments plays a transgression of gender stereotypes and norms and related pornographic conventions based on heterosexist sexual dynamics and hierarchies. Furthermore, this work focuses on examining the role as a potential affirmative or parody pornography plays in relation to gay activism and emancipation movement, that focuses on the representation of collective identity and subculture and the structural transformation of these representations in commercially oriented pornography industry across time. For this purpose, the empirical part analysis of randomly selected gay pornographic images of Czech provenance of certain development stages of this genre in our country with a special emphasis on politics displaying protected and / or unprotected sex, and discursive compliance of these policies and their visual representations.

In recent years the whole western world is dealing with economical problems, which, doesn t matter what has caused them, logically causes the reactions of government members and another policy decision-makers in many areas of public policy. Solutions taken or proposed this way aren t always accepted in public with agreement what leads to genesis of activist and protest movements. And few of these movements are focused in this work. Specifically it s a Vzd lání není zbo í! (Education is not a commodity!); ProAlt; Za svobodné vysoké koly (For free colleges) which protested mainly in years 2010-2012 against a contemplated reform of sector of the tertiary education sector in the Czech republic. This reform was represented by two legislative intents of law O vysokých kolách (About colleges) and O finan ní pomoci student m (About financial aid to students). This work researches their Policy analytical capacity while the main sources of thoughts within this area are the works of professor Michael Howlett of Simon Fraser University in Canada. It is an explorative multicase study which is based on semi-structured interviews with eminent members of the mentioned organizations. Except Howlett s works the ideas of Ond ej Císa about activism in central Europe are used here. So this work researches not only how...

The aim of my thesis is on the example of network organization Czech Women's Lobby (CWL), demonstrate and analyse major issues of contemporary Czech women's NGOs communicated via Facebook, and what is the reception to them from ranks of the Facebook community. On basis of these themes, it will be analyse the relationship between what CWL considers as burning topic and what is considered crucial by the Facebook community. The subject of study is the way of Facebook usage in promoting CWL's values and goals and targeted changes on political and social levels. The theoretical part presents and explains key concepts and terminology, such as cyberactivism, civil society and active engagement within cyberspace. The empirical part describes the methods of research and research data processing. The final part includes the quantitative analysis of Facebook posts followed by the qualitative analysis of chosen aspects of Facebook communication in relation to its use for activist purposes. The list of recommendations for effective Facebook communication is attached at the end of this work. Keywords: activism, cyberactivism, internet activitsm, Čzech Women's Lobby, Facebook, social network, new media, NNO

Text represents the personality of Josef Harry Jelinek. The aim of this work is to provide a comprehensive picture of Josef Harry Jelinek and present it as a journalist and publisher. Most of existing texts does not deal with his journalistic and publishing career. his text is particularly keen to introduce lesser-known part of Jelínek personality. Initially, the work is devoted to the life of Josef Harry Jelinek until 1938. The most important part of the work is the analysis of Jelinek's writing and publishing, which is also one of the objectives of this work. One of the chapters follows the publication of the magazine "Znova", in which Jelínek worked as editor. The text analyzes the entire magazine, points out propaganda elements and generally reflects the character of this journal. Simultaneously, the work discussed texts, the author is right Jelinek. This work contains a chapter summarizing the publishing of the European publishing house, which Jelinek led during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The text also includes a brief analysis of books published European Publishing. Books are analyzed primarily in terms of their content and the chosen theme. The text also includes a brief analysis of books published European Publishing. Books are analyzed primarily in terms of their content and...

Jede Gesellschaft bekommt den Journalismus, den sie verdient. Die Frage lautet: Ist die Öffnung zum „Mitmach-Journalismus“ wünschenswert? Täte es der Qualität des professionellen Journalismus und damit der Vermittlung gesellschaftlich relevanter Informationen und geprüften Wissens nicht besser, Pseudo-Demokratisierungen im Zugang zu professioneller Information zu problematisieren? Eine Streitschrift.

Aufbauend auf 50 Interviews mit Aktivisten und Hackern untersucht die Arbeit die Frage der politischen Rationalität mobiler Medien im systematischen Rahmen einer gouvernementalen Studie. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass die globale massive Verwendung von Mobiltelefonen einerseits zur Stärkung des westlich geprägten Individuums führt, andererseits mittels Überwachung und verschiedener staatlicher Eingriffe die neu entstandenen Freiheiten der individuellen Mobilkommunikation auf der Ebene souveräner Machtausübung wieder eingefangen werden. Dieser Dialektik von Freiheit und Überwachung wird ein dritter Teil angeschlossen, der die Möglichkeiten und Chancen autonomer Mobilkommunikation, die jenseits staatlicher oder kommerzieller Regelung operiert, diskutiert. Im Fokus stehen Open Source Funk Lösungen, wie Mash Netze. Zwei Fallstudien flankieren die Analyse: SMS zur Unterstützung und spezifischen Herausbildung von Protesten in der Anwaltsbewegung Pakistans gegen den Diktator Musharraf, und auf der anderen Seite die jahrelange Überwachung von Berliner Aktivisten durch deutsche Behörden., Based on 50 interviews with activists and hackers this work analyzes the question of political rationality of mobile media within a systematic framework of studies of governmentality. It shows how through a global and massive use of mobile phones the western concept of the individual is enforced, while at the same time by means of surveillance and other interventions these new freedoms of individual mobile communication get restricted and limited again. Following the presentation of this dialectical relation of freedom and surveillance, a third part discusses the possibilities and chances of autonomous approaches for mobile communication, which operate beyond sovereign or commercial regulation. Under discussion are open source wireless solutions, such as mesh networks. Two case studies underline the arguments: SMS as a means of support and development of protests within the Pakistan Lawyer's Movement against dictator Musharraf, and on the other side the surveillance of Berlin based activists by German authorities over years.

Mit diesem Band legte die Redaktion der MEDIENIMPULSE in Druckform einen Querschnitt der Onlineausgaben von 2009 bis 2011 vor, die folgenden Schwerpunktthemen gewidmet waren: 1/2009 Standards in der Medienbildung; 2/2009 Computerspiel; 1/2010 Medien und Sport; 2/2010 Medienethik; 3/2010 Cultural Diversity; 4/2010 Literacies; 1/2011 Politik/Macht/Medien; 2/2011 Medienaktivismus; 3/2011 Von der IKT zur Medienbildung; 4/2011 Bildbewegungen. Räume des Filmischen.

Wolfgang Sützl ; Theo Hug (eds.) Literaturangaben